Cette thèse examine, depuis une perspective durkheimienne, le conflit politique en Allemagne sur le multiculturalisme, l’immigration, et l’identité nationale. L’analyse se fait dans la période entre le début de la crise des réfugiés en 2015 et l’élection fédérale allemande de septembre 2017. J’identifie quatre idéaux moraux, soit des visions idéales de la communauté allemande qui motivent les acteurs politique : l’idéal des Autonomen qui rejettent tout forme de pouvoir et de domination, l’idéal du Verfassungspatriotismus (le patriotisme constitutionnel) de la SPD (et une partie de la CDU), l’idéal de la nation (ethno)culturelle de la plupart de l’AfD (et la CSU et la WerteUnion), et l’idéal de la nation biologique de l’extrême droite. Au cœur de chaque idéal est un objet sacré qui sert d’autorité morale qui légitimant des prescriptions morales et qui amène à une série de vérités morales et de jugements moraux, la totalité duquel Émile Durkheim identifie comme un fait moral. Pour les Autonomen et les adhérents du Verfassungspatriotismus, l’objet sacré est l’individu conçu à travers le concept de la dignité humaine. Pour les autres, l’objet sacré est la nation allemande, conçue en termes (ethno)culturels ou en termes biologiques. Cette thèse argumente que ces idéaux moraux sont intrinsèquement profanatoires, dans le sens que les prescriptions morales d’un objet sacré (la dignité humaine) violent directement l’objet sacré de l’autre (la nation), et vice-versa. Ces idéaux sont tous en concurrence pour le pouvoir et l’influence, avec comme but d’avoir accès au pouvoir étatique allemand. Le résultat est un conflit politique qui traduit essentiellement un conflit moral. Ces conflits ont lieu dans le domaine légal, au sein des partis politique, et à travers la violence politique. Ces conflits touchent un nombre de sujets clés comme la liberté d’expression, le multiculturalisme, et l’extrémisme politique. La présente thèse cherche à comprendre ces conflits à travers le prisme du concept durkheimien du fait moral, et développe une sociologie du conflit moral durkheimien. Cette thèse s’inspire également de la théorie de conflit de Randall Collins, qui s’inspire elle aussi de l’œuvre de Durkheim. / This dissertation examines, from a Durkheimian perspective, political conflict in Germany around the issues of multiculturalism, immigration, and national identity within the context of the Refugee Crisis beginning in 2015 and ending roughly with the German Federal Election in September 2017. It identifies four moral ideals, or ideal visions of the German community, that motivated political actors during this period: the Autonomen ideal that rejects all forms of power and domination; the ideal of Verfassungspatriotismus (Constitutional Patriotism) of the SPD (and parts of the CDU); the ideal of the cultural or ethnocultural nation of much of the AfD (and the CSU and WerteUnion); and the ideal of the biological nation on the far-right. At the heart of each moral ideal is a sacred object that serves as a moral authority that legitimates certain moral prescriptions, and leads to a set of moral truths and moral judgments, the totality of which Émile Durkheim identifies as a moral fact. For the Autonomen and adherents of Verfassungspatriotismus the sacred object is the individual understood through the concept of human dignity. For others the sacred object is the German nation, understood either in an (ethno)cultural sense or a biological sense. As the dissertation argues, these different moral ideals are inherently profanatory to each other, such that the moral prescriptions inspired by one sacred object (human dignity) directly violate the sacred object of the other (the nation), and vice-versa. These ideals all compete with each other for power and influence within the German political sphere as a means to gain access to (or to dismantle) state power. The result is political conflict that takes place essentially within a moral framework. These conflicts occur in the legal domain, in battles over party leadership and membership, and through political violence; they touch on a number of key issues such as free speech, multiculturalism, and political extremism. This dissertation seeks to understand these conflicts through the prism of Durkheim’s concept of the moral fact and to develop a Durkheimian sociology of moral conflict. In this analysis, the dissertation draws on Randall Collins’ conflict theory, which Durkheim’s work also largely inspires.

