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[pt] Este trabalho tem por objetivo contribuir com o debate da sociologia da educação acerca dos desafios contemporâneos para a garantia do direito à educação para crianças, adolescentes e jovens no Brasil. Parte-se, assim, da premissa de que quando o acesso e a conclusão da escolarização são ameaçados pelas determinações de seus contextos sociais, territoriais, familiares ou propriamente escolares, o risco da desvinculação escolar temporária ou permanente precisa ser considerado um problema sociológico a se investigar. Tendo em vista o avanço da ampliação da escolarização formal no país, importa sobremaneira compreender os motivos que ainda permitem a existência de aproximadamente 1,5 milhões de crianças e adolescentes entre 4 e 17 anos que estão fora da escola, além daqueles que, mesmo matriculados, estão infrequentes e em risco de evasão. A análise sobre os impactos da exclusão social sobre as infâncias e juventudes brasileiras traz elementos relevantes para a construção da ideia de exclusão escolar como um fenômeno produzido pelos efeitos perversos da desigualdade social sobre as trajetórias escolares periféricas. Além disso, este trabalho se debruçou sobre um estudo de caso realizado no município do Rio de Janeiro por meio de um projeto social que atuou ao longo de três anos com a busca ativa de crianças e adolescentes em situação de desvinculação escolar em parceria com a gestão municipal. O projeto identificou 23.735 casos em toda a cidade e produziu um banco de dados detalhado sobre cada um deles por meio de uma estratégia de trabalho de campo, mediação com as políticas públicas e mobilização social. Ao se investigar as situações mapeadas pelo projeto, foi possível realizar uma análise que apontou o perfil deste público e inventariou as situações de exclusão escolar, indicando sua relação com os aspectos da exclusão social mais ampla que se manifesta pelos constrangimentos aos demais direitos humanos fundamentais, como o direito à cidade, à segurança, à moradia, ao transporte, à saúde, à assistência, à alimentação, ao trabalho, à cultura, e no limite, ao direito à própria vida e à integridade física, dentre outros. Sob uma perspectiva sistêmica, a fragilidade da relação entre famílias periféricas e os sistemas públicos educacional e assistencial demonstrou-se como um fator de exclusão que se insere no centro da questão. Destacaram-se os problemas relativos à oferta de vagas escolares adequadas às necessidades familiares, constrangimentos relacionados à circulação nos territórios da cidade, renda familiar deficitária e pobreza extrema. Com isso, o trabalho aponta questões que contribuem para o aprimoramento das políticas sociais e educacionais, além de se inserir num debate acerca da importância da integração entre as políticas públicas na direção do fortalecimento de uma rede de proteção integral das crianças e adolescentes, sob o marco legal sustentado pela Constituição Federal Brasileira (1988) e seu legado de afirmação da cidadania para todas e todos. O direito à educação, neste sentido, aparece como um eixo em torno do qual gravitam os demais direitos humanos,funcionando como um importante indicador de qualidade de vida ou de exclusão social de crianças, adolescentes e suas famílias. / [en] The object of this study is to contribute to the debate within the sociology of education surrounding contemporary challenges regarding the guarantee of the right of education to children and adolescents in Brazil. It is based on the premise that when the relationship with formal schooling is threatened by their social, geographical, family, or even educational contexts, it often leads them to temporarily or permanently leave school, which reveals a sociological agenda of investigation. Keeping in mind the significant advancements in formal education in Brazil, it is especially important to better investigate the reasons behind the fact that approximately 1.5 million children and adolescents between 4 and 17 years old are not attending school. The analysis of the impacts of social exclusion on Brazilian childhoods and youths brings relevant elements to the construction of the idea of school exclusion as a phenomenon produced by the perverse effects of social inequality on peripheral school trajectories. In addition, this work focused on a case study carried out in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro through a social project that worked over three years with the active search for children and adolescents in a situation of school disengagement in partnership with the management municipal. The project identified 23,735 cases across the city and produced a detailed database on each of them through a fieldwork strategy, mediation with public policies and social mobilization. When investigating the situations mapped by the project, it was possible to carry out an analysis that pointed out the profile of this public and inventoried the situations of school exclusion, indicating its relationship with the aspects of the broader social exclusion that is manifested by constraints to other fundamental human rights, such as the rights to the city, to security, to housing, transportation, health, assistance, food, work, culture, and ultimately, to the right to one s own life and physical integrity, among others. From a systemic perspective, the fragility of the relationship between peripheral families and the public educational and assistance systems has proved to be an exclusion factor, central in the study. The problems related to the provision of school places suitable to family needs, constraints related to circulation in the city territories, deficient family income and extreme poverty were highlighted. Thus, the work points out issues that contribute to the improvement of social and educational policies, inserting itself into a debate about the importance of integration between public policies in the direction of strengthening a comprehensive protection network for children and adolescents, under the legal framework supported by the Brazilian Federal Constitution (1988) and its legacy of affirming citizenship for all. The right to education appears as an axis around other human rights gravitate, functioning as an important indicator of life quality or social exclusion of children, adolescents and their families.

