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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 21 to 29 of 29 (0.045 seconds)| 21 |
Chaos from order: anarchy and anarchism in modern Japanese fiction, 1900-1930Filler, Stephen 13 August 2004 (has links)
No description available.
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左翼批判精神的鍛接：四○年代楊逵文學與思想的歷史研究黃惠禎, Huang,Hui-Chen Unknown Date (has links)
楊逵在臺灣史上既是重要的社會運動家，也是知名的文藝工作者。從實地領導臺灣農民組合與臺灣文化協會，至以創作批判臺灣總督府扶植資本家成立製糖株式會社、臺灣拓殖株式會社等企業，假借農村繁榮和開闢山林為由，對臺灣土地進行的強取豪奪，楊逵從普羅大眾的視角出發，以左翼的社會運動與社會主義現實主義文學創作積極介入社會改造，堅定地表達反對殖民統治與階級壓迫的基本態度，擘畫公平、正義、民主、自由的理想社會。
一九四○年代，歷經日本殖民統治與國民黨政府兩個威權體制的高壓統治，臺灣人不僅因政權之遞嬗兩度變換國籍，也由於皇民化運動的推行與戰後全盤的中國化運動，遭逢兩次不同的國語政策與文化措施。毫無疑問，四○年代短短十年間是臺灣歷史上變動最為劇烈，也是考驗知識分子最為關鍵的時刻。可惜由於牽涉到皇民文學與二二八事件等政治上的禁忌，楊逵在這段時期的活動記錄幾乎呈現空白的狀況。本論文以《楊逵全集》編譯計畫進行期間，所蒐羅楊逵各類型的作品及其各種版本為基礎，配合近年間出土的第一手史料，藉由文學文本、歷史語境、文化現象等各方面的交互考察，為四○年代楊逵的社會運動與文藝活動進行補白的工作。此外，並借助薩伊德後殖民論述，檢視楊逵知識分子的文化立場，重構楊逵圖像。
在爬梳豐富的文獻資料之後，筆者發現無論外在環境如何艱困，楊逵總是能從艱難的時局縫隙中找尋出路；無論以文學創作針砭時政，或藉編輯刊物傳布左翼文學思潮與作品，或與日本、中國左翼作家間的交流與合作，莫不延續二○、三○年代勇敢對抗國家機器與霸權文化的批判精神，自始至終未曾偏離社會主義的階級立場。透過四○年代楊逵文學與思想的歷史研究，希望本論文不僅能為日後更為深入與更為全面性的楊逵研究做出貢獻，並能有助於了解臺灣知識菁英面臨政權更迭時的困頓與掙扎，及其社會參與和文化抗爭等諸多面向。
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Kapitán generace?Zdeněk Kalista a nejmladší česká literatura v letech 1919 - 1924 / The captain of his generation? Zdenek Kalista and the Young Czech Literature in 1919 - 1924Malínek, Vojtěch January 2014 (has links)
The aim of this thesis is to present the literary activities of Zdenek Kalista in 1919- 1924, a period which saw him becoming one of the most prominent figures of the young post- war generation of writers. The research has been primarily based on materials that had been so far ignored or insufficiently reflected (literary remains of Zdenek Kalista, Antonin Matej Pisa, Cestmir Jerabek, Lev Blatny, Jiri Wolker etc., as well as articles from contemporary magazines and daily newspapers) together with Kalista's memoirs. The thesis is divided into five chronologically sorted parts, each reflecting one year of Kalista's life and work and relating them to the literary situation of that time, while continuously describing them from multiple perspectives. In the first part, Kalista's personal life and the activities of the youngest literary generation are analyzed. After that, the focus shifts to the contemporary art groups (Umelecky klub, Literarni skupina, partly Devetsil) and Kalista's relationship with his contemporaries and various key figures of the literary scene (Jiri Wolker, Antonin Matej Pisa, Frantisek Gotz, Stanislav Kostka Neumann etc.). Then, Kalista's activities in the respective years are analyzed, be it for his work in contemporary magazines (Den, Orfeus, Host), his books (collections of...