Hate crime has emerged as a new ‘crime problem’ in Denmark, which has led to legislative adjustments and requirements of the police to improve identification, registration and handling of hate crime. International research shows that the investigation of hate crime is a complex issue not least because hate crime is legally not a crime category but an aggravating circumstance in principle to any crime. There exist no studies of hate crime policing in Denmark, and this study aims to fill a knowledge gap by a qualitative exploration of the processing of hate crime in the criminal justice system in a Danish context and from the perspective of the police, which is a relatively overlooked perspective. Specifically, the study explores why many hate crimes are filtered out through the criminal justice system, and through a thematic analysis the study identifies a number of challenges on a legal, organizational and practise level, that all contributes to a filtering out of hate crime throughout the Danish criminal justice system. Goldstein’s theory of problem-oriented policing is used as framework to discuss the implications of law in hate crime policing. The Danish police is expected to deal more effectively with the hate crime problem, and more knowledge on what works in hate crime policing is needed.   Keywords: Hate crime, investigation, criminal justice processing, problem-oriented policing, thematic analysis.

El objetivo del siguiente trabajo es analizar cómo se manifiestan y regulan los discursos de odio en redes sociales relacionados al clasismo étnico en el Perú. En ese sentido, la pregunta de investigación es la siguiente: ¿Cómo se manifiestan y regulan los discursos de odio en redes sociales relacionados al clasismo étnico en el Perú? Para poder responder esta pregunta se han explicado diversos términos dentro del marco teórico tales como: Discursos de odio, redes sociales, clasismo étnico en el Perú, libertad de expresión, etc. Cada uno guarda relación con el otro para poder comprender de forma general el tema y cómo existen variantes que determinan la expansión y poca regulación del discurso de odio con contenido racista y clasista. Para ello, se ha realizado un diseño metodológico basado en el análisis de contenido con un paradigma de constructivismo social, y se han realizado instrumentos como una matriz de análisis de contenido para clasificar los comentarios de los contenidos analizados y una guía de entrevista para poder conocer la opinión de los usuarios que pertenecen a esta comunidad sobre este tipo de contenidos y la gestión que tiene Facebook para censurarlos o permitir que sigan circulando indiscriminadamente. / The objective of the following work is to analyze how hate speech is manifested and regulated in social networks related to ethnic classism in Peru. In this sense, the research question is the following: ¿How is hate speech in social networks related to ethnic classism manifested and regulated in Peru? In order to answer this question, various terms have been explained within the theoretical framework such as: hate speech, social networks, ethnic classism in Peru, freedom of expression, etc. Each one is related to the other in order to understand the subject in a general way and how there are variants that determine the expansion and little regulation of hate speech with racist and class content. For this, a methodological design based on content analysis with a paradigm of social constructivism has been carried out, and instruments have been made such as a content analysis matrix to classify the comments of the analyzed content and an interview guide to be able to know the opinion of the users who belong to this community about this type of content and the management that Facebook has to censor them or allow them to continue circulating indiscriminately. / Trabajo de investigación

Today, two phenomena are growing; the constant increase in xenophobic hate crimes and the rampant presence of political and media representatives engaged in right-wing populist rhetoric aimed at defending the people from all threats. The question of how right-wing populist rhetoric influences the occurrence of these violent acts has only been addressed indirectly and partially in the academic world. This thesis tries to fill this gap, by proposing the following argument: right-wing populist rhetoric, through a process of continuous growth and affirmation, gradually creates an enemy who is ethnically “different” from the “native” people, leading to a social reaction and therefore to a consequent increase in xenophobic hate crimes. In order to verify this claim, an analysis of two periods of Italian history is conducted by means of Process Tracing. A primary case (1935-1939), focused on the Fascist Party and Mussolini with respect to two ethnic targets: Ethiopians and Jews. A secondary case (2013-2016), focused on the Lega Nord party and Salvini with respect to immigrants. The empirical results achieved provide good general support and suggest the need for further research, in order for countermeasures to be enacted by policymakers to avoid history repeating itself.

