This qualitative study highlights changes in the Green Party’s election manifestos through descriptive idea analysis. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the changes the Green Party made in their 1994 election manifesto and the EU election manifestos of 2014 and 2019. This leads to the following research questions: What design changes is made in the manifestos? What ideological changes have been made in the Green Party’s manifestos since joining the EU? How has the perceived threat levelchanged in the manifestos? What strategic recommendations are presented in the manifestos? The theoretical framework is based on Heywood's and Larsson's ideas on green ideology/ecologism, where Larsson also clarifies the concept of grassroot democracy. Literature and previous research address the emergence of environmental problems and how the Green Party tries to position itself to gain more power through coalitions. Additionally, the concept of Europeanization is discussed. Using the theoretical framework and previous research, an analysis scheme was created to identify changes in the manifestos. The results show that the Green Party must primarily move away from its ideological stance on direct democracy, military buildup, opposition to the EU, and views on supranationalism. The changes in recommendations revealed by the analysis indicate that the Green Party is actively trying to influence the EU rather than acting as opposition. This can be explained by Bomberg’s two-way process, which involves the mutual interaction between the EU and its member states.

<p>This thesis examines the ongoing European political debate on the links between livestock production and climate change. In the end of 2006 the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) released their report <em>Livestock’s long shadow</em>,<em> </em>showing that livestock production represents some 18 % of the total global greenhouse gas emissions. The purpose of this paper is to explore the European Commission’s position and response to this question since the release of the report.</p><p>Using Arne Naess’ argumentation analysis, statements made by the Commission will be systematically organized and broken apart. The arguments will then be critically examined and explored through the lense of selected perspectives from the sustainable development literature, as well as the FAO report itself. The analysis will show that the Commission’s position on this question stands in sharp contrast to the many findings and recommendations in the FAO report, and relies on a set of assumptions that are often both unclear and of questionable validity. The line of argument used by the Commission is closely aligned to a wider theoretical discourse on sustainable development that, as argued by many of the theorists consulted in this paper, places a disproportionate focus on economic advantages, at the expense of social and ecological interests.</p>

Previous research shows that human activities have clearly caused the ongoing global warming, mainly through the release of greenhouse gases. Carbon dioxide and fuel taxes are often considered relatively cost-effective climate policy measures because they have been shown to be a successful way to reduce emissions where they have been introduced. However, support for these climate policy measures is weak and there is an attitudinal gap between the opinions of the public and experts. This essay therefore aims to increase knowledge about the connection between individuals' perceived degree of personal responsibility to counteract climate change and their support for climate policy measures in the form of paying higher fuel taxes. This has been carried out using mean value analysis as well as bivariate correlation analyses. The study´s results show that there is a weak relationship between perceived personal responsibility for reducing climate change and support for increased taxes on fossil fuels. Of the contextual factors at the country level, the results showed that it was the Quality of Government that best explained the gap between perceived personal responsibility and support for fossil fuel taxes. Social trust and GDP per capita were also important variables in the attempt to explain the weak connection. Political trust also showed a positive relationship; however, the variable had the weakest degree of explanation.

This study examines the complex interplay and relationships between national climate–, energy– and nature conservation policy within the framework of offshore wind power development in Sweden. Focusing on the potential conflicts and synergies between these policy areas, the research applies theories of Policy Integration (PI) and Environmental Policy Integration (EPI) to clarify the integration between the policy areas and whether environmental concerns are prioritized. The energy sector is developing rapidly in response to the challenges of climate change, with offshore wind power emerging as a central component in sustainable energy transitions. However, the expansion of offshore wind power poses a potential threat to marine biodiversity. The study uses a qualitative content analysis of selected national policy documents in the areas of climate, energy and nature conservation to identify important goals and concepts. The results reveal synergies between climate and energy goals, demonstrating a common motivation to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and transition to renewable energy sources. Nevertheless, conflicts arise in the energy policy area, highlighting tensions between economic benefits and the responsible use of marine resources. Marine biodiversity conservation policy exhibits strong environmental policy integration, which emphasizes the paramount importance of environmental considerations in decision-making. This research offers practical insights for policymakers navigating the intricate landscape of offshore wind deployment while emphasizing the need for a balanced approach that takes into account economic, climate and biodiversity objectives.