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Operários em movimento: a trajetória de luta dos trabalhadores da Ceara Light (Fortaleza, 1917 - 1932) / Workers in movement: the trajectory of struggles of the employees of Ceará Light (Fortaleza, 1917 - 1932)Parente, Eduardo Oliveira January 2008 (has links)
PARENTE, Eduardo Oliveira. Operários em movimento: a trajetória de luta dos trabalhadores da Ceara Light (Fortaleza, 1917 - 1932). 2008. 205 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-25T12:20:36Z
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2008_Dis_EOParente.pdf: 1120978 bytes, checksum: d214dbadf9f547e10e44f3980331ecec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-25T14:54:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
2008_Dis_EOParente.pdf: 1120978 bytes, checksum: d214dbadf9f547e10e44f3980331ecec (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2008 / This paper tries to analyze the fighting and organizational trajectory of the employees of the British company Ceara Tramway Light and Power Company, between the years 1917 and 1932. Our study intends to investigate the processes of mobilization and organization adopted by these workers, focusing on the specific contents of their demands, the negotiation practices with their bosses and the fighting strategies they used. At the same time we will analyze the political and ideological options embraced by the workers on the each strike period and how those experiences contributed to the configuration of the political culture of the workers. / Esta pesquisa pretende analisar a trajetória de luta e organização dos trabalhadores da companhia inglesa Ceará Tramway, Light and Power Company, no período compreendido entre 1917 e 1932. Nosso estudo se propõe averiguar os processos de mobilização e organização adotados por estes operários, focalizando o conteúdo específico de suas demandas, as formas de negociação com os patrões e as estratégias de luta postas em prática. Ao mesmo tempo, analisaremos as opções políticas e ideológicas abraçadas em cada período grevista e como tais experiências contribuíam para a configuração da cultura política dos trabalhadores.
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Journalisme et influence politique pendant la révolution de 1848 : l’exemple de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane / Journalism and political power during the revolution in 1848 : based on the studies of die Neue Rheinische ZeitungMattes, Gudrun 02 March 2015 (has links)
Notre travail a comme objectif d’étudier la fonction de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane pendant la révolution de 1848 en Allemagne. A partir d’un corpus constitué des numéros du journal, y compris les éditions spéciales et les suppléments, notre étude analyse la conception du journal voulue par ses fondateurs, sa réalisation journalistique ainsi que l’évolution de sa ligne politique. Comme outil d’analyse nous nous appuyons sur la notion de l’espace public, notamment de l’espace public bourgeois, conçue par Jürgen Habermas en 1961, mais aussi sur les notions d’un espace public plébéien et d’un espace public prolétarien que la recherche a développées entre-temps. Après avoir étudié l’état de l’espace public en Allemagne, l’évolution du mouvement ouvrier avant et au début de la révolution et les prémices de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane, nous développons l’hypothèse que le journal fut un projet indépendant, explicitement conçu pour l’espace public bourgeois, en parallèle avec le projet de la Ligue des communistes qui, elle, a été créée à l’attention du mouvement ouvrier et pour l’espace public prolétarien naissant. La conception de la Nouvelle gazette rhénane puise ses sources dans les analyses de ses fondateurs, notamment de son rédacteur en chef Karl Marx, notamment en ce qui concerne la situation en Allemagne et en Europe. Suivant ces analyses, le journal a l’exigence de peser sur le cours de la révolution. L’idée de départ est de faire pression sur les parties progressistes de la bourgeoisie. En conséquence sa stratégie est de s’insérer dans le mouvement démocrate afin de pousser les démocrates vers une politique de confrontation avec la monarchie absolue. En s’adaptant au début de son existence aux critères de l’espace public bourgeois, la Nouvelle gazette rhénane correspond aux critères d’excellence de son époque : son travail rédactionnel, son organisation, sa production matérielle et sa distribution sont à la pointe du journalisme politique. Notre étude statistique des articles concernant l’Allemagne et l’étranger montre qu’il s’agit d’un journal prussien qui bénéficie d’un réseau dense de correspondants dans les régions et les Etats d’Allemagne ainsi qu’en Europe. Un accent particulier est porté sur les informations venant des pays européens. Ce fait s’explique par la conception européenne que le journal a de la révolution de 1848.La particularité du journal est à notre sens qu’il a accompagné toutes les modifications de l’espace public pendant la révolution. Sa politique se caractérise par la défense de la révolution et en premier lieu la défense de la liberté de la presse. Confronté à un morcellement et une destruction partielle de l’espace public bourgeois, sa ligne politique évolue d’une critique de la politique des parlements de Francfort et de Berlin vers une ligne de plus en plus insurrectionnelle. Notamment pendant les crises de septembre et de novembre, son influence sur les démocrates est notable sans qu’elle puisse s’imposer entièrement. En réaction à un bilan négatif de la politique du mouvement démocrate, ses rédacteurs quittent leurs fonctions dirigeantes au sein du mouvement au printemps 1849 pour intégrer la fraternité ouvrière (Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverbrüderung) de Leipzig. Cette décision correspond à une orientation vers l’espace public prolétarien ; le processus de cette réorientation est cependant interrompu par la fin de la révolution et ne pourra pas se concrétiser. / Our work has the objective of studying the function of die Neue Rheinische Zeitung during the German revolution in 1848. Our work is based on a corpus that consists of all the numbers of the journal that comprise of special editions and supplements. Our study analyses the conception of the newspaper as imagined by its founders, its journalistic creation as well as the evolution of its political direction. The basis of our analysis is the notion of public sphere, notably the bourgeois public sphere conceived by Jürgen Habermas in 1961 but also the notions of the plebeian public sphere and the proletarian public sphere. These notions had been developped by the research in the meantime.After having studied the situation of the public sphere in Germany and the evolution of the labour movement that already existed at the start of the revolution and the beginnings of die Neue Rheinische Zeitung, we developped the hypothesis that the journal was an independent project conceived for the bourgeois public sphere in parallel with the project of the Communist League, which was created for the attention of the labour movement and the emerging proletarian public sphere. The conception of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung takes its inspiration from his founders, namely chief contributor Karl Marx and his analyses about the situation in Germany and in Europe. According to his analysis, the newspaper had an impact on the course of the revolution. The first idea behind it is to put the progressive parties under pressure. Consequently, his strategy is to enter the democratic movement in order to push its members towards a political confrontation with the monarchy. At the start of its existence, it adapted itself to the criteria of the bourgeois public sphere and therefore matched the criteria and the political standards of journalism at that time in terms of writing skills, organization, production and distribution. Our statistics of the articles dealing with Germany and other foreign countries show that it is about a Prussian newspaper, which benefited from a wide network of correspondents in the regions and states in Germany as well as Europe. Information coming from European countries is extremely important, certainly because of the European conception which the journal developed of the revolution in 1848. A particular feature of the journal is that it followed all the changes of the public sphere during the revolution. Its politics was characterized by the defence of the revolution ad in the first instance of the Freedom of the Press. Confronted by a splitting up and a partial destruction of the bourgeois public sphere, the political movement started moving from a critic of the Parliaments in Frankfurt and Berlin into a more and more insurrectional direction against the government. During the crises of September and November 1848, its influence on the democrats is notable without being completely imposing. In reaction to the negative results of the democratic political movement, the contributors started quitting the leadership in Rhineland in spring 1849 to integrate die Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverbrüderung of Leipzig. The decision corresponded to a changing direction towards the proletarian public sphere whose progress had been interrupted by the end of the revolution and could not be realized.
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ADDRESSING CORPORATE KNOWLEDGE LOSS IN A UNIVERSITY UTILITY PLANTKelly A McFall (9622742) 16 December 2020 (has links)
<p>This
research was a pilot study in a larger project that focused on how to retrieve
knowledge from retiring long-term employees of a small university utility
plant, incorporate that material into their existing training program, and
during the process reduce the training time for current and future employees.
Wade utility plant faced the retirement of eight employees with nearly 200
years of corporate knowledge within three years, but their current training
program required seven to nine years to complete. The study utilized
interviews, first-hand observation and partnership with current employees to
explore how best to obtain the corporate knowledge that would be lost when the
proletarian workers retired. The study revealed that the training program
needed to be updated, and communication, trust and training evaluation
continuity needed to be addressed. Due to these issues, trust was built through
transparency by the researcher, and suggestions were made to management for
moving forward. This study adds to the body of knowledge by utilizing knowledge
capture techniques in a utility plant, highlighting effective knowledge capture
techniques for proletarian workers, the importance of corporate planning for
the effect of group retirements, and how incorporating proletarian workers into
training creation can make a positive impact on company relationships.</p>
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Searching for Songs of the People: The Ideology of the Composers' Collective and Its Musical ImplicationsChaplin-Kyzer, Abigail 05 1900 (has links)
The Composers' Collective, founded by leftist composers in 1932 New York City, sought to create proletarian music that avoided the "bourgeois" traditions of the past and functioned as a vehicle to engage Americans in political dialogue. The Collective aimed to understand how the modern composer became isolated from his public, and discussions on the relationship between music and society pervade the radical writings of Marc Blitzstein, Charles Seeger, and Elie Siegmeister, three of the organization's most vocal members. This new proletarian music juxtaposed revolutionary text with avant-garde musical idioms that were incorporated in increasingly greater quantities; thus, composers progressively acclimated the listener to the dissonance of modern music, a distinctive sound that the Collective hoped would become associated with revolutionary ideals. The mass songs of the two Workers' Song Books published by the Collective, illustrate the transitional phase of the musical implementation of their ideology. In contrast, a case study of the song "Chinaman! Laundryman!" by Ruth Crawford Seeger, a fringe member of the Collective, suggests that this song belongs within the final stage of proletarian music, where the text and highly modernist music seamlessly interact to create what Charles Seeger called an "art-product of the highest type."