Dans le contexte actuel de la polarisation sur les réseaux sociaux, ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur la négociation à plusieurs niveaux des normes sociales relatives au discours haineux, sur le forum de Reddit. La recherche s'articule autour de la régulation du contenu par les modérateurs et les utilisateurs. Le mémoire commence par présenter le forum Reddit, son histoire et son fonctionnement avant de développer une revue de littérature sur le discours de haine et le misogynie, notamment l'absence de consensus sur sa définition ainsi que les défis juridiques et opérationnels de sa régulation. Ensuite, pour comprendre comment les utilisateurs et les modérateurs de Reddit régulent les discours de haine misogyne, le cadre conceptuel développe le concept de normes sociales, en particulier les normes sociales en ligne. Parmi les autres concepts mobilisés figurent les chambres d'écho et la théorie de l'étiquetage. Une approche qualitative a été adoptée pour faire une analyse schématique d’un corpus de données empiriques publiquement disponibles sur Reddit qui a été sélectionné pour son lien avec le discours haineux misogyne. Cinq communautés (« subreddits ») ont été sélectionnées pour explorer la manière dont les discours misogynes sont régulés. Les résultats présentent une typologie des actions disponibles pour les utilisateurs et les modérateurs, ainsi que les règles de Reddit et de chaque communauté sur lesquelles ils et elles s'appuient pour réguler le discours haineux misogyne. La typologie d'actions est représentée au sein de schémas répétitifs qui mettent en valeur la façon dont la régulation se produit sur les communautés. Plusieurs exemples illustratifs sont offerts de ces négociations réglementaires. La recherche conclue que l'étiquetage par les actions répétitives pourrait potentiellement contribuer à la négociation des normes sociales entre les utilisateurs et les modérateurs et ainsi avoir des effets sur la façon dont les échanges se produisent sur les fils de discussions, au sein du forum. Cette négociation des normes ferait donc un lien direct quant à la fine ligne qui subsiste entre la liberté d'expression et le discours haineux, et recadrer ce qui en constitue ou non, pour comprendre les types de discours acceptables sur cette plateforme. / In the current context of polarization on social networks, this Master's thesis examines the multi-level negotiation of social norms around hate speech on the Reddit forum. The research focuses on the regulation of content by moderators and users. The thesis begins by introducing the Reddit forum, its history and operations before developing a literature review on hate speech and misogyny, including a lack of consensus on its definition and the legal and operational challenges of regulating it. Then, to better understand how Reddit users and moderators regulate misogynous hate speech, the conceptual framework develops the concept of social norms, specifically online social norms. Other concept of echo chambers and labeling theory are also mobilized. The research adopts a qualitative approach to conduct schematic analysis of a body of publicly available empirical data on Reddit that was selected for its connection to misogynistic hate speech. Five communities (“subreddits”) were selected to explore how misogynistic speech is regulated. In the findings, I present a typology of actions available to users and moderators, as well as the rules of Reddit and each community that they rely on to regulate misogynistic hate speech. The typology of actions is represented within repetitive patterns that highlight how regulation occurs on communities. Several illustrative examples are offered of these regulatory negotiations. The research concludes that labeling through repetitive actions could potentially contribute to the negotiation of social norms between users and moderators and thus have effects on the way exchanges occur on threads within the forum. This negotiation of norms would thus directly relate to the fine line that remains between free speech and hate speech, thus reframing what does and does not constitute hate speech, in order to understand the types of speech that are acceptable on this platform.

The increased digitalisation has resulted in a large portion of the population being connected in a digital environment and engaging with each other on digital platforms. A certain type of problem that has been addressed involves women being targeted by online abuse, because they are seen as group members that represent their gender and characteristics related to gender. Women compared to men are more likely to be subjected to sexualised threats of violence. A committee of inquiry has recently been appointed to investigate whether offences with the motive for the act being to insult somebody on grounds of his or her gender should lead to an increased penalty value by the rule in Ch. 29, sec. 2, p. 7 of the Swedish Criminal Code (Sw. brottsbalken [1962:700]). Simultaneously the Committee will investigate if there is an actual need to include gender as a protected ground in the mentioned provision, since there is a possibility to increase the penalty value under the legislation in force due to such motive.  