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1	”Vi är och förblir sociala demokrater” En ideologianalytisk undersökning av första maj-tal anförda av socialdemokratiska partiledare 1955-2005 Lundgren, Anna January 2013 (has links) Detta arbete är en ideologianalytisk undersökning av tal anförda på första maj under perioden 1955-2005 av svenska socialdemokartiska partiledare tillika statsministrar. Syftet har varit att undersöka om det går att skönja en historisk förändring i specifika begrepps betydelse samt olika innebörd i begreppen beroende på vem som har uttalat dem. Begreppen som har stått i fokus är demokrati, jämlikhet, framtid och den svenska socialdemokratin.Utifrån ideologianalytisk teori har jag studerat begreppen utifrån tre dimensioner. Genom att ställa frågorna ”vilken verklighet talas det om?” och ”vem erkänner denna verklighetsbeskrivning?” till materialet har en djupare betydelse än det faktiska som uttalats analyserats fram.Analysen visar att det tydligt går att se flera olika möjligheter att föra en diskussion kring de specifika begreppen genom att de kontextualiseras olika från år till år. Trots detta har jag kommit fram till att de fyra partiledarena är trogna sin ideologi. Alla ger uttryck för att Socialdemokraterna är en stabil idéburen rörelse och så länge partiet är troget den demokaratiska socialismens idéer kommer det vara ett fortsatt stabilt parti.Sökord: första maj, ideologianalys, den svenska socialdemokratin första maj ideologianalys den svenska socialdemokratin Humanities and the Arts Humaniora och konst
2	Angereds fritidscentrum : En spricka i välfärdsbygget Holvila, Mikael January 2012 (has links) Stadsdelen Angered var en del av det enorma nationella bostadsbyggnadsprogram som benämns som miljonprogrammet. Detta program genomfördes i Angered under åren 1967 – 1975 och kom att prägla Göteborgs stadsbild och demografiska struktur in i framtiden. En del av grunden till miljonprogrammets fanns inom den folkhemsideologi socialdemokratin i hegemoni med staten försökt genomdriva under några årtionden. Det handlade om allas rätt till ett bra och hälsosamt boende. Angereds fritidscentrum var en del av den centralt styrda planeringen av byggandet av Angereds miljonprogramsområden. Stat och skola samt kommun och socialtjänst var två verksamheter som var drivande i denna planering. I min studie kommer jag att undersöka det som verkade vara en enhetlig plan innehöll olika faktorer som synliggör dessa aktörers roller. Dessas roller och agerande visar på tendenser i något jag kallar sprickor i välfärden. Socialdemokratin Folkhemmet Miljonprogrammet Göteborgs kommun Centralisering Angered 1967-1975 skola socialförvaltning fritid välfärd
3	Olof Palme och löntagarfonder : En studie om rörelsesocialism och statssocialism i den svenska arbetarrörelsen Weinehammar, Paula January 2007 (has links) <p>The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.</p><p>My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.</p><p>There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.</p><p>How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.</p> Wage-earners Funds Social Democracy Trade Union (landsorganisationen LO) Profit-sharing schemes Economic Democracy Democratic Reformism Democratic Socialism Solidaristic Wages Policy. löntagarfonder socialdemokratin landsorganisationen LO svenska arbetsgivareföreningen SAF industriell demokrati arbetsplatsdemokrati ekonomisk demokrati demokratisk reformism demokratisk socialism solidarisk lönepolitik vinstdelning. Political science Statsvetenskap
4	Olof Palme och löntagarfonder : En studie om rörelsesocialism och statssocialism i den svenska arbetarrörelsen Weinehammar, Paula January 2007 (has links) The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue. My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time. There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds. How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing. Wage-earners Funds Social Democracy Trade Union (landsorganisationen LO) Profit-sharing schemes Economic Democracy Democratic Reformism Democratic Socialism Solidaristic Wages Policy. löntagarfonder socialdemokratin landsorganisationen LO svenska arbetsgivareföreningen SAF industriell demokrati arbetsplatsdemokrati ekonomisk demokrati demokratisk reformism demokratisk socialism solidarisk lönepolitik vinstdelning.
5	Regulating a Controversy : Inside Stakeholder Strategies and Regime Transition in the Self-Regulation of Swedish Advertising 1950–1971 Funke, Michael January 2015 (has links) This thesis concerns the development of the self-regulation of advertising in Sweden from 1950 until 1971. Self-regulation was initiated in the 1930s due to a business desire to regulate fair competition in marketing, and while it initially was a minor operation, the 1950s and 1960s were characterized by extensive development. When self-regulation was overtaken by state policies in 1971, it included several interlocking systems, of which parts survived the introduction of the state regime. The thesis’ aim has been to analyze how the rapid regime transitions in the self-regulation regime can be understood. The existing literature identifies four major transitions that occurred during the studied time period. To understand them, the thesis has studied the policy processes leading up to these transitions. Focus has been on the business interest organizations that controlled the regime and their regulatory strategies. Theoretically, the analysis has departed from the hypothesis that tensions between these organizations, due to their members’ different market interests and varying levels of exposure to regulation and public badwill, to a significant degree informed their strategic choices as well as policy outcomes. The results show that the policy processes preceding the regime transitions were characterized by internal tensions, whereby organizations representing advertisers, and to a lesser degree media carriers, due to their members’ higher level of exposure to regulation and public badwill, successfully supported stronger market policing, while ad agencies, being less exposed, as well as a peak industry organization for the proliferation of marketing largely opposed such measures, preferring a more lenient regulation. However, due to increased exposure to regulation and bad will, the ad agencies finally abandoned their opposition and took the lead in regulatory innovation through the introduction of an extensive clearance program that survived the launch of the state regime, becoming a key component in the co-regulatory structure that followed. advertising advertising criticism advertising regulation advertising history advertising industry affluent society business business associations business history business interest organizations business studies competition consumer consumer politics consumer history consumerism co-regulation corporatism economic history history interest groups market regulation marketing marketing history marketing regulation marketer policy studies policy process political economy political science postwar regime regulation theory self-regulation market self-regulation self-regulation history stakeholder Sweden efterkrigstiden ekonomisk historia företagsekonomi företagshistoria historia intressegrupper konsumentfrågor konsumentpolitik konsumenthistoria konsumenträtt korporatism lagstiftning marknad marknadsföring marknadsföringshistoria marknadsregleringar marknadsrätt näringslivet näringslivsorganisationer politisk ekonomi regleringar regleringsteori reklam reklambranschen reklamhistoria rättshistoria samhällsvetenskap samreglering självreglering socialdemokratin statsvetenskap Sverige

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