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A memória-trabalho e política de professores da Educação Básica e a consciência de classe proletária potencial / The memory-work and politics of teachers of Basic Education and the consciousness of potential proletarian class / La memoria-trabajo y política de profesores de la Educación Básica y la conciencia de clase proletaria potencial / La mémoire-travail et la politique des enseignants de l'éducation de base et la conscience de classe prolétarienne potentielleSilveira-Fossaluzza, Juliana Tiburcio [UNESP] 11 August 2017 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2017-08-11 / Outra / La conscience de classe prolétarienne potentielle est une thèse qui sera défendue dans cette recherche. Il y a donc une préoccupation, une émeute, une certitude que quelque chose ne va pas en réalité, une indignation expérimentée, opprimée, les connaissances acquisées par l'individu, qui dans une certaine mesure sont exprimées dans sa “conscience individuelle”, et dans notre société. La conscience prolétarienne peut déjà exister potentiellement en toute personne, même si représentent pas encore une classe de conscience lui-même et pour luimême. Elle est en fait une “étincelle” de lucidité que “dit” qu'il y a desprolétarienset du prolétaire, de ses conditions connues d'exploitation, des emplois précaires avant-coureurs. Cette étude est, en même temps, un rapport sur la situation dans laquelle il y a de nombreux enseignants de l'éducation de base dans notre pays, en particulier ceux qui développent leur activité éducative dans l'État de São Paulo, Brésil. Ce sont des enseignants qui travaillent à l'école secondaire, à l'école primaire, à l'école maternelle et même dans l'enseignement supérieur. Cinq enseignants qui ont été entendus, au moyen d'entretienssemi-structurés, et qui ne sont pas silencieux dans leur mémoire-travail et de la politique, et exprimé à des degrés divers et les nuances de leurs processus de conscience de classe, la conscience de classe prolétarienne potentielle. Les enseignants-prolétaires qui, d'une certaine façon latente, ont militance “dans ses veines”, qui se battent ou se sont battus, bien que certains limités à la salle de classe, par une société qui pourrait un jour renaître de la subjugation, la souffrance, et l'exploitation humaine. Nous partons et retournons, de sorte que le travail, exercé avant, par un être humain et leurs relations sociales. Cette observation concerne la méthode de recherche, le matérialisme historique et dialectique. Que cette étude, qui est aussi la littérature, peut alors avoir envisagé le matérialisme, historicité-dialectique des rapports sociaux des processus de la conscience “individuelle”, ainsi que la nécessité de rapprocher entre l'école et l'université. / A consciência de classe proletária potencial nos professores da Educação Básica é a tese que será defendida nesta pesquisa. Há, portanto, uma inquietude, uma revolta, uma certeza de que algo está errado na realidade, uma indignação vivida, oprimida, um conhecimento apropriado pelo indivíduo, que, em alguma medida, se expressa na sua “consciência individual” e na nossa sociedade. A consciência proletária pode já existir potencialmente em qualquer pessoa, mesmo que ainda não expresse uma consciência de classe em si e para si. Ela é na verdade uma “faísca”, uma “fagulha” de lucidez que nos “avisa” que há proletários e proletárias, sabidos de suas condições de exploração, denunciadores da precariedade do trabalho. Este estudo é, ao mesmo tempo, uma denúncia sobre a situação em que trabalham muitos docentes da Educação Básica do nosso país, em especial aqueles que desenvolvem sua atividade educativa no Estado de São Paulo, Brasil. São professores que atuam no Ensino Médio, no Ensino Fundamental, na Educação Infantil e até mesmo no Ensino Superior. Cinco docentes que foram ouvidos, por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, e que expuseram suas memórias-trabalho e política, e expressaram em diferentes graus e nuances seus processos de consciência de classes, de consciência de classe proletária potencial. Professores-proletários que, de certo modo, latente, têm a militância “correndo em suas veias”, que lutam ou lutaram, ainda que alguns restritos à sala de aula, por uma sociedade que um dia poderá renascer da subjugação, do sofrimento e da exploração humana. Partimos e retornamos, portanto, do trabalho, exercido, antes, por um ser humano e suas relações sociais. Essa observação diz respeito ao método de pesquisa, ao materialismo histórico-dialético. Que este estudo, que é também