This essay strives to investigate how gender as a motive of crime is considered when applying the law, wherefore the current legislation will be addressed. The Committee seems to have its starting point in the rule on aggravating circumstances related to hate crime, which in its nature constitutes a part of the general hate crime legislation. Therefore, gender as a protected ground in the hate crime legislation is examined. A comparative law analysis is made to Finnish law which will include gender as a ground in a similar rule. A proposal for a directive from the European Union regarding gender-based acts is referred to, because of its impact on Swedish legislation once adopted by the European Parliament. Relevant legal literature is also of interest when answering if gender-based acts should be considered as hate crime. The protection for transgender people under hate crime legislation is briefly addressed to gain valuable insights to compare this group’s protection with cisgender persons’ current or future protection. A case study is performed with two judgments from the Courts of Appeal to discover similarities and differences between these judgements regarding the evaluation of the defendant’s motive to the crime. To not limit the sources of material a combined legal dogmatic and analytical method is applied. This method allows for the use of criminological literature and governmental manuals to answer the questions at issue. Throughout the analysis it is made clear that gender as a motive to an act, is not implemented by the courts. Furthermore, the advantages and disadvantages of a tougher legal approach, regarding gender-based acts and gender as a protected ground in the rule on aggravating circumstances related to hate crime, are discussed.  In conclusion women are far more exposed to gender-based acts in a digital environment and there are good reasons to let such motive increase the penalty value. Women as a group should be included in the rule on aggravating circumstances due to their exposure to gender-based acts. Simultaneously it is important that the Committee considers acts outside of the digital sphere, due to the general applicability of the rule. The Committee is encouraged to determine whether gender ought to be a protected ground in all hate crime legislation. / Den ökade digitaliseringen har medfört att befolkningen i stort vistas i digital miljö och interagerar med varandra på digitala plattformar. En viss problematik som har uppmärksammats är företeelsen att kvinnor blir föremål för systematiska kränkningar i digital miljö, eftersom de ses som gruppmedlemmar som representerar sitt kön och egenskaper hänförliga till könet. Kvinnor jämfört med män synes också motta bl.a. sexualiserade hot om våld i större utsträckning. En kommitté har nyligen tillsatts för att utreda om gärningar med motiv att kränka någon till följd av hans eller hennes kön ska verka straffvärdehöljande med stöd av 29 kap. 2 § 7 p. brottsbalken (1962:700). Samtidigt ska kommittén utreda om det finns ett behov att inkludera kön i straffskärpningsregeln, eftersom det enligt gällande rätt går att tillmäta ett sådant könsrelaterat motiv i straffskärpande riktning.  Uppsatsen syftar till att utreda hur kön som motiv till en gärning beaktas av rättstillämparen i dag, varför en redogörelse av gällande rätt görs. Utredningen synes utgå från straffskärpningsregeln, som till sin karaktär utgör en del av hatbrottslagstiftningen. Av denna anledning redogörs och utreds därför om kön kan utgöra en skyddad grupp inom ramen för hatbrottslagstiftningen. En rättsjämförelse görs till finsk lagstiftning som i en motsvarande hatbrottspräglad straffskärpningsregel kommer att inkludera grunden ”kön”. Även ett förslag till direktiv från Europeiska unionen utreds i fråga om könsrelaterade kränkningar eftersom detta, om det antas av Europaparlamentet, kommer att behöva harmoniseras i inhemsk strafflagstiftning. Det redogörs även för relevant juridisk litteratur för att belysa frågan om könsrelaterade gärningar kan utgöra hatbrott. Transpersoners straffrättsliga skydd i hatbrottslagstiftningen behandlas i korthet, för att kunna ge värdefulla insikter vad gäller gruppens skydd ställt mot cispersoners nuvarande eller framtida skydd. En rättsfallsstudie av två hovrättsavgöranden utförs därför för att kunna se likheter och skillnader avseende domstolarnas bedömning i fråga om motiv till gärningarna. En kombinerad rättsdogmatisk och rättsanalytisk metod används för att inte begränsa materialomfånget, utan inkluderar även viss kriminologisk litteratur och myndighetsmanualer på området för att kunna besvara frågeställningarna. I analysen konstateras att kön som motiv till en gärning inte tillmäts betydelse av domstolarna. Vidare diskuteras fördelar och nackdelar med en skärpt syn på könsrelaterade gärningar, och om grunden ”kön” ska ingå i straffskärpningsregeln som tar sikte på hatbrottsmotiv.  Slutsatsen är att kvinnor är särskilt utsatta för könsrelaterade gärningar främst i digital miljö och det finns skäl för att motivet inverkar höjande på straffvärdet. Till följd av utsattheten för könsrelaterade gärningar bör kvinnor som grupp upptas i straffskärpningsregeln, eftersom vissa företrädare utsätts för sådana gärningar till följd av sitt kön. Samtidigt är det av vikt att den svenska utredningen beaktar angrepp utanför den digitala miljön, eftersom regelns tillämpning är generell. Kommittén uppmanas även att utröna om ”kön” ska ingå i all hatbrottslagstiftning.