The aim of this study was to increase understanding of how older Syrian migrants experience aging in Sweden as well as their perspective on needs related to aging and how these needs can be met. The empirical base of the study was eight semi-structured qualitative interviews. In addition, theories about Maslow's hierarchy of needs and social support were applied to the study to enable a further analysis of our respondents' perspectives on aging, perspectives on Swedish elderly care and perspectives on relative support. The result of the study shows that our respondents feel that it is difficult to see how their needs as elderly people can be met. They live in a country with a different language and culture without having any knowledge about the new country. They also believe that the responsibility lies mainly on their relatives instead of searching for help or support from the public elderly care, because they think that the help offered by the elderly care is not prepared to their individual needs. The study concluded that our respondents think that aging in a foreign country does not give the same feeling as aging in their home country. Learning a new language is certainly not easy for them. It is also not easy for them to live in a new society with its norms, culture, and tradition. All of our respondents are dependent on their adult children and need help with various things. This help that children provide for their elderly parents is an obligation in their culture.

Urbanization and population growth have posed intricate challenges in urban planning. Two of the most impactful issues are social segregation and gentrification. This study aims to investigate the effects of densification strategies on these phenomena, with a focus on the Amiralsstaden-project in Rosengård, Malmö. Through qualitative methodology, the study explores how densification strategies can influence the housing market, population structure, and social relationships. The findings can contribute to guiding urban planning and strategic decisions regarding these challenges in the future. We have found that the proposals and strategies outlined in the policy document (Amiralsstaden - Mål & Värden) and the planning program (Planprogram, 6051) have the potential to lead to gentrification, but also that Malmö city's primary aspirations are to develop and enhance the area. / Urbanisering och befolkningstillväxt har skapat komplexa utmaningar inom stadsplanering. Två av de mest påverkande problemen är social segregation och gentrifiering. Denna studie syftar till att undersöka effekterna av förtätningsstrategier på dessa fenomen, med fokus på Amiralsstaden-projektet i Rosengård, Malmö. Genom kvalitativ metodik utforskar studien hur förtätningsstrategier kan påverka bostadsmarknaden, befolkningsstrukturen och sociala relationer. Resultatet kan bidra till att vägleda stadsplanering och strategiska beslut kring dessa utmaningar i framtiden. Vi har funnit att de förslag och strategier som föreslås i styrdokumentet (Amiralsstaden - Mål & Värden) och planprogrammet (Planprogram, 6051) kan potentiellt leda till gentrifiering, men även att Malmö stads främsta förhoppningar är att utveckla och förbättra området.

