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Återskapandet av en evig ordning och samhällets förkovran : Hushållningsbegreppets polysemantik i Läsning i blandade ämnenHellberg, Erik January 2021 (has links)
Målet med denna studie var att granska hur spridningen av den politiska ekonomins nydaningar bidrog till att göra hushållningsbegreppet till ett slagfält mellan olika uppfattningar om ekonomisk politik i Sverige under 1790-talet. Detta gjordes genom att granska hushållningsbegreppets mening i den mot Gustav IV Adolf politiskt oppositionella tidskriften Läsning i blandade ämnen, som argumenterade för att rikets hushållning behövde förändras med inspiration från den politiska ekonomins nydaningar. Hur tankar från den politiska ekonomin omformades och integrerades i en diskussion om hur riket skulle styras i Sverige synliggjordes genom att granska hushållningens polysemantik och temporalitet som en del i abstraheringen av hur samhällets sociala organiseringen skulle se ut och vad statens funktion skulle vara. Det framgick att hushållningsbegreppet hade två innebörder. Hushållning föreställdes vara en välståndsskapande praktik som motiverades med en förväntan på samhällets framtida förkovran, samt en ordningsskapande praktik som var förankrad i återskapandet av en naturlig ordning som menades ha varit grunden för samhällets bestånd sedan urminnes tider. Resultaten synliggjorde att hushållning blev ett politiskt begrepp vars innebörd den merkantilistiska traditionen och den då i Sverige nyligen ankomna politiska ekonomin stred om.
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Katastrofhantering i kapitalets förlovade land : Den amerikanska statens hantering av Dust Bowl och orkanen Katrina / Disaster Management in the Beloved Land of Capital : The United States' Governmental Response to the Dust Bowl and Hurricane KatrinaPhilipsson Svensson, Erik January 2015 (has links)
In this thesis, I enquire into how the USA – our world’s wealthiest and most powerful nation – and its federal government has dealt with two of its most severe natural disasters: the drought and dust storms that plagued the Great Plains during the 1930’s, i.e. the Dust Bowl, and Hurricane Katrina, which made landfall in late August 2005. I attempt to identify differences and similarities and analyze if and, in that case, how the hegemonic politico-economic paradigm affected the federal management of these crises. This comparison is made relevant by the fact that two differing paradigms were at play during these events. In the thirties, President Franklin D. Roosevelt launched his “New Deal”, a series of counter cyclical measures in line with the Keynesian school of economics, as a response to the overwhelming economic depression as well as the raging drought. In sharp contrast, Hurricane Katrina swept over a country ridden by decades of neoliberal governance. I show that political economy plays an important role in the success and/or failure of, in this case, the United States’ management of natural disasters. Finally, I argue for the return (or, rather, the creation) of an expanded and more socially and environmentally conscious public sector, which, in times of crisis, is able to represent all of its citizens – regardless of class or race.
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Ekonomisk nationalism i globaliseringens tidevarv : En studie av den svenska handelspolitiken 1995-2007Bergqvist, Catrine January 2007 (has links)
<p>Uppsatsen undersöker vilken betydelse begreppet ekonomisk nationalism kan tillskrivas för förståelsen av den svenska handelspolitikens utformning. För att undersöka detta kartläggs såväl förekomsten av olika handelshinder som i vilken utsträckning den nationella identiteten har präglat svenska makthavares sätt att argumentera då handelspolitiska frågor har diskuterats. Det valda sättet att studera ekonomisk nationalism kan ses som en kritik mot de tidigare tolkningar som gjorts av begreppet. Resultatet av studien tyder på att det går att påvisa en viss förekomst av ekonomisk nationalism inom den svenska handelspolitiken, men att vissa skillnader finns mellan den tidigare och den nuvarande regeringens sätt att argumentera.</p>
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Ekonomisk nationalism i globaliseringens tidevarv : En studie av den svenska handelspolitiken 1995-2007Bergqvist, Catrine January 2007 (has links)
Uppsatsen undersöker vilken betydelse begreppet ekonomisk nationalism kan tillskrivas för förståelsen av den svenska handelspolitikens utformning. För att undersöka detta kartläggs såväl förekomsten av olika handelshinder som i vilken utsträckning den nationella identiteten har präglat svenska makthavares sätt att argumentera då handelspolitiska frågor har diskuterats. Det valda sättet att studera ekonomisk nationalism kan ses som en kritik mot de tidigare tolkningar som gjorts av begreppet. Resultatet av studien tyder på att det går att påvisa en viss förekomst av ekonomisk nationalism inom den svenska handelspolitiken, men att vissa skillnader finns mellan den tidigare och den nuvarande regeringens sätt att argumentera.