This thesis aims to explore the representation of transgender individuals in online Czech discourses. The study utilizes corpus linguistics to analyze news media and Facebook in order to understand the attitudes towards transgender individuals in these discourses. Previous research on gender in the Czech language and other languages is considered in order to contextualize the findings of this study. The research reflects on the Czech Press Act and Audio-visual Act, which provide guidelines for objectivity and balanced reporting in the media. Using data from Czech National Corpus the study aims to shed light on the representation of transgender individuals in online Czech discourses and provide exposure of potential hateful speech towards trans people or imbalance between the discourses. / Denna studie avser att undersöka representationer av transpersoner i webbaserade diskurser i den tjeckiska språkmiljön. I uppsatsen används korpuslingvistik för analys av nyhetstexter och Facebook med syftet att förstå vilka attityder mot transpersoner som förekommer i dessa diskurser. Tidigare lingvistisk forskning med tjeckiska korpusbaserade diskursanalyser i fokus tas i beräkning och kontextualiseras i denna studie. Tjeckisk lagstiftning kring media och objektivitetskrav reflekteras i forskningen. Denna uppsats ämnar exponera och analysera representationer av transpersoner i olika diskurser samt reflektera över huruvida kraven som den tjeckiska lagstiftningen ställer speglas i dessa onlinemiljöer.

With the rise of social media, cyberbullying and online spread of hate have become serious problems with devastating consequences. Mentimeter is an interactive presentation tool enabling the presentation audience to participate by typing their own answers to questions asked by the presenter. As the Mentimeter product is commonly used in schools, there is a need to have a strong toxicity detection program that filters out offensive and profane language. This thesis focuses on the topics of text pre-processing and robustness to datashift within the problem domain of toxicity detection for English text. Initially, it is investigated whether lemmatization, spelling correction, and removal of stop words are suitable strategies for pre-processing within toxicity detection. The pre-trained DistilBERT model was fine-tuned using an English twitter dataset that had been pre-processed using a number of different techniques. The results indicate that none of the above-mentioned strategies have a positive impact on the model performance. Lastly, modern methods are applied to train a toxicity detection model adjusted to anonymous Mentimeter user text data. For this purpose, a balanced Mentimeter dataset with 3654 datapoints was created and annotated by the thesis author. The best-performing model of the pre-processing experiment was iteratively fine-tuned and evaluated with an increasing amount of Mentimeter data. Based on the results, it is concluded that state-of-the-art performance can be achieved even when using relatively few datapoints for fine-tuning. Namely, when using around 500 − 2500 training datapoints, F1-scores between 0.90 and 0.94 were obtained on a Mentimeter test set. These results show that it is possible to create a customized toxicity detection program, with high performance, using just a small dataset. / I och med sociala mediers stora framtåg har allvarliga problem såsom nätmobbning och spridning av hat online blivit allt mer vanliga. Mentimeter är ett interaktivt presentationsverktyg som gör det möjligt för presentations-publiken att svara på frågor genom att formulera egna fritextsvar. Eftersom Mentimeter ofta används i skolor så finns det ett behov av ett välfungerande program som identifierar och filtrerar ut kränkande text och svordomar. Den här uppsatsen fokuserar på ämnena textbehandling och robusthet gentemot dataskifte i en kontext av identifiering av kränkande språk för engelsk text. Först undersöks det huruvida lemmatisering, stavningskorrigering, samt avlägsnande av stoppord är lämpliga textbehandlingstekniker i kontexten av identifiering av kränkande språk. Den förtränade DistilBERT-modellen används genom att finjustera dess parameterar med ett engelskt Twitter-dataset som har textbehandlats med ett antal olika tekniker. Resultaten indikerar att ingen av de nämnda strategierna har en positiv inverkan på modellens prestanda. Därefter användes moderna metoder för att träna en modell som kan identifiera kränkande text anpassad efter anonym data från Mentimeter. Ett balancerat Mentimeter-dataset med 3654 datapunkter skapades och annoterades av uppsatsförfattaren. Därefter finjusterades och evaluerades den bäst presterande modellen från textbehandlingsexperimentet iterativt med en ökande mängd Mentimeter-data. Baserat på resultaten drogs slutsatsen att toppmodern prestanda kan åstadkommas genom att använda relativt få datapunkter för träning. Nämligen, när ungefär 500 − 2500 träningsdatapunkter används, så uppnåddes F1-värden mellan 0.90 och 0.94 på ett test-set av Mentimeter-datasetet. Resultaten visar att det är möjligt att skapa en högpresterande modell som identifierar kränkande text, genom att använda ett litet dataset.

