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Nach der WendeWalden, Mary 02 November 2017 (has links)
Der Roman erzählt das Schicksal eines Oberleutnants, der als hauptamtlicher Mitarbeiter für die DDR Staatssicherheit tätig war. Nach der politischen Wende in Ostdeutschland muss er sich mühsam neu orientieren.
Da wird er in den Fall des Missbrauchs einer minderjährigen Prostituierten verwickelt und gerät in die Machenschaften des organisierten Verbrechens. Schließlich bleibt ihm keine andere Wahl, als sein Leben aufs Spiel zu setzen.
Geschildert werden die dramatischen Ereignisse im 'Wende Herbst' in Dresden, einem der Brennpunkte der ostdeutschen Revolution
Dieses Dokument ist Band 5 von: Alexander Fuchs Kleine Werkeausgabe.
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IMS 'John' und Schostakowitsch: zur Stasi-Karriere von Heinz Alfred BrockhausKlingberg, Lars 15 June 2017 (has links)
Artikel über die wissenschaftliche Laufbahn von Heinz Alfred Brockhaus und seine Verbindungen zur Staatssicherheit.
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“It would be better,if some doctors were sent to workin the coal mines”The SED and the medical Intelligentsiabetween 1961 and 1981Wahl, Markus January 2013 (has links)
The relationship between the Socialist Unity Party [SED] and the medical intelligentsia in the German Democratic Republic [GDR] has often been described as one of the most problem-atic for the Republic‟s political vanguard. This thesis discusses this relationship for the two dec-ades after the erection of the Berlin Wall in 1961. With the inability of East German workers to leave for West Germany after this event, the GDR was able to enforce their programme of so-cialist development in a new way. Doctors, despite being crucial for this socialist society and its legitimacy, were not excluded from the state‟s radical new policies. However, as files from the former state security apparatus, party and trade union make obvious, doctors were very success-ful in preventing both the ideological conditioning of their community and state interference in the composition of the medical elite. With the examination of the every-day life of the medical intelligentsia, especially in East German hospitals, this thesis contributes to the discussion about the difference between the claims of the socialist party and the realities faced in the healthcare sector. There were a variety of complex reasons for the increasing distance between the state‟s claim and reality, many of which will be analysed in the course of this work. This analysis is, em-bedded in a historical approach, outlined mainly by Mary Fulbrook, which sets the micro-level in the context of the macro-level, considering the correlation between the claim and ideology of the SED, their communication, mechanisms and policies reaching the boundaries of the social con-glomerate of doctors, as well as their reactions, career aspirations and pre-conditions. For the seventies, a whole section is dedicated to exploring the reasons that the medical intelligentsia was one of the main-clients of so-called „human trafficking gangs‟, enabling insight into their situa-tion and the attitude towards the socialist state, which led them to „vote with their feet‟. This the-sis demonstrates, especially for the sixties and seventies, that there is still much potential for fur-ther research, in to the case of the most ideologically unreliable social group in the GDR: the medical intelligentsia.
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In the Shadow: Representations of the Stasi in Literature and Film from Cold War to PresentKing, Everett T. 04 June 2021 (has links)
No description available.
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Völkerfreundschaft nach Bedarf : Ausländische Arbeitskräfte in der Wahrnehmung von Staat und Bevölkerung der DDR / Peoples' Friendship as Required : Foreign Workers in the Perception of GDR State and PeopleRabenschlag, Ann-Judith January 2014 (has links)
The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was dealt with and how it was exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life. This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.
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Völkerfreundschaft nach Bedarf : Ausländische Arbeitskräfte in der Wahrnehmung von Staat und Bevölkerung der DDR / Peoples’ Friendship as Required : Foreign Workers in the Perception of GDR State and PeopleRabenschlag, Ann-Judith January 2014 (has links)
The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was reproduced, exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life. This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.
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Německé vyrovnávání se s komunistickou minulostí na příkladě koncepce tzv. Gauckova úřadu / The German way of putting up with the communist past in view of the Federal Authority for the Archives of the GDR State Security ServiceVávrová, Terezie January 2011 (has links)
The diploma thesis "The German way of putting up with the communist past in view of the Office for study of STASI dossiers" deals with balancing the communist past in Germany, it analyses the Office for study of STASI dossiers' (Gauck office) conception. The question of balancing the past is in German milieu oriented primarily towards the National Socialist era. In case of the Communist past Gauck office arose in 1992. This institution looks after the chancery of communist State security, simultaneously gives information from the dossiers to victims of the former regime. Balancing with totalitarian past is not a single- but a continual process and the Gauck office should reach the point by analyzing of materials it holds. Exceptionality of this institution lies in the fact that it serves as a model for other middle European countries. This project will focus on an analysis of historical preconditions for genesis of this institute. Also, it won't avoid the political debates influencing the final shape of Gauck office, including the future of its incorporating into the National Chancery.
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Materialistischer Historismus?Thomas, Alexander 09 August 2019 (has links)
Die Ausgangsüberlegung der Dissertationsschrift: Wenn sich die HU-Geschichtswissenschaft nach 1945 als "materialistischer Historismus" beschreiben ließe, dann widerspräche dies den beiden gängigen Erklärungsmustern. Denn eine historistische Wissenschaft wäre, erstens, weder eine reine "Legitimationswissenschaft" (Kowalczuk), da die historistische Methodizität insbesondere der Quellenarbeit sowie das typische Selbstverständnis als 'Forschung' (Offenheit, Arbeitsteilung, kumulativer Prozess) der politischen Instrumentalisierung der Historiographie entgegen stünden.
Zweitens widerspräche der Idealtypus eines 'materialistischen Historismus' dem Konzept der DDR-Geschichtswissenschaft als grundsätzlich anderem, nämlich sozialistischen Typ Geschichtswissenschaft: der von Martin Sabrow sog. "historischen Normalwissenschaft" mit eigener Fachlichkeit. Denn die Elemente des "Historismus", die die DDR-Geschichtswissenschaft bewahrte, würden große Ähnlichkeiten mit der traditionellen sowie der westdeutschen Geschichtswissenschaft erzeugen.
Die Ergebnisse zeigen die „konstitutive Widersprüchlichkeit“ der DDR-Gesellschaft. Einige Vertreter der HU-Geschichtswissenschaft bewahrten bewusst Elemente des Historismus, was insbesondere anhand der mediävistischen Forschungen Eckhardt Müller-Mertens offenkundig wird. Dagegen suchte z. B. Joachim Streisand die DDR historisch zu legitimieren und arbeitete darüber hinaus intensiv dem Ministerium für Staatssicherheit zu. Jedenfalls scheinen die Resulate der Arbeit der These einer in sich geschlossenen, sozialistischen Normalwissenschaft zu widersprechen. / The thesis invesitgates the question, if the historians of the socialist GDR may be seen as successors of the traditional german „Historismus“ of the pre-war era. I focused on the „Fachrichtung Geschichte“ of the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin and portraied the work of historians such as Alfred Meusel, Joachim Streisand, Eckhard Müller-Mertens and Kurt Pätzold.
The extend to that Joachim Streisand used german national history to legitimise SED-dictatorship of his present was surprising. He used history as a means for political ideology and – as suprising files in BsTU-archives show – used his position at the university to spy for the ‚Stasi‘ (Minsterium für Staatssicherheit).
In contrast to this story a number of historians emphasised research founded on sources and tried to keep some independece from SED-politics. A longer portrait of the thesis deals with medievalist Eckhard Müller-Mertens, who explored new methods in the analysis of the medieval ideas of the „Reich“. Müller-Mertens used the label „materialistischer Historismus“ to characterise the scientific tradition, in that he wanted to be seen.
After all, the history of this part of the GDR proves the „Widersprüchlichkeit“ (being contradictory), that constituted this dictatorship.
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„Nichts ist verschwunden“ : Eine Analyse des Zusammenwirkens von Dokumentarischem und Literarischem in Martin Jankowskis Roman Rabet oder Das Verschwinden einer Himmelsrichtung / “Nothing has vanished” : An analysis of documentary and literary aspects in Martin Jankowski’s novel Rabet oder Das Verschwinden einer HimmelsrichtungRödholm Siegrist, Helena January 2021 (has links)
Diese Analyse von Martin Jankowskis Roman Rabet oder Das Verschwinden einer Himmelsrichtung untersucht die Konstruktion einer literarischen Fiktion, die durch die dokumentarische Schilderung der friedlichen Revolution in Leipzig 1989 einen korrigierenden Beitrag zum Erinnerungsdiskurs leistet. Im Aufsatz werden Themen beschrieben, die durch das Fiktive, Metaphorische und Dialogische der Romanerzählung für die Gegenwart relevant gemacht werden. Dazu wird die Anwendung von literarischen Stilmitteln wie Metaphern, Ironie, Verschweigen, intertextuellen Referenzen und Transformationen analysiert. Neben der Interpretation des fiktionalen Erzählens, werden im Roman hervorgehobene und angedeutete Vorkommnisse untersucht, die noch heute sowohl auf gesellschaftliche Prozesse als auch auf private Beziehungen einwirken. / This analysis of Martin Jankowski’s Rabet oder Das Verschwinden einer Himmelsrichtung explores the construction of a literary fiction, which consists of a documentary and corrective contribution to the remembrance discourse of the Peaceful Revolution in the German Democratic Republic in 1989. Along with a description of themes which gain relevance through the fictional, metaphorical and dialogical features of the narration, the study undertakes an analysis of stylistic devises such as metaphors, irony, concealment, intertextual references and transformations. Besides an interpretation of the literary narration, the study examines the novel’s emphasis on the influence of past events on contemporary society and private relationships.
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Intelligence and the Uprising in East Germany 1953: An Example of Political IntelligenceCollins, Steven Morris 08 1900 (has links)
In 1950, the leader of the German Democratic Republic (East Germany), Walter Ulbricht, began a policy of connecting foreign threats with domestic policy failures as if the two were the same, and as if he was not responsible for either. This absolved him of blame for those failures and allowed Ulbricht to define his internal enemies as agents of the western powers. He used the state's secret police force, known as the Stasi, to provide the information that supported his claims of western obstructionism and to intimidate his adversaries. This resulted in a politicization of intelligence whereby Stasi officers slanted information so that it conformed to Ulbricht's doctrine of western interference. Comparisons made of eyewitness' statements to the morale reports filed by Stasi agents show that there was a difference between how the East German worker felt and the way the Stasi portrayed their attitudes to the politburo. Consequently, prior to June 17, 1953, when labor strikes inspired a million East German citizens to rise up against Ulbricht's oppressive government, the politicization of Stasi intelligence caused information over labor unrest to be unreliable at a time of increasing risk to the regime. This study shows the extent of Ulbricht's politicization of Stasi intelligence and its effect on the June 1953 uprising in the German Democratic Republic.
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