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Feminist perspectives on women empowerment in Tanzania : A case study of why economic development is not enoughHjelmström, Julia January 2017 (has links)
Tanzania has in the recent years kept a steady economic growth and the poverty rate has fallen significantly. At the same time, informal financial services have increased in popularity as a tool for poverty reduction. Previous research claims that gender equality will progress when economic development is taking place. But despite the economic development, the situation for Tanzanian women is still tough and the man is considered to be the head of the household. This paper aims to show why Tanzania is a deviant case regarding economic development and gender equality, and investigate how informal financial services impact women empowerment, by looking at membership in Village Community Banks. Feminist theories are used to explain why economic development and gender equality does not always have a linear relationship. It is concluded that membership in Village Community Banks have impacted the women on a personal level, enhancing self-confidence and belief. However, the gender equality within the household is not progressing due to a patriarchal social ordering, where the male is superior and the female inferior. It is not enough to focus on financial services, such as access to savings and credit, for a woman to be empowered enough to become equal to her husband.
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Är äldreomsorgen möjlig att påverka vid valurnan? : En studie om den politiska majoritetens effekt på kostnaden för och kvaliteten inom äldreomsorgen i svenska kommunerBäckström, Mattias, Helldin, Måns January 2021 (has links)
Ett sedan länge betraktat problem inom politisk ekonomi är om, och i så fall i vilken utsträckning, politiska partier påverkar ekonomiska policyutfall. Syftet med studien är att undersöka om det rådande politiska majoritetsförhållandet i kommunfullmäktige har en effekt på kostnaderna för och kvaliteten inom en verksamhet som kommit att hamna allt högre på den politiska dagordningen under coronapandemin – äldreomsorgen. Studien tar avstamp i teoretiska utgångspunkter i form av medianväljarteoremet och citizen candidate-modellen. I syfte att estimera effekten av den politiska majoriteten på äldreomsorgen tillämpas en skarp regression discontinuity (RD) design för två kostnadsmått och två kvalitetsmått; antalet fallskador bland personer 80 år och äldre per 1 000 invånare samt brukarbedömning avseende äldreomsorg i särskilt boende. Resultatet visar att en vänsterblocksmajoritet är associerad med drygt 23 procent högre kostnader för äldreomsorg i kronor per invånare samt drygt sex procentenheters lägre nivå i fråga om brukarbedömning än jämfört med andra partikonstellationer. Resultaten är dock inte stabila över olika ekonometriska specifikationer och ytterligare studier skulle därmed behövas för att säkrare kunna belägga ett eventuellt samband.
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Explaining Protective Trade Policies: Political Economy, Trade and Media Effects / Protektionistisk handelspolitik: Politisk ekonomi, internationell handel och mediaeffekterSvensson, Patrik January 2003 (has links)
<p>This paper draws on communications research to complement existing models of the political economy of trade policy by introducing the role of media as an institution interacting with policy makers, special interest groups and the public, influencing the formulation of policy and supporting a bias towards protective trade policies. Through the concepts of framing and perceived public opinion, media can contribute to and reinforce problem definitions and suggested solutions that limit the range of alternative policies available to policy makers. In the case of trade policy, established frames for conflict discourse that are efficiently represented in media give incentives to special interest groups to voice demands for support that focus on foreign adversaries, trade interventions and import restrictions. The hypothesis that media effects can contribute to trade policies based on tariffs or other forms of import restrictions is tested by an empirical examination of media coverage leading up to the U.S. decision to impose tariffs on imported steel in the spring 2002. The empirical study of news coverage in the New York Times suggests that to the extent that policy makers are concerned about real or perceived public opinion, they have incentives to adopt tariff-based or other import-restricting trade policies, rather than economically more efficient redistributive policies, wherever the conflict frame is prevalent and special interest groups have media access.</p>
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Explaining Protective Trade Policies: Political Economy, Trade and Media Effects / Protektionistisk handelspolitik: Politisk ekonomi, internationell handel och mediaeffekterSvensson, Patrik January 2003 (has links)
This paper draws on communications research to complement existing models of the political economy of trade policy by introducing the role of media as an institution interacting with policy makers, special interest groups and the public, influencing the formulation of policy and supporting a bias towards protective trade policies. Through the concepts of framing and perceived public opinion, media can contribute to and reinforce problem definitions and suggested solutions that limit the range of alternative policies available to policy makers. In the case of trade policy, established frames for conflict discourse that are efficiently represented in media give incentives to special interest groups to voice demands for support that focus on foreign adversaries, trade interventions and import restrictions. The hypothesis that media effects can contribute to trade policies based on tariffs or other forms of import restrictions is tested by an empirical examination of media coverage leading up to the U.S. decision to impose tariffs on imported steel in the spring 2002. The empirical study of news coverage in the New York Times suggests that to the extent that policy makers are concerned about real or perceived public opinion, they have incentives to adopt tariff-based or other import-restricting trade policies, rather than economically more efficient redistributive policies, wherever the conflict frame is prevalent and special interest groups have media access.