EMEC är en allmänjämviktsmodell som har använts av Konjunkturinstitutet för att beräkna samhällsekonomiska kostnader av styrmedel, och utvärdera kostnadseffektivitet som en del av det svenska klimatpolitiska beslutsunderlaget. Med anledning av kritik som har riktats mot modellen har detta examensarbete syftat till att analysera EMEC och dess effekter i klimatpolitiken, samt belysa och diskutera aspekter som eventuellt behövs utvecklas eller hanteras på ett annat sätt i den svenska klimatpolicyutvärderingen. En intervju - och litteraturstudie bidrog med ett kontrasterande aktörsperspektiv på olika identifierade nyckelaspekter som sedan utgjorde ett ramverk för analysen av en efterföljande empirisk studie. Resultaten visar att det finns starka skäl att påstå att modellen har överskattat kostnader av utsläppsminskningar vilket sannolikt har påverkat Sveriges klimatpolitiska inriktning. I direkt anknytning till modellen argumenteras detta bero på svårigheten i att göra antaganden om framtida teknik-och prisutvecklingar, samt på modellens statiska utformning. I samband med modellens klimatpolitiska roll kan det argumenteras bero på ett relativt kortsiktigt tidsperspektiv och en endimensionell bedömning av klimatomställningens nytta i relation till klimatfrågans långsiktighet och flerdimensionella nyttosida. Det kan också påpekas att detta fördyrar klimatpolitiken på lång sikt. En alternativ klimatpolicyutvärdering tillämpar ett bredare grepp genom att exempelvis inkludera de dynamiska kostnader som är förknippade med inlåsningseffekter i kolintensiva strukturer, vilket med en kontrafaktisk jämförelse sänker kostnaden av en klimatpolicy. Vid fortsatt styrmedelsutvärdering med EMEC föreslås en förändring av hur resultaten ska tolkas. Givet att det politiska sammanhanget också fortsättningsvis kräver kvantitativa underlag finns det ett behov av en mer varierad klimatpolicyutvärdering, där också kvalitativa aspekter och fler indikatorer än BNP beaktas som komplement. / EMEC is a computational general equilibrium (CGE) model used for calculation of societal costs and evaluation of cost-effectiveness in the decision basis of Swedish climate policy. The model has been criticized for exaggerating societal costs of policies, exemplified by Sweden's relative decoupling of GDP and carbon dioxide emissions during 1990-2010. Thereby, one could argue that the model results possibly have led to less ambitious climate targets in Sweden. With the model's suitability being questioned and an expressed need for better climate policy evaluation, this master thesis aims to analyse EMEC and its effects on Sweden's climate policy. It also aims to highlight key aspects for improved climate policy evaluation. Literature and interview studies were conducted in order to form a balanced framework of different actors' perspectives on the issue. This related to several identified aspects that were considered important by the authors in the context of the EMEC model. The subsequent empirical study of three periods of Swedish climate-political processes used these results as a basis for discussion. The results imply that the critique about exaggerated costs very likely is justified, which probably also has affected Sweden's climate-political direction. Regarding the model itself, the principal reasons are argued to be its static nature and the difficulties associated with predicting future technological- and world-market price developments. Connected to the model's role, the principal reasons are argued to be rooted in its relatively short-term perspective and one-dimensional definition of benefits, compared to the long-term and multi-dimensional nature of a transition to a low-carbon society. These features have, in this study, been argued to weaken the long-term cost-effectiveness of Sweden's climate policy. The EMEC-model's principal effects in this respect have been constituted in the arguments for general policies over sector-specific goals as well as emission reductions abroad. An alternative evaluation framework would include a wider range of benefits and costs associated with climate policy, for example dynamic costs of lock-in effects in carbon intensive structures. This would decrease the costs of climate policy in a counter-factual comparison. It could be argued that a qualitative decision basis would be more appropriate considering the complexities and difficulties associated with modelling a largely uncertain future. Especially, since model results are based on the same historic trends that need to be abandoned in order to reach future climate targets. However, considering that the climate-political process demands a quantitative decision-basis, qualitative aspects should function as a complement and gain increased emphasis in the Swedish climate- political decision basis. This would purposively broaden the framework and serve as a necessary balance to the indications given by results on GDP. Given that the EMEC model to some extent continues to constitute a basis for climate policy, suggestions for alternative interpretations of the model results have also been provided.

This thesis examines the ongoing European political debate on the links between livestock production and climate change. In the end of 2006 the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) released their report Livestock’s long shadow, showing that livestock production represents some 18 % of the total global greenhouse gas emissions. The purpose of this paper is to explore the European Commission’s position and response to this question since the release of the report. Using Arne Naess’ argumentation analysis, statements made by the Commission will be systematically organized and broken apart. The arguments will then be critically examined and explored through the lense of selected perspectives from the sustainable development literature, as well as the FAO report itself. The analysis will show that the Commission’s position on this question stands in sharp contrast to the many findings and recommendations in the FAO report, and relies on a set of assumptions that are often both unclear and of questionable validity. The line of argument used by the Commission is closely aligned to a wider theoretical discourse on sustainable development that, as argued by many of the theorists consulted in this paper, places a disproportionate focus on economic advantages, at the expense of social and ecological interests.

