The main objective of this essay is to seek the answers to three questions: 1) What strategies and methods did Moderata kvinnors rösträttsförening, MKR, use to present their viewpoint on the issue of female voting rights? 2) How were the paradox, with conservatism and radical change, treated in their arguments for their opinion? 3)Why did the conservative female believe they distinguished from other voting struggling females? The purpose is to examine how MKR balanced their ideological fundamental idea and radical change in the female voting struggle during 1917-1921. The sources that’s been useful are the archives of the female voting movements, moderate women suffrage association and Gertrud Törnells text Responsibility. The study is a qualitative study and the text material has been analyzed. The results show that the conservative ladies in MKR had another standing in the struggle of female voting than other voting struggle ladies when it comes to the solutions. The aim was the same but it differed in what way it would happen. The conservative ladies wanted a less radical solution and a longer transition. MKR wanted to educate the women so that they could make reasonable decisions on the political arena. MKR also believed that the question should be taken more seriously if the women had different standings, mixed with a united front. It would make them more credible and politically mature.

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Den här uppsatsen undersöker rösträttsbeslutet 1907. Det är framförallt debatterna i riksdagen som står i centrum. För att förstå händelserna 1907 är det viktigt att även granska tidigare tilldragelser i den svenska demokratiseringsprocessen. Därför kommer riksdagsdebatten om rösträttsfrågan 1906 också att analyseras ingående. Då var det en liberal regering som lade fram en rösträttsproposition, men den föll i den konservativa första kammaren. Rösträttsreformen 1907-1909 kom till stånd under en högerregering vilket kan tyckas förvånande. Många konservativa hade nämligen tidigare varit hårda motståndare till en utvidgning av rösträtten. Även många på vänsterkanten var kritiska eftersom man inte tyckte att reformen gick tillräckligt långt. Den här uppsatsen huvudfråga handlar om förväntningar, närmare bestämt vilka konsekvenser riksdagsmännen ansåg att en utvidgning av rösträtten skulle få. Det visar sig att många av de mest konservativas varningsord skulle komma att förverkligas inom en inte alltför avlägsen framtid. Bara drygt tio år senare skulle den stora allmänna rösträttsreformen röstas igenom, vilket gör det intressant att placera rösträttsreformen 1907-1909 i ett större perspektiv. Även det kommer att diskuteras i uppsatsen. När man studerar demokratiseringsprocessen i Sverige överskuggas ofta rösträttsreformen 1907-1909 nästan helt av den omfattande allmänna rösträttsreformen 1918-1921. Den här uppsatsen vill visa att rösträttsbeslutet 1907 var en betydande reform i sin egen rätt.

This essay studies how religiosity is formulated and discussed within the women´s suffrage movement, LKPR, in Sweden during the early 1900s. I have studied articles in journals written by central actors in the organization and applied a discourse analysis. This era in Sweden is characterized by political turbulence, and an increasing questioning of the Church of Sweden and how its doctrine is used by the state to legitimize a patriarchal social structure. I have also applied the “gender contract” as a theoretical perspective to show how the gender roles within the Church of Sweden not only created a framework for the women to stand within, but also to elucidate these actors’ approaches to these conditions and the complex situation they were in during the conflict where they were torn between state law, church frameworks and the dream of liberation. The work illustrates how voting rights activists used religion in their rhetoric to, among other things, call for activism, legitimize the political issue and demonstrate past values ​​depending on your gender and the roles you were thus assigned. With emotions such as love, despair, frustration and hope formulated in the scriptures, religion became one of the organization's tools in the political project.

Denna uppsats är en studie av den kvinnliga rösträttsrörelsen i början av 1900-talet. Innan kvinnor fick den fulla politiska rösträtten, fick de redan 1909 kommunal valbarhet, det vill säga att de kunde väljas till stadsfullmäktige. Jag har valt att följa rösträttskvinnorna i Falun och deras väg från utanförskap till rätten att få vara med att styra över kommunala angelägenheter. Jag ville undersöka vad som drev dessa kvinnor att genomföra denna samhällsförändring och de metoder man valde att använda, samt vilka man tog avstånd ifrån. Till min hjälp har jag haft Joan Wallach Scotts Gender and the politics of history. Scott tar upp olika perspektiv på feminism, varav likhets- och olikhetsprincipen är två synsätt som utgör tydliga förhållningssätt även i min uppsats. Den litteratur och tidigare forskning jag valt visar tydligt på denna skillnad och även likheter mellan de olika synsätten. Alla hade trots allt det gemensamt att de verkade för kvinnofrigörelse och kvinnliga rättigheter som fullvärdiga medborgare.

