This dissertation examines how the major television networks, in conjunction with the Reagan administration, launched a lingering cloud of nuclear anxiety that helped to revive the Cold War during the 1980s. Placed within a larger political and cultural post-war context, this national preoccupation with a global show-down with the Soviet Union at times both hindered and bolstered Reagan’s image as the archetypal conservative, cowboy President that could free America from its liberal adolescent past now caustically referred to as “the sixties.” This stalwart image of Reagan, created and carefully managed by a number of highly-paid marketing executives, as one of the embodiment of peaceful deterrence, came under attack in the early 1980s when the “liberal” Nuclear Freeze movement showed signs of becoming politically threatening to the staunch conservative pledging to win the Cold War at any cost. And even if the nuclear freeze movement itself was not powerful enough to undergo the Herculean task of removing the President in 1984, the movement was compassionate enough to appeal to a mass audience, especially when framed in narrative form on network television. In the early 1980s, debates over the possibility of nuclear war and other pertinent Cold War related issues became much more democratized in their visibility on the network airwaves. However, the message disseminated from the networks was not placed in an educational framework, nor did these television productions clarify complicated nuclear issues such as nuclear winter theory and proliferation. I argue this renewed network attention on nuclear issues was not placed in an historical framework and likely confused American viewers because it routinely exposed audiences to both fact and fiction, undifferentiated at the level of the mass media.

Avec l’échec des négociations entre les États-Unis et la Corée du Nord, menées depuis le début des années 1990, sur la question du nucléaire, le problème est devenu graduellement l’affaire des pays voisins, tous soucieux de l’avenir de la région du sud-est asiatique. Présentée comme le seul allié de la Corée du Nord, la China a été invitée à participer à des négociations à trois, à quatre (1997-1998), et à six (2003-2007), dans l’espoir de faire entendre raison au régime isolé, mais jusqu’à maintenant, aucune des tentatives n’est parvenue à satisfaire chacun des membres à la table. Alors que la tension monte et que la politique américaine se fait de moins en moins flexible, la Chine quant à elle, continue d’encourager le retour des négociations à six (Six-Party Talks) dans l’optique de dénucléariser la péninsule coréenne, tout en travaillant à maintenir ses liens avec la Corée du Nord. Le fil conducteur de cette présente recherche est d’abord d’essayer de comprendre pourquoi la Chine continue de soutenir la Corée du Nord, fournissant dons alimentaires et financiers. L’idée est donc d’analyser, selon les principes du réalisme néoclassique, la politique étrangère de la Chine. L’hypothèse principale de cette théorie renvoie à l’idée que la distribution du pouvoir dans le système international influence la politique étrangère des États, mais que des variables au niveau de l’état et/ou de l’individu interviennent dans la formulation et l’application de celle-ci. Il est proposé ici que le lien entre l’unipolarité du système international et la politique nord-coréenne de la Chine, est façonné par des variables intermédiaires telles que : a) la perception des leaders de la distribution du pouvoir et de leur place dans le système international; b) l’idéologie du régime politique, et; c) le type d’unité responsable de la prise de décision en politique étrangère. L’analyse de chacune des variables permettra de faire la lumière sur les intérêts politiques et économiques de la Chine dans l’entretien de cette relation avec la Corée du Nord. / Since the bilateral negotiations between the United States and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula failed to produce any effective outcome in the 1990s, China was brought to the table and agreed to play its part as a mediator in the Four Party Talks (1997-1998) between both Koreas and the United States, as well as in the Six-Party Talks (2003-2007), with the addition of Russia and Japan as negotiators. While the American policies toward the DPRK have taken a tough and inflexible turn with former President George W. Bush declaring, at the end of January 2002, that North Korea, Iran, and Iraq “constitute an axis of evil arming to threaten the peace of the world”, China’s DPRK policy, however, reflects long-lasting terms of friendship and collaboration between the two countries. With concerns mounting over the aggressive policies of the North Korean regime and its determination to keep its nuclear arsenal, the question is: why does China insist on preserving its good ties with its neighbour, even when those policies are said to hinder its political and economical interests? To address this question, the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism will be tested within a three-level – systemic, state, and individual level – analysis, with consideration of the propositions that the relative distribution of power shapes China’s North Korea policy, and intervening variables at the state and individual levels are filtering the systemic pressures and thus, shaping decisions related to North Korea. These variables include: a) leadership’s perception of power; b) regime type and ideology, and; c) type of foreign policy decision-making unit. This in-depth analysis will then provide grounds in defining China’s core interests in backing up the secluded regime.

ROLIM, Tácito Thadeu Leite. Giram os sputniks nas alturas, ferve a imaginação nas planuras: a ciência e o bizarro no Ceará em fins da década de 1950. 2006. 204 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2006. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-28T16:04:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_TTLRolim.pdf: 8850982 bytes, checksum: c28e1faea361e534ab5e405fb9b08575 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-05T14:38:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_TTLRolim.pdf: 8850982 bytes, checksum: c28e1faea361e534ab5e405fb9b08575 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-05T14:38:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_TTLRolim.pdf: 8850982 bytes, checksum: c28e1faea361e534ab5e405fb9b08575 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / This Dissertation intends to recover the many different perceptions around some phenomena occurred in the 50’s, in the State of Ceará, described as flashes of light, blasts and luminous objects. These events repercuted in a controversial way in the local press as, on one hand, some people considered them as a result of progress in Science and Technology that allowed Space and Arms Race (that become one of the ingredients of the power dispute between US and USSR in the Cold War) and, on the other hand, for some other people, they showed up as strange and inexplicable phenomena, to which were given fantastic explications. In a search through newspapers from many tendencies -- American Time magazine, the communist paper O Democrata, and other papers from Ceará local press, such as O Povo, Unitário, O Jornal etc, besides some other documents (some of them just declassified by US Department of Defense) -- I intend to recover the debate that was established and the feelings of euphoria by the progress that they represented as well as those of fear and oddly, once they seemed fantastic, bizarre, and unusual. / O objetivo desta Dissertação foi o de recuperar as diferentes percepções em torno dos fenômenos ocorridos na década de 1950, no estado do Ceará, descritos como clarões, estrondos e objetos luminosos. Estes episódios repercutiram de forma controversa na imprensa local, na medida em que, de um lado, alguns consideravam como resultantes do progresso da Ciência e Tecnologia que permitiu a Corrida Espacial e Armamentista (que se tornou um dos ingredientes da disputa de poder entre EUA e URRS, durante a Guerra Fria) e, por outro lado, para outros, apareciam como fenômenos estranhos e inexplicáveis para os quais se davam explicações fantásticas. Consultando periódicos de diferentes tendências – a revista americana Time, o jornal do PCB O Democrata, e jornais da imprensa local do Ceará como O Povo, Unitário, O Jornal etc, além de outros documentos (inclusive alguns só recentemente liberados pelo Departamento de Defesa americano) -- procuro recuperar o debate que se estabeleceu e os sentimentos de euforia pelo progresso que representavam, assim como os de medo e de estranhamento, por parecerem fantásticos, bizarros e inusitados.

La fin de la confrontation Est-ouest va apparaître comme un tournant décisif dans la lutte contre la prolifération des armes nucléaires. Alors que le monde se réjouissait de la chute du mur de Berlin, le contexte qui va succéder à cette période est marqué par la poursuite, et même l’aggravation de plusieurs crises graves liées à la prolifération nucléaire en Inde, au Pakistan, en Iran et en Corée du Nord. Ces crises, intervenues alors même que la totalité des armes nucléaires à l’échelle mondiale avait été réduite de plus d’un quart depuis la fin de la guerre froide, ont fait l’objet d’une réaction mitigée de la part de la « communauté internationale ». Ces crises montrent qu’il est indispensable de renforcer le régime de non-prolifération nucléaire en apportant des réponses promptes, crédibles et dynamiques. Alors que des doutes sont apparus sur la capacité du régime classique à décourager ceux qui souhaitent développer des activités nucléaires à des fins autres que pacifiques, la nécessité d’envisager des outils modernes et adaptées au contexte géopolitique en pleine mutations, s’est révélée indispensable. Cela suppose un réaménagement du régime classique de non-prolifération dans la perspective de renforcer la légitimité de la norme de non-prolifération. De surcroît, ces crises montrent qu’il est indispensable de renforcer les mécanismes de mise en œuvre du Traité de non-prolifération nucléaire (TNP). Il s’agira d’assurer l’application universelle des accords de garanties de l’AIEA, qui est une obligation du TNP, ainsi que par l’universalisation du protocole additionnel / The end of the East-West confrontation appeared to be a watershed in the fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. While the world was celebrating the fall of the Berlin wall, the context that will succeed this time is marked by the continuity and the aggravation of several serious crises linked to nuclear proliferation in India, Pakistan, Iran and North-Korea. These crises occurred even though all nuclear weapons were globally reduced by more than a quarter since the end of the cold war, have been a mixed reaction from the " International community ". These crises show that it is essential to strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation system by providing prompt, credible and dynamic responses. While doubts have been raised about the ability of the classical regime to discourage those who wish to develop nuclear activities for other than peaceful purposes, the need to consider appropriate modern tools to change rapidly geopolitical context seemed to be essential. This implies a rearrangement of the classic nuclear non-proliferation system with a view to strengthen the legitimacy of the norm of non-proliferation. In addition, these crises show that it is essential to strengthen the mechanisms for implementation of the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (NPT). The application of an additional protocol, coupled with the implementation of a comprehensive safeguards agreement, is indeed essential to obtain full insurance compliance with non-proliferation commitments and is the current standard to allow the agency (IAEA) to fulfill its mission

THE 1977 UNITED STATES ARMS EMBARGO AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA: INSTITUTION AND IMPLEMENTATION TO 1997 The institution and implementation of the 1977 mandatory United States arms embargo against South Africa and the impact thereof on relations between the United States and South Africa is investigated in this study. The investigation centers around the objectives of the United States in instituting the arms embargo, whether these objectives were met through the implementation and enforcement of the arms embargo, and whether the South African reaction to the embargo indicates the failure of the embargo to meet its objectives. The relation of the arms embargo to the foreign policy of the United States Government of the day, as well as the impact of the embargo on the South African military industry is discussed. The basis on which the problem statement is built is that close scrutiny of the implementation of the arms embargo would allow one to judge the seriousness that the United States assigned to the objectives of the arms embargo. The main objective of the embargo was to force the South African Government to abandon apartheid. Full compliance with the embargo would demonstrate the commitment of the United States to this objective, while non-compliance would be regarded by critics as a retreat from that objective. The United States’ implementation of the arms embargo would furthermore demonstrate the ability of major arms producers like the United States to reduce the threat of global violence by putting measures in place to successfully block arms and related items from being exported to potential belligerents. In conclusion to the study, it was found that the implementation of the embargo was linked to external objectives of the United States Government of the day. Thus, the strengthening or weakening of arms embargo regulations occurred according to the objectives that the Government of the day wanted to achieve. Nonetheless, the United States’ implementation of the arms embargo was generally very effective. It was also concluded that the arms embargo indeed acted as the main stimulant for the development of the world-renowned South African arms industry. This industry developed out of the determination of the white South African minority Government to remain in power, which in turn resulted in a defiant disregard for the arms embargo. Clandestine activities became the order of the day. These activities later had a major impact on the first democratically elected black government in South Africa. This government inherited a legacy of embargo violations, which led to much tension in relations with the United States in the first few years after the 1994 South African elections. The research therefore also paints a picture of the inherited struggles that the new South African Government had to face as a result of the arms embargo, and the resultant difficulties in normalizing relations with the United States. / Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

L’arme nucléaire, arme de destruction massive par excellence, est unique en son genre par son potentiel de destruction inédit et par le caractère indiscriminé de ses frappes. Véritable menace pour l’humanité, ce type d’arme se doit d’être encadré par un régime conventionnel international de non-prolifération et de désarmement des armes nucléaires fort et complet. Dans les faits, celui-ci comporte des lacunes. Ce mémoire s’intéresse au mécanisme de retrait de ce régime conventionnel international. Plus particulièrement, nous proposons une analyse de la procédure de dénonciation retrouvée dans le Traité sur la non-prolifération des armes nucléaires de 1968 (TNP), pièce maîtresse du régime, et dans le Traité New Start de 2010, seul traité en vigueur entre les deux superpuissances nucléaires, les États-Unis et la Russie. L’étude du retrait de la Corée du Nord du TNP en 2003 ainsi que des enseignements du régime général de droit international introduit par la Convention de Vienne sur le droit des traités de 1969 viennent approfondir l’examen. On dévoile un mécanisme de retrait somme toute peu contraignant reposant largement sur le pouvoir arbitraire de l’État partie, malgré la menace importante pour la paix et pour la sécurité internationales engendrée par une telle décision. Jumelée à des mesures de suivi quasi inexistantes pour donner suite au retrait d’un État du TNP, cette situation laisse la communauté internationale face à une situation hautement dangereuse. À la lumière du mécanisme de retrait retrouvé dans l’Union européenne et tel qu’illustré par le récent cas du Brexit, ce mémoire propose de possibles pistes de solution pour renforcer le mécanisme de retrait du cadre juridique international de non-prolifération et de désarmement des armes nucléaires. / Nuclear weapons, the apex of weapons of mass destruction, are unique in the facet that they have an unprecedented potential for destruction, as well as in the fact that nuclear strikes are indiscriminate. This type of weapon, which represents a real threat to humanity, must be regulated by a strong and complete international conventional regimen of non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament. Nonetheless, the latter suffers from deficiencies. This master’s thesis focuses on the withdrawal mechanism found in this international legal field. The spotlight is more specifically directed on its cornerstone treaty, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of 1968 (NPT), and on the New Start Treaty of 2010, the only agreement which regulates the nuclear stockpiles of the nuclear superpowers, Russia and the United States of America. The analysis is enhanced by the study of the 2003 North-Korean withdrawal from the NPT and of the principles introduced by the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969. A rather soft withdrawal mechanism, which relies largely on the discretion of the State party, is revealed, despite the threat to international peace and security a decision to withdraw represents. This deficiency, paired with inexistent follow-up measures, leaves the international community facing a highly dangerous situation. The examination of the more substantiated withdrawal mechanism found in the European Union’s body of law, as illustrated by the Brexit, allows us to suggest possible solutions to strengthen the NPT withdrawal mechanism as well as potential follow-up measures to be implemented following the withdrawal of a State party.

No description available.

[pt] O principal objetivo da dissertação é explicar a assinatura do Tratado sobre Reduções Ofensivas Estratégicas - o Tratado de Moscou – pelo presidente George W. Bush e a aprovação unânime, pelos senadores norte-americanos, da resolução de conselho e consentimento para a ratificação do tratado. Tais decisões são vistas como resultados de um jogo de negociação no qual se observam a interação e a influência recíproca entre os níveis internacional e doméstico. As hipóteses indicam que membros do Executivo e grande parte do Senado norte-americanos mostraram-se interessados no tratado – que estipula uma redução substancial do número agregado de ogivas nucleares estratégicas dos EUA e da Rússia, de modo a não exceder 1.700-2.200 para cada parte no fim de 2012 –, pois ele garante a autonomia para definir como a redução será implementada e para determinar a estrutura das forças ofensivas estratégicas em face das novas ameaças aos EUA e aos seus aliados. / [en] The main purpose of the dissertation is to explain the signature of the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty - known as the Treaty of Moscow - by president George W. Bush and the unanimous approval of the resolution of advice and consent to ratification of the treaty by the U.S. Senate. These decisions are seen as the results of a bargaining game in which the national and the international levels interact and influence each other. The hypotheses indicate that the members of the U.S. executive and a huge number of the U.S. senators were interested in the treaty - which stipulates that each party shall reduce substantially the aggregate number of U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear warheads, so that it does not exceed 1,700-2,200 for each side by the end of 2012 - because it preserves the ability to define how the reductions will be implemented and to determine for themselves the structure of their strategic offensive forces, in order to respond to the new threats to their country and its allies.

This paper sets out to evaluate the influence of Russia’s increasing levels of hegemonic masculinity upon the erosion of the nuclear taboo in relation to increased threatening rhetoric, military preparedness, targeting of nuclear facilities, and withdrawal from existing arms control legislation which indicates potential first-use employment of nuclear weapons against Ukraine. Utilizing a dual research methodology of comparative process tracing and critical discourse analysis, gender theory is applied to assess various critical junctures and political focal points that contributed to a dual-partite path dependency of increasing hegemonic masculinity, coupled with the feminized securitization of Ukraine, and retaliatory masculinity as performed via state-sponsored employment of conflict-related sexual violence and nuclear posturing against Ukraine. The alternative explanation of “Escalate to De-escalate” is critically investigated; however, the empirical analysis provided by this paper suggests that the lack of gender-sensitive evaluation within this explanation fails to adequately account for the effect of increasing domestic hegemonic masculinity within Russia. Increased perception of an existential threat against Russian masculinity was found to contribute to an increased dependency on nuclear weapons. Ultimately, this paper forwards a novel explanatory causal mechanism, providing one of the first analyses of the nuclear taboo in relation to a gender-sensitive lens.

Tous les États sans discrimination ont un droit inaliénable de développer les utilisations de l'énergie nucléaire à des fins civiles, à condition de ne pas détourner ces utilisations pacifiques vers des armes nucléaires. Cependant, il est accordé à cinq pays le droit de posséder ces armes, à savoir les États-Unis, la France, la Russie, la Chine et le Royaume-Uni. Autour de cette position, un vif débat à la fois juridique et éthique a été soulevé. En effet, pour ses opposants, le nucléaire représente un risque durable et non maîtrisable par la science. Les accidents nucléaires majeurs, les déchets radioactifs et le détournement du nucléaire à des fins militaires sont des risques ingérables et d‟une gravité exceptionnelle. En revanche, les défenseurs de cette énergie la présentent comme sûre, voire partie prenante du développement durable. Selon eux, le nucléaire est un moyen fiable de lutter contre le réchauffement climatique et aussi une solution à la pénurie énergétique à laquelle le monde est confronté. En examinant et analysant la fiabilité et la crédibilité de tous les arguments allant à l‟encontre et en faveur de cette industrie, on constate que la licéité et la légitimité du recours à l'énergie nucléaire sont mal fondées. Par conséquent, nous estimons qu‟il est nécessaire de dépasser le nucléaire par la conclusion d'une convention internationale posant l'interdiction progressive mais complète du nucléaire. / All states without discrimination have an inalienable right to develop the uses of nuclear energy for civilian purposes, provided they do not divert these peaceful uses to nuclear weapons. However, five states have been granted the right to possess these weapons, that is : United-States, France, Russia, China and United-Kingdom. Around this position a fierce debate, both legal and ethical, has been raised. Indeed for its opponents nuclear represents a persistent risk that is non controllable by science. Major nuclear accidents, radioactive wastes and the use of nuclear for military purposes are unmanageable risks of exceptionnal serious gravity. On the other hand, the proponents of this energy present it as safe, even as part of sustainable development. According to them, nuclear is a reliable means to fight global warming and is also a solution to the energy shortage the world is facing. When analyzing the reliability and the credibility of all arguments for and against this industry, it can be noticed that the lawfulness and legitimacy of the use of nuclear energy are ill-founded. Therefore, we believe there is a need to go beyond nuclear with the conclusion of an international convention dealing with the progressive but comprehensive nuclear ban.