Local authorities increased interest in climate mitigation policy has in recent years attracted interest from researchers. Compared to local authorities in most other countries, Swedish municipalities enjoy a larger portion of autonomy. This makes them particularly interesting to study from a policy mobility perspective. The aim of this study is to explore how local authorities develop climate policy, the case chosen for this inquiry is Örebro municipality and its climate strategy approved in 2016. By applying the theoretical framework of policy transfer, to some extent, but especially policy mobility the thesis discovers how local authorities develop their climate policy. It also uncovers from where they gather knowledge and inspiration, faced with the global scope of climate issues. The result show that policy mobility provides great explanatory value in understanding the assemblage that is Örebro municipality’s climate strategy. The result, however, also challenges the notion forwarded within the field of policy mobility that the national scale is not very important for local policy development. The study also show that some policy areas are more easily influenced by the global scale, while other areas are more depended on similarities in context between the ‘sending’ and the ‘receiving’ actor, that is Örebro municipality. / Lokala myndigheter har tagit allt större plats i klimatpolitken och även tilldragit sig allt mer uppmärksamhet från forskare. Tidigare har bekämpning av klimatförändringar endast funnits på den globala och nationella nivåns agendor. När fler aktörer kliver in öppnas nya områden upp för studier av olika slag. Inom policymobilitetsfältet har forskare intresserat sig för hur lokala myndigheter formar sin politik, hur policyer färdas från en kontext till en annan och vad den processen gör med policyerna. Jämfört med motsvarande myndighetsnivå i de flesta andra länder har svenska kommuner ett betydligt större mått av självbestämmande. Denna långtgående rådighet gör dem särskilt intress- anta att studera ur ett policymobilitetsperspektiv. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur lokala myndigheter utformar sin klimatpolitik, som fall används Örebro kommuns klimatarbete och då särskilt den klimatstrategi som kommunfullmäktige antog 2016. Genom användningen av teoribildningen kring dels policytransferering men främst policymobilitet studerar uppsatsen hur dessa lokala myndigheter agerar och var de hämtar kunskap och inspiration ifrån när de ställs inför den globalt omfattande frågan om klimat- förändringar. Policymobilitetslitteraturen visar sig bidra med viktiga förklaringsvärden för att förstå den assemblage som Örebro kommuns klimatstrategi utgör. I resultatet fram- går dock att den nationella skalnivån inte förlorat sin betydelse för lokala myndigheters policyutveckling till den grad som tidigare studier inom policymobilitetslitteraturen pekat ut. Den visar också på att policyer inom vissa områden lättare hämtas hem från en global kontext medan det i andra sammanhang ligger närmare till hands att inspireras av andra lokala myndigheter i samma situation och med en liknande kontext som den egna.

Climate change is described as the greatest security challenge of our time. Climate-related events do not only run the risk of damaging the environment we depend on, but also risk undermining our political, economic and social systems.The European Union is an influential player and key actor in the fight against climate change and has in recent years adopted a number of ambitious initiatives. In December 2019, the European Union launched The European Green Deal, with the objective of making Europe a carbon-neutral continent by 2050. In June 2021, the first European Climate Law came into force, which incorporates the goal of a carbon-neutral continent by 2050 into European legislation. This thesis aims to examine to what extent the EU’s new climate policy is based on Green Growth Theory and what consequences this can have for security policy. The core of Green Growth Theory is the belief that economic growth is, or can be made, compatible with the ecology of our planet. However, the Green Growth Theory has been criticized by several researchers for lacking empirical evidence. This thesis finds that the EU’s climate policy is to a large part based on Green Growth Theory. Paradoxically, this causes both security and insecurity for the European Union. Economic and geopolitical security is sustained by continued economic growth creating competitiveness in the global arena. Nevertheless, environmental insecurity is triggered as the new climate policy is based on a theory that lacks empirical evidence, prioritizes economic growth and measures success in measures that disregard a sizeable part of the total emissions.

The concepts of degrowth and green growth are central in the scientific discussion on resources, climate change and sustainability. This thesis investigates to what degree the concepts are present in the Swedish government’s climate policy. The two climate policy action plans that have hitherto been presented by the government was analysed through a quantitative text analysis method and the findings where then compared with each other. The analysis suggests, unsurprisingly, that green growth is the dominant perspective in both action plans although there exist clear differences in emphasis of the perspectives.  The current right-wing government stresses that economic growth should be considered a prerequisite for the transition to sustainable development whilst the former left-wing government tries to merge the concepts of degrowth and green growth although with an emphasis on the later.  The findings show that different perspectives on economic growth are present in Swedish climate policy and that the concepts of degrowth and green growth are useful tools to analyse and comprehend these perspectives. The findings raise questions whether opinions on economic growth, as expressed in the government’s action plans, are a result not only from party ideology but also from power struggles within respective government coalition.

This thesis analyzes how the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) evolved in response to the European Green Deal, with a particular focus on climate justice. In previous trading periods, the ETS faced extensive criticism from researchers and international environmental organizations, who argued that the system exacerbated social and economic inequalities. However, as part of the Green Deal, the ETS underwent reforms with stricter regulations, clearer targets, and the inclusion of more sectors. The aim of this thesis is to analyze these changes and assess whether the system could now be considered just. The analysis is conducted using a critical approach and an ideal-type analysis, evaluating the ETS according to two justice-based criteria: effectiveness and the equitable distribution of climate change responsibilities. The results indicates that the current form of the emission trading system fails to meet the standards of fairness on both criteria.