Syftet är att undersöka hur kampen för allmän och lika rösträtt framställts i svenska läroböcker från början av 1900-talet fram till idag. Med hjälp av läroboksanalys har nio stycken läroböcker granskats. Denna analys gjordes för att se om det gick att urskilja någon förändring hur läroboksförfattare under 1900-talet har behandlat vägen till kvinnlig rösträtt och om några av de utvalda böckerna har förmedlat ett genus- och jämställdhetsbegrepp. Resultatet av läroboksanalysen har visat att läroböcker framställer den kvinnliga rösträtten som något positivt, då det medför till ”äntligen demokrati i Sverige”, dock förmedlar inga av läroboksförfattare vad som händer efter rösträtten. Då läroböckernas perspektiv över tid inte har förändrats, utan författarna vidhåller fortfarande en liknande konstruktion det vill säga att några avsnitt och ”sanna” fakta alltid är rådande. Fastän senare tiders uppmärksammande av genushistoria, kvinnohistoria och synliggörandet av kvinnor hanterats går inte detta att urskilja som en vidare tendens i litteraturen. Under denna period har inte läroböckerna förändrats utan behandlar likartade aspekter och teorier. Nya tankar och synsätt som har skapats har inte bidragit till förändringar utan böckerna fortsätter basera samma ”sanna” fakta i en kronologisk ordning, de gamla texterna har inte omarbetats något nämnvärt. / The aim of this dissertation is to investigate how the struggle for universal suffrage is depicted in Swedish textbooks from the early 1900s until today. The investigation seeks to discern the depiction of women’s struggle for suffrage and to discern whether there is a tendency towards possible change in how textbook authors have depicted this over time. The investigation will be conducted through scrutinizing and analyzing nine textbooks of history. The results from the analysis show that the textbooks depict women’s suffrage as a positive matter, since it results in the feeling of “finally democracy in Sweden”. However, none of the authors of the textbooks attempt to convey what happens after the gain of suffrage. The perspectives in the textbooks do not seem to have changed over time, since the authors still uphold a similar design. In addition, all textbooks seem contain certain passages where “true” facts are predominant. Despite of recent years of acknowledging gender history, women’s history and the increased visibility of women this cannot be discerned as a tendency in the investigated literature. Throughout the scope of analyzed textbooks there is no particular visible change over time, but instead all of the textbooks seem to treat similar aspects and theories. New ideas and approaches that have occurred do not seem to have contributed to any change in the textbooks. The same facts based on “truth” are conveyed in a chronological order, and the older texts are not substantially rewritten.

The protests and strikes in Västervik 1917 have been considered to be the start of the hunger movement in Sweden. The events have been called the Swedish revolution. The Swedes who participated were inspired by the February revolution in Russia, and there were similarities, but the reformist side won and the outcome was the equal vote for most men and women. This essay analyzes the way four newspapers report from the events in relation to the political orientation of the newspapers, the involvement of women in the strikes and protests, and how the events in Västervik can be used for educational purposes. The two right wing newspapers wrote negatively about the worker´s movement and, the two left wing newspapers published articles that acknowledged the struggle of the workers and the abuse against the workers by the factory owners. Three of the newspapers (Smålands Allehanda, Smålands Folkblad and Västerviks Veckoblad) initially have relatively neutral articles and the comments about the opposing political side are relatively subtle. The revolutionary syndicalist newspaper Syndikalisten has a more aggressive tone because it functions as the official paper of SAC, the Swedish workers central organization. The inquiry shows that women were not that much involved in the strikes and protests in Västervik. They were active in the certain sectors, such as foodstuff, where they, in certain cases, could make a big difference. The events in Västervik 1917 can be used in school when the students work with the history of their local communities in a social learning environment.

This essay aims to study the Swedish suffrage movement, LKPR from an emotional historical perspective. How did the activists in the early 1900s relate to emotions, in a time in which women were described as “too emotional” to participate on the public stage? What do the emotions that got expressed actually mean and how could this affect the practical actions of the organisation? Do the activists share an emotional language, simply because they share the same restrictions and goals in life? The study will be formed as a discourse analysis, which will show us the importance of understanding that language and practical actions are interrelated. In time, we will see how the Swedish organisation actually used quite an aggressive rhetorical language, which differs from their practical actions. They used words such as unworthy, threatening, guiltand shame, belligerent, etc. And I came to realize just how willing and well the organisation and the actors within this compound actually adapted their language and the emotions that they described depending on the social, religious and political context that they found themselves to be in. The LKPR:s own journal very rarely held back emotions in any way, while actors within the organization that also wrote in other journals adapted to the preconceptions that could be found within those surroundings and readers. And based on this fact, the language of the LKPR:s actors and journal differs quite a lot from other common newspapers that were published at the same time and that discussed the same kind of issues. I would not hesitate tosay that the language of the LKPR actually does remind quite a lot about the english suffragettś rethorics, and therefore, I will argue, that further studies would gain from studying the relationship between the swedish activists and the english suffragettes, how this relationship affected the language and emotions and the practical actions.

The objective with this paper has been to examine the opinion about the female suffrage in two local newspapers around 1918–1921 in Växjö. The newspaper was Nya Växjöbladet and Smålandsposten. The pick of the newspapers was made for the local connection and its political belonging which was liberal and conservative. As method has been used a qualitative text analysis. The articles were scanned for words associated with female suffrage. These are woman, female and female suffrage (kvinnor, kvinnlig, kvinnlig rösträtt). Via these words adequate articles has been picked and analysed from a political citizen perspective. Key words based on the theory have been status, internship and social benefits. The results show that opinions appeared in the newspapers confirm previous studