This study examines the influence of Feministiskt initiativ (Fi) as a governing factor during the mandate period 2014-2018 on the gender pay gap in 13 different municipalities compared to 277 different municipalities. The data source is from SCB´s website (2021) on the average monthly salaries by gender and municipalities for the period 2010-2021, quantitative methods like difference-in-difference estimation were applied to analyze the impact. The results from the average monthly wages for genders indicate that Fi has had a small positive effect on the gender wage gap, with a slight reduction in the wage gap in the municipalities where Fi was adopted as an underlying factor during the 2014-2018 mandate period. However, the results from the regression analysis for all four regressions that were applied, indicate that the interaction term is not statistically significant at any level of significance. Therefore, the analysis cannot draw strong conclusions that Fi has had an impact on gender equality and the gender pay gap based on the available results. There are several potential reasons why Fi may not be a significant underlying factor and the results could be attributed to the influence of other variables or factors that have exerted a more substantial impact on wage divergence. Alternatively, the quality of the data used in the analysis might have influenced the outcome. This study contributes to understanding how political movements or minor parties like Fi can affect gender equality and the gender wage gap in different municipalities. Previous research supports the idea that political movements can influence the gender pay gap and equality between genders, which aligns to some extent with the findings regarding Fi's impact on the gender pay gap in the municipalities where it held power.

No description available.

Bakgrund: Det politiska engagemanget bland ungdomar är stort, men medlemsantalen hos de politiska ungdomspartierna visar en nedåtgående trend med lägre deltagande för varje år. Föreliggande studie fokuserar på partipolitiskt engagemang där ungdomarna gjort aktiva val för att hitta en plats inom den politiska arenan. Syfte: Syftet är att identifiera vad som motiverar ungdomar som är aktiva i politiska ungdomsförbund i Sverige att bli partipolitiskt aktiva, och vad som får dem att stanna kvar. Resultatet kan förhoppningsvis användas som didaktiskt stöd i framtida samhällskunskapsundervisning. Metod: Metoden för studien är kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med tio ungdomar från samtliga riksdagspartiers ungdomsförbund. En intervjuguide används som bygger på studiens teoretiska ramverk där grunden är The expectancy-value model of motivation theory och motivationsfaktorer för politiskt engagemang och samhällsengagemang, vilka baserats på tidigare forskning. Resultat: Resultatet visar att det är samma faktorer som motiverar politiskt intresserade ungdomar som också motiverar partipolitiskt engagerade ungdomar. Utöver fastställandet av detta samband så identifierades två ytterligare faktorer som fick ungdomarna att ta steget in i och stanna kvar i partipolitiken. Dels handlar det om en vilja att förändra samhället, dels om en utlösande faktor som fick ungdomarna att ta steget in i partipolitiken. Resultatet visar även det komplexa sambandet mellan samtliga faktorer samt betydelsen av den sociala kontexten

In the 1932 essay The Concept of the Political, German legal philosopher Carl Schmitt (1888– 1985) raises the question: what is the modern state? In his answer Schmitt indivisibly links state and politics by stating that the concept of the state presupposes the concept of the political. The modern state is subsequently characterised as the political unity of a people. In the following thesis, I investigate the meaning of this designation by examining Schmitt’s state theory. Firstly, I set out to analyse his understanding of the political as a realm of conflict (chapter 2). On that basis, I scrutinise his views on the nature of the state as a political form of organisation (chapter 3). The thesis argues that given Schmitt’s understanding of the political as basically antagonistic, the raison d’être of the state is to relativise domestic tensions and conflicts in such a way as to facilitate the maintenance of order, peace and stability in a territorially enclosed configuration. Furthermore, the thesis contends that the ultimate purpose of the state, according to Schmitt, is to ensure a strong sense of political unity within the population and to promote the common goods a flourishing political community requires. In light of this, the thesis concludes that Schmitt’s state theory is essentially teleological in the sense that the political unity constituting the state is not merely an empirical phenomenon but rather a standard every real state should endeavour to realise.

In the year of 2016 the EU introduced an extraordinary agreement with Turkey. The aim was to jointly manage the increasing migration flows that arose during the migration crisis between 2015-2016. This by introducing new security measures aimed at making it difficult for migrants to cross the sea route via Turkey into the EU. Both with the mission to protect the EU:s external borders but also to decrease the rising death rates among migrants that had been trying to cross the sea route. The agreement with Turkey is still active to this day and poses as the main framework to handle migration in the eastern mediterranean. With rising concerns and critique from human rights groups, that the agreement is causing extensive human suffering it becomes an interesting topic to study. Therefore this thesis aims to explore how EU-politicians from the start have managed to justify the implementation of the EU-Turkey deal and restrictive measures taken against migrants. Which in the thesis has been explored by examining how EU-politicians strategically have used two types of security discourse: the humanitarian and the pure security discourse. Within their political statements regarding the EU-Turkey agreement between the year 2015-2016. The political statements have been analyzed through Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis. And together with the theoretical framework of the securitization theory the thesis has concluded that the two security discourses are strategically used to create representations of migrants and the EU that favors the EU-Turkey agreement. In addition the thesis emphasizes how the security discourses within the political statements have securitized the migration issue, which according to the securitization theory makes it easier to justify the implementation of extraordinary measures.

The purpose of this study was to compare the difference in democracy in two Subsaharan African countries. Namibia and Zimbabwe were compared in order to discover factors as to why there is a significant difference in democratic status in otherwise quite similar countries. To be able to do this, Linz and Stepan’s theory of consolidated democracy was used. The study used three of their five arenas, civil society, political society and the rule of law society, which were the basis of the analysis. To answer the purpose of the study, two questions were used; “What does civil society, political society and the rule of law society look like in Namibia and Zimbabwe 2023?” and “What factors make Namibia more democratic compared to Zimbabwe 2023?”. The study was qualitative and used a comparative method with a most-similar design to answer the purpose and questions. The conclusion was that Namibia’s civil society, political society and rule of law society functions broadly in accordance with democratic values and fulfills Linz and Stepans arenas to a large extent, while Zimbabwe has not progressed as far in its democratization process according to the arenas or in comparison with Namibia. Zimbabwe’s government is using autocratic tactics to consolidate their power which hinder the arenas to operate democratically.

No description available.

Political trust is by many thought to be an important factor for a society to work efficiently, due in part to trust in political institutions being a motivator for citizens to abide by rules and laws. Political trust is also thought to have an impact on voter turnout, according to some of the previous research. This correlation, however, is debated among researchers. This paper takes off from previous research regarding how voter turnout is impacted by different factors and specifically how voter turnout among young people is impacted. Previous research shows that voter turnout can be impacted by numerous factors on the individual as well as the aggregated level. Gender, age, and level of education are seen as some of the factors for voter turnout on the individual level, whereas the size of the population and proportional representation are seen as some of the factors for voter turnout on the aggregated level. Moreover, specifically voter turnout among young people is well-studied due to the generally lower turnout of this group. Previous research has shown how education and political interest, among other factors, might impact voter turnout among young people. This paper also rests on previous research of political trust in general and political trust as a factor for voter turnout. As mentioned above, the correlation between political trust and voter turnout is somewhat disputed, with some research showing strong correlation and other studies showing no evidence of such correlation. In this paper we therefore aim to study whether political trust, meaning trust for political institutions, has an impact on voter turnout among young people between the ages of 20–26. The term political institutions in this paper include the Swedish Parliament, the Swedish Government and the Swedish political parties represented in the parliament. The method in this study is quantitative, using cross tabulation to analyse the relationship between political trust and voter turnout among young people. The data on which the analysis is based are gathered from the results of the longitudinal research program Political Socialization Program by YeS (Youth & Society), Örebro university. The results suggests that young people have quite high levels of trust with over half of the respondents expressing very high or quite high levels of trust for all three of the political institutions. The results also show that the young people of this population have more trust toward the Swedish Parliament than to the Swedish Government and the political parties. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that low or no trust in each of the political institutions might correlate to a lower voter turnout on the individual level.

Denna kvantitativa studie behandlar svensk exportprestanda och dess förhållande till de makroekonomiska determinanterna valutaväxelkurs, politiska reformer, ekonomisk frihet och BNP-tillväxt. Många tidigare studier inom området fokuserar på hur exportprestandan påverkas av valutaväxelkurser, dock finns begränsat med studier som berör de övriga makroekonomiska determinanterna och dess påverkan på svensk exportprestanda. Denna studie vill därmed utöka detta studieområde med forskningsfrågan “Vilken roll har valutaväxelkursen och andra makroekonomiska determinanter för att förklara svensk exportprestanda?”. Den teoretiska modellen beskriver Sveriges export samt tidigare teorier inom området till de fyra makroekonomiska variablernas relation till svensk exportprestanda. Hypoteser är utformade för att studera om svensk exportprestanda beror på de makroekonomiska determinanterna. Studien använder en deduktiv kvantitativ forskningsmetod med multipel regression som statistisk metod, med användning av sekundärdata. Resultatet visar att hypotesen till valutaväxelkursen kan förkastas. Ett positivt samband finns mellan exportprestanda och politiska reformer samt BNP-tillväxt. Ett negativt samband påvisas mellan exportprestanda och ekonomisk frihet. Samtidigt som studien visar betydelsen av de makroekonomiska variablerna för svensk exportprestanda så finns det fortfarande utrymme för vidare studier inom området, som med användning av andra forskningsmetoder. / This quantitative study examines Swedish export performance and its relationship to the macroeconomic determinants of exchange rates, policy reforms, economic freedom and GDP growth. Many previous studies in the field focus on how export performance is affected by currency exchange rates, but there are limited studies that concern the other macroeconomic determinants and their impact on Swedish export performance. This study therefore aims to expand this area of study with the research question "What is the role of the exchange rate and other macroeconomic determinants in explaining Swedish export performance?". The theoretical model describes Sweden's exports and describes previous theories in the field related to the four macroeconomic variables' relationship to Swedish export performance. Hypotheses are created to study whether Swedish export performance depends on the macroeconomic determinants. The study uses a deductive quantitative research method with multiple regression as the statistical method and use of secondary data. The results show that the hypothesis of the exchange rate can be rejected. A positive relationship is found between export performance and policy reforms and GDP growth. A negative relationship is found between export performance and economic freedom. While the study shows the importance of the macroeconomic variables for Swedish export performance, there is still room for further studies in the area, for instance with use of other research methods.

Detta examensarbete är en kvalitativ studie där insamling av data skedde genom semistrukturerade intervjuer av rektorer och företrädare för ungdomsförbund samt läsning av styrdokument. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna är läroplansteori och demokratiteori. Syftet är att få kunskap om ungdomsförbund i gymnasieskolan, hur deras roll ser ut idag, vilken roll de borde ha och hur det förhåller sig till styrdokumenten ur ett demokratiskt perspektiv. Resultatet gjordes genom kodning och tematisering av intervjuerna samt genom en framställning av det demokratiska uppdraget utifrån relevanta styrdokument. De teman som empirin resulterade är objektivitetskravet, yttrandefrihet kontra värdegrund och demokratiideal. Dessa teman i kombination med det demokratiska uppdraget utifrån styrdokument utgör grunden för analysen. I diskussionen besvaras forskningsfrågorna utifrån empirin och analysen.