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Finska immigranter i Katrineholm : Politiska hegemoniers och sociala relationers betydelse för immigranters politiska integration och aktörskap i ett svenskt lokalsamhälle 1944-1991 / Finnish immigrants in Katrineholm : The relevance of political hegemonies and social relations for the political integration of immigrants in a Swedish local community. 1944-1991Boberg, Per January 2011 (has links)
The present memorandum outlines the structure, theoretical starting points and disposition of a thesis about the activities of Finnish immigrants in a Swedish local community, more specifically their political integration. The intention is to study the municipality of Katrineholm in the years 1944 to 1991. Previous research about the actorship of immigrants in spheres such as politics, labour unions, immigrant associations, educational associations and mass-education, as well as churches and religion, is presented to give an overview of possible areas connected to political integration that can be studied. The overview of previous research also covers local immigrant politics. The intended theoretical starting points for the proposed thesis are political economy and hegemony. The latter is intended to be investigated through its expression in the social relations class, gender, ethnicity, nationality and generation. It is suggested in this memorandum that hegemonies and social relations within a local political economy can be operationalised fruitfully in a study of political integration. Hence, theoretical viewpoints and definitions connected to political integration are also elaborated on. Methodologically it is suggested that quantitative and qualitative analysis be undertaken to study the sources that the thesis is intended to be based on. Sources such as documents from the exemplified activity fields are to be used. Also, it is suggested that oral sources such as interview be used. Another possible method is a research circle, if preconditions in Katrineholm favour such an approach. The conclusion of this memorandum is that no previous studies have been undertaken using the approach presented and further that few studies of the local political integration of immigrants exist. Hence, the proposed thesis will make a significant contribution to the study of immigrant actorship, political integration and contributions to the formation of social relations and hegemonies in a local political economy.
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Regulating a Controversy : Inside Stakeholder Strategies and Regime Transition in the Self-Regulation of Swedish Advertising 1950–1971Funke, Michael January 2015 (has links)
This thesis concerns the development of the self-regulation of advertising in Sweden from 1950 until 1971. Self-regulation was initiated in the 1930s due to a business desire to regulate fair competition in marketing, and while it initially was a minor operation, the 1950s and 1960s were characterized by extensive development. When self-regulation was overtaken by state policies in 1971, it included several interlocking systems, of which parts survived the introduction of the state regime. The thesis’ aim has been to analyze how the rapid regime transitions in the self-regulation regime can be understood. The existing literature identifies four major transitions that occurred during the studied time period. To understand them, the thesis has studied the policy processes leading up to these transitions. Focus has been on the business interest organizations that controlled the regime and their regulatory strategies. Theoretically, the analysis has departed from the hypothesis that tensions between these organizations, due to their members’ different market interests and varying levels of exposure to regulation and public badwill, to a significant degree informed their strategic choices as well as policy outcomes. The results show that the policy processes preceding the regime transitions were characterized by internal tensions, whereby organizations representing advertisers, and to a lesser degree media carriers, due to their members’ higher level of exposure to regulation and public badwill, successfully supported stronger market policing, while ad agencies, being less exposed, as well as a peak industry organization for the proliferation of marketing largely opposed such measures, preferring a more lenient regulation. However, due to increased exposure to regulation and bad will, the ad agencies finally abandoned their opposition and took the lead in regulatory innovation through the introduction of an extensive clearance program that survived the launch of the state regime, becoming a key component in the co-regulatory structure that followed.
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