Ziel der „Verkehrsökologischen Schriftenreihe“ ist es, die Forschungsergebnisse der Professur für Verkehrsökologie (TU Dresden) und ausgewählte studentische Arbeiten einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Damit möchten wir einerseits die fachliche Diskussion zu Problemstellungen einer nachhaltigen Mobilitätsentwicklung und anderseits den offenen Zugang zu Wissen und Informationen unterstützen. Thematisch greift die Schriftenreihe dabei die folgenden Forschungsschwerpunkte der Professur auf: a) Nachhaltige Verkehrsentwicklung: Auswirkungen, Verfahren, Konsequenzen b) Klimaschutz, Energie und CO2 im Verkehr c) Luftreinhaltung & Lärm, Emissionsfaktoren und reale Fahrmuster d) Externe Kosten und Nutzen des Verkehrs, Kostenwahrheit und Internalisierung e) Rad- und Fußverkehr f) Umweltbildung, Monitoring und Evaluation g) Soziale Exklusion und Umweltgerechtigkeit im Verkehrsbereich

Denna avhandling är en komparativ undersökning av pågående förändringsprocesser bland kurder i Marseillesregionen i Frankrike och Stockholmsregionen i Sverige. I fokus står skiftet från en endimensionell och offerrelaterad kurdisk diasporisk identitet mot en mer sammansatt och aktiv. Studien går bortom entydiga erfarenheter av smärta, trauma och offerkänsla i syfte att lyfta fram en rad andra diasporiska situationer och företeelser såsom institutionella och transnationella formationer, assabiyya nätverk, ”on air” och ”online” verksamheter, kulturella och litterära aktiviteter osv., som samtliga är centrala element när det gäller att upprätthålla ett gränsöverskridande medborgarskap bland diasporiska kurder i de bägge länderna. Studien vidhåller dessutom att kurder i både Sverige och Frankrike på olika sätt är utsatta för diskriminering och socialt utanförskap. Avhandlingen visar hur kurder i Frankrike och Sverige utvecklar olika diasporiska diskurser och handlingsmönster. Beroende på en relativt likartad social bakgrund och på den exkluderande politiska miljö som finns i Frankrike så upprätthåller kurderna i Marseillesområdet en påtagligt offerrelaterad diasporisk diskurs. Samtidigt är framväxten av ett gränsöverskridande medborgarskap här starkt begränsad. Eftersom kurderna i Sverige är dels jämförelsevis socialt och politiskt diversifierade och dels vistas i en mer gynnsam politisk miljö upprätthåller de inte bara en mer flexibel diasporisk diskurs än kurder i Marseillesområdet. De har också utvecklat ett mer långtgående gränsöverskridande medborgarskap. / This study is a comparative exploration of an ongoing process of change from a mono-dimensional, victim-related Kurdish diasporic identity to a more modulated, dynamic and active form of it among Kurds in the Marseille region in France and the Stockholm region in Sweden. The study goes beyond the experience of pain and trauma and the sense of victimhood in order to depict a multitude of other diasporic situations and trajectories such as institutional and transnational arrangements, assabiyya networks, “on air” and cyberspace “online” involvements, cultural and literary activities, and so forth, which are necessary elements for the development of the practice of transborder citizenship among diasporan Kurds in the two countries. The study argues that the Kurds in France and Sweden have conceived different diasporic discourses and at the same time have chosen different modes of action. Due to their uniform social background and the exclusionary French political environment, the Kurds in the region of Marseille maintain a tangible victim diaspora discourse and limited practice of transborder citizenship. As the Kurds in Sweden are socially and politically diversified, and as they live in the more favorable Swedish political environment, they maintain not only a flexible diaspora discourse but also a more highly developed practice of transborder citizenship than the Kurds in the Marseille region.

Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales. / This dissertation concentrates on the role community organisations played between 1994 and 2002 in the development of anti-poverty policies in Québec and in Ireland. The elaboration of these policies took place within a context characterized by new forms of governance, that is new political arrangements designed to include non-governmental actors in the policy process. Indeed, since the 1980s and 1990s, community organizations have been called upon by their governments to take part in the delivery of social services and, in particular, in the development of anti-poverty policies. This comes at a time when governments are having difficulty addressing social inequalities. But despite greater inclusion of community organizations into the policy process, the extent of their role in social policy development remains difficult to ascertain. This is made all the more difficult on account of institutional differences, like those that exist between social partnerships in Ireland and cooperation-based initiatives (« la concertation ») in Québec. The objective of this dissertation is therefore to understand how new forms of governance shaped community organizations’ efforts to mobilize around the fight against poverty. The hypothesis put forth in this dissertation is that collective action is shaped by the way in which community organizations compose with the uncertainty which characterizes new modes of governance. The theoretical framework focuses on the way in which actors interact in the course of the development of anti-poverty policies. These interactions are characterized by the formation of policy networks. Their cohesion depends on the extent to which actors coordinate their activities and also rally around a similar theme, like that of fighting against poverty and social exclusion. When a policy network is highly cohesive, it resembles an advocacy coalition. This happens when actors’ mobilization efforts take place within a less institutionalized process. Because such a process is marked by uncertainty, it becomes necessary for actors such as community organizations to form a coalition. However, with that uncertainty differences emerge over strategy within such a coalition. As a result, the formation of a coalition does not, in and of itself, guarantee a strong mobilization. Put simply, community organizations’ efforts depend on the way in which they interpret the new forms of governance in which they participate. From a methodological standpoint, the choice to study Québec and Ireland on a comparative basis lies in the fact that although the two cases share strong similarities, they differ sharply when it comes to governance. Both are small open economies, have liberal welfare states and have, in the past, been characterized by the Catholic Church’s predominance in social services. However, these cases differ in terms of the role of the state, their electoral systems, their judicial and political status, the nature of their economies and the role of the community sector in public policy. Such a comparison renders it possible to better understand in what way actors’ strategies are related to the wider context in which they find themselves. This dissertation has found that while social mobilization may, in the context of an institutionalized process, seem weak, it is more effective in enabling community organizations to exert influence in the development of anti-poverty policies. This was the case in Ireland. Indeed, while the social partnership process constrained community organizations in forming a coalition, it also enabled them to form ties with key civil servants. This gave community organizations the opportunity to tailor their demands in an effective manner. Such a margin of manoeuver did not exist for community organizations in Québec. Moreover, the need to form a coalition resulted in community organizations diverging over strategy. Their divergences stemmed from the uncertain form « la concertation » took in the development of Bill 112, the anti-poverty bill. While community organizations did form a coalition, the Collective to Eliminate Poverty, disagreements over strategy took over, thus weakening mobilization efforts.

Plusieurs travaux de recherche indiquent que des personnes âgées peuvent vivre des situations d’exclusion sociale en raison de leur âge. Celles qui reçoivent des soins palliatifs peuvent de plus être affectées par des situations d’exclusion parce qu’elles sont malades et mourantes. On constate que leur accès à ce type de soins est limité et que certaines pratiques banalisent leur expérience de fin de vie et qu’elles tiennent difficilement compte des particularités du vieillissement. À partir d’une analyse secondaire qualitative de six entrevues, menées auprès de travailleuses sociales, ce mémoire vise à comprendre en quoi leurs pratiques de soins palliatifs gérontologiques engendrent des situations d’exclusion sociale ou encore, comment elles peuvent les éloigner. En plus de contribuer au savoir pratique, ce mémoire rend compte de la diversité des représentations dans ce contexte de pratique et leur influence sur l’intervention. Ainsi, des représentations positives envers les personnes âgées, de même que des pratiques qui considèrent les différenciations individuelles, éloignent des risques d’exclusion. Toutefois, quelques-uns des principes fondamentaux de l’approche des soins palliatifs et des modèles d’accompagnement peuvent contribuer à produire des situations d’exclusion. Ce mémoire identifie, par ailleurs, un ensemble de conditions, relevant ou non de l’exclusion sociale, liées à différents contextes, aux personnes soignées et la leur famille ainsi qu’aux travailleurs sociaux, qui peuvent nuire à l’intervention, ou encore, favoriser des pratiques inclusives. Il termine par quelques pistes d’action susceptibles de promouvoir l’inclusion sociale des personnes âgées en soins palliatifs. / Multiple research studies have indicated that seniors may experience social exclusion as a result of their age. Those seniors who receive palliative care can be even more affected by social exclusion because they are sick and dying. We notice that seniors’ access to palliative healthcare is limited and that certain practices trivialize their end of life experience and barely recognize the challenges of aging. Based on a qualitative secondary analysis of six interviews with social workers, this Master’s degree thesis aims to understand how practices contribute to social exclusion with older people receiving palliative care. As well as contributing to the advancement of knowledge of clinical practice, this thesis highlights the diversity of practice and its influence on intervention within the palliative care context. Positive representations of the elderly, as well as practices that consider individual differences for each unique situation can decrease risks of social exclusion. However, it is noted that a few fundamental principles of the palliative care approach and accompanying models can contribute to produce situations of social exclusion. Moreover, this thesis identifies a set of conditions that relate to different contexts, with seniors in palliative care, their families and their social workers that can be detrimental to intervention or sustain inclusive practices. This work concludes by proposing suggestions that promote the social inclusion of seniors in palliative care.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Cette recherche-action participative s’inscrit dans un paradigme féministe intersectionnelle. Elle présente la façon dont sept jeunes femmes de la rue (18-23 ans) de Québec ont fait l’expérience de la violence structurelle et ont déployé des stratégies pour y faire face. Elle s’articule autour d’une définition de la violence structurelle inspirée de celle proposée par Farmer, Bourgois, Scheper-Hugues et al. (2004) qui la présentent comme étant le processus à la racine des inégalités sociales et de l’oppression vécue par différents groupes sociaux. Ce processus s’opère dans trois dimensions complémentaires soit : 1) la domination symbolique, 2) la violence institutionnelle et 3) la violence quotidienne. Une analyse de contenu thématique a permis de dégager l’expérience des participantes dans chacune de ces dimensions. L’analyse de la domination symbolique a montré que les participantes ont été perçues à travers le prisme de quatre visions ou préjugés : 1) l’image de la jeune délinquante (Bad girl), 2) le discours haineux envers les personnes assistées sociales, 3) la culture du viol et 4) l’hétéronormativité. Les différentes expériences de violence quotidienne et institutionnelle vécues par les participantes peuvent être mises en lien avec ces manifestations de la domination symbolique. Les participantes ont expérimenté la violence institutionnelle à travers leurs trajectoires