bibliográfico, possa, então, ter contemplado o materialismo, a historicidade-dialética de parte das relações sociais, dos processos de consciência “individuais”, assim como a necessidade de aproximação entre escola e universidade. / The potential proletarian class consciousness is the thesis that will be defended in this research. There is, therefore, a restlessness, a revolt, a certainty that something is not well in reality, a indignation experienced, oppressed, a knowledge acquired by the individual, which is expressed in some measure in his "individual conscience", and in our society. Proletarian consciousness may already exist potentially in any person, even if it does not yet represent a class consciousness in and for itself. It is indeed a "spark" of lucidity that "warns" that there are proletarians, aware of their conditions of exploitation, denouncing the precariousness of work. This study is at the same time a complaint about the situation in which many teachers of Basic Education work in our country, especially those who carry out their educational activity in the State of São Paulo, Brazil. They are teachers who work in High School, Elementary School, Infant Education and even Higher Education. Five teachers who were heard through semi-structured interviews and who did not remain silent in their work and political-memories and expressed in different degrees and nuances their processes of class consciousness, of potential proletarian class consciousness. Proletarian- teachers who, in a certain way, are latent, have militancy "running in their veins", who fight or have fought, although some restricted to the classroom, by a society that one day may be reborn from subjugation, suffering and exploitation human. Therefore, we start and return from the work previously carried out by a human being and his social relations. This observation concerns the method of research, historical-dialectical materialism. That this study, which is also bibliographical, may then have contemplated materialism, dialectical historicity on the part of social relations, “individual” processes of consciousness, as well as the need for approximation between school and university. / La conciencia de clase proletaria potencial es la tesis que será defendida en esta investigación. Hay, por lo tanto, una inquietud, una revuelta, una certeza de que algo no está bien en la realidad, una indignación vivida, oprimida, un conocimiento adquirido por el individuo, que en alguna medida se expresa, en su "conciencia individual", y en nuestra sociedad. La conciencia proletaria puede ya existir potencialmente en cualquier persona, aunque todavía no represente una conciencia de clase en sí y para sí En realidades una "chispa" de lucidez que nos "advierte" que hay proletarios y proletarias, sabidos de sus condiciones de explotación, denunciadores de la precariedad del trabajo. Este estudio es, al mismo tiempo, una denuncia sobre la situación en que trabajan muchos docentes de la Educación Básica de nuestro país, en especial, aquellos que desarrollan su actividad educativa en el Estado de São Paulo, Brasil. Son profesores que actúan en la Enseñanza Media, en la Enseñanza Fundamental, en la Educación Infantil e incluso en la Enseñanza Superior. Se les escuchó a cinco docentes, a través de entrevistas semi estructuradas, y que no se callaron en sus memorias-trabajo y política, y expresaron en diferentes grados y matices sus procesos de conciencia de clases, de conciencia de clase proletaria potencial. Profesores-proletarios que, en cierto modo, latente, tienen la militancia "corriendo en sus venas", que luchan o han luchado, aunque algunos restringidos al aula, por una sociedad que un día podrá renacer de la subyugación, del sufrimiento y explotación humana. Partimos y regresamos, por tanto, del trabajo, ejercido, antes, por un ser humano y sus relaciones sociales. Esta observación se refiere al método de investigación, al materialismo histórico-dialéctico. Que este estudio, que es también bibliográfico, pueda, entonces, haber contemplado el materialismo, a historicidad-dialéctica de parte de las relaciones sociales, de los procesos de conciencia “individuales”, así como la necesidad de aproximación entre escuela y universidad.
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Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918 / Ukraine’s independence 1917 in swedish press 1917–1918Bergman, Leo January 2017 (has links)
This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale. / Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.
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