Im Faltblatt werden staatliche Angebote für kommunale Amts- und Mandatsträger vorgestellt, die in besonderen Sicherheitsfragen in Anspruch genommen werden können. Redaktionsschluss: 13.10.2023

Questo studio si concentra sull’analisi di un fenomeno assai comune nell’italiano e ben attestato da oltre un secolo in diverse altre lingue, antiche e moderne: le costruzioni prive di un verbo in forma finita nel loro nucleo sintattico principale, che evidentemente non sono state oggetto di una ellissi e che non sempre possono essere definite frasi. Dopo le analisi su questo fenomeno fatte da Mortara Garavelli (1971) sullo scritto letterario e da Cresti (1998) sul parlato colloquiale, in questa ricerca si vuole indagare la natura delle costruzioni senza verbo in una nuova varietà di italiano, ossia lo scritto informale e dialogico prodotto sul web, che sarà definito in questa ricerca come italiano digitato colloquiale (IDC). Pertanto, questo studio adotta un approccio corpus-based, ricercando le costruzioni senza verbo in una raccolta di testi di IDC realmente prodotti, ossia nel corpus COSMIANU (Corpus Of Social Media Italian Annotated with Nominal Utterances) (Comandini et al., 2018). Si è dunque deciso di individuare il fenomeno sulla base della definizione di enunciato nominale di Ferrari (2011; 2014), ma adottando due prospettive sintattiche ancora mai applicate in ambito italiano: la teoria sentenzialista di Merchant (2004; 2006; 2010) e quella non-sentenzialista di Barton & Progovac (2005), entrambe applicate in inglese a strutture ellittiche definite frammenti senza antecedente esplicito. Pertanto, si è deciso di definire le strutture senza verbo studiate come frammenti nominali, nell’ottica tanto di inquadrare un fenomeno che, nella nuova varietà di lingua studiata, assume forme diverse rispetto allo scritto letterario e al parlato colloquiale, quanto di unire simbolicamente due tradizioni di studio delle costruzioni senza verbo che non si sono mai incontrate, ossia quella italo-francese, risalente a Meillet (1906), e quella anglo-americana, risalente a Sweet (1900). Grazie all’analisi dei frammenti nominali nell’italiano digitato colloquiale in ottica non-sentenzialista, si so-no individuate undici classi di frammenti nominali, alcuni dei quali possono essere considerati delle frasi, poi-ché contengono o un rapporto predicativo tra due costituenti, o una Tense Phrase al proprio interno. Sul fronte dell’analisi sentenzialista, invece, si è ipotizzata l’esistenza di una nuova categoria di frammenti nominali, nei quali è stato eliso un elemento pro e un verbo essere. Grazie al contributo tanto della teoria sentenzialista, quanto di quella non-sentenzialista, è stato possibile notare come l’ IDC abbia come uno dei tanti tratti diagnostici proprio la presenza di frammenti nominali che ne incarnano le caratteristiche principali, ossia: a) l’estrema natura dialogica, che quindi spiega l’alta presenza di formule di saluto e di ringraziamento (es.: CIAO A TUTTE LE FANS; grazie 1000000000000) e di interiezioni (es.: bleah!); b) la forte aderenza al contesto comunicativo, con frammenti nominali che hanno come nodo iniziale un NP, un DP o un AP che fa direttamente riferimento a un elemento precedentemente reso rilevante nel contesto (es.: Bellissimoooooooooooo !!!!!!!!!!!!), oppure a un elemento immediatamente successivo, di cui si specifica la natura (es.: una domanda... perché é all'inverso?). Successivamente, si è testato come l’individuazione e l’analisi sintattica dei frammenti nominali possa aiutare a comprendere e a riconoscere meglio l’hate speech. Analizzando i frammenti nominali portatori d’odio nel corpus di tweet razzisti POP-HS-IT (Comandini & Patti, 2019), si è notato come l’ IDC d’odio presenti le medesime classi di frammenti nominali individuate in COSMIANU, ma in percentuali diverse, con una partico-lare rilevanza dei frammenti nominali che hanno come nodo iniziale un FocP (es.: FUORI QUESTE MERDE UMANE DALL'ITALIA). Inoltre, si è trovata una notevole presenza di frammenti nominali di classe FocP (es.: pezzi di merda loro e tutto l’islam) corrispondenti alle frasi esclamative studiate da Munaro (2006) (es.: Noioso, il tuo amico!), in cui l’elemento focalizzato a sinistra (pezzi di merda) è sempre una caratteristica intrinseca e non temporanea del soggetto (loro e tutto l’islam). Questa tipologia di frammenti nominali esclamativi e focalizzati veicola alcune delle caratteristiche più universali dell’hate speech, ossia l’espressione di un odio generalizzato e non dibattibile verso una categoria di persone vista come un gruppo monolitico. L’individuazione dei frammenti nominali più caratteristici dell’hate speech potrebbe aiutare i tool automatici ad annotare i testi d’odio in maniera più accurata.