au sein des services de protection de l’enfance, durant leurs démarches pour obtenir un emploi, un logement ou du soutien financier de la part des programmes offerts par l’État et pendant leurs demandes d’aide auprès d’organismes communautaires ou d’établissements du réseau de la santé et des services sociaux. L’analyse de l’expérience des participantes a permis de révéler deux processus imbriqués de façon cyclique de violence structurelle : l’exclusion et le contrôle social. La plupart des stratégies ii expérimentées par les participantes pour combler leurs besoins fondamentaux les ont exposées au contrôle social. Le contrôle social a exacerbé les difficultés financières des participantes et a accru leur crainte de subir de l’exclusion. Bien que la violence structurelle expérimentée par les participantes se situe à la croisée des rapports de pouvoir liée au genre, à la classe sociale, à l’âge et à l’orientation sexuelle, il se dégage que la domination masculine s’est traduite dans le quotidien des participantes, car l’exclusion et le contrôle social ont créé des contextes où elles ont été susceptibles de subir une agression sexuelle ou de vivre de la violence de la part d’un partenaire intime. L’analyse de la dimension intersubjective de la grille d’analyse de Yuval-Davis (2006) montre la présence de certains rapports de pouvoir liés à la classe sociale au sein même de la population des jeunes de la rue. Cette analyse souligne également la difficulté des participantes à définir les contours de la violence et d’adopter des rapports égalitaires avec les hommes. Enfin, le processus de recherche-action participative expérimenté dans le cadre de cette thèse a été analysé à partir des critères de scientificité présentés par Reason et Bradbury (2001). L’élaboration de deux projets photos, choisis par le groupe en guise de stratégie de lutte contre la violence structurelle, a contribué à ouvrir le dialogue avec différents acteurs concernés par la violence structurelle envers les jeunes femmes de la rue et s’est inscrit dans une perspective émancipatoire. / This participatory action-research shows how seven street involved young women (18-23 years) in Quebec have experienced structural violence and how they deployed strategies to overcome. It is based on a definition of structural violence inspired by Farmer, Bourgois Scheper-Hughes et al., (2004) who presents this as the root of social inequality and oppression experienced by several social groups. This process operates in three complementary dimensions: 1) the symbolic domination, 2) institutional violence, and 3) the daily violence. A content analysis has identified the participants experience in each of these dimensions. The analysis of symbolic domination revealed that participants were seen through four prejudices: 1) the bad girl, 2) prejudices against welfare recipients, 3) rape culture and 4) heteronormativity. The violence of everyday life and institutional violence experienced by participants may be connected with symbolic domination. Participants experienced institutional violence during their paths within the child protective system, through their efforts to get a job, housing or financial support from government programs, and during their requests for help from community organizations or establishments of the health and social services. It reveals two patterns of structural violence that mutually reinforce each other in a cycle: Social exclusion and social control. Most of participant’s strategies to overcome social exclusion and to fulfill their needs make them vulnerable to social control. Social control helps increase their financial difficulties and their fear of exclusion. These two patterns of structural violence had created context for sexual victimization and intimate partner violence. While structural violence experiences by participants is at the crossroads of power relationship related to gender, social class, age and sexual orientation, it emerges that male domiiv nance is reflected in participants daily life. The analysis of the intersubjective dimension of Yuval-Davis grid (2006) identifies power relationship within the population of street youth, participants struggle to defining violence and to adopt egalitarian relationships with men. Finally, an analysis of the participatory action-research process experienced in this thesis was conducted from Reason and Bradbury (2001)’s criteria of validity. The development of two photo projects, selected by the group as a strategy against structural violence, helped open a dialogue with various stakeholders involved in structural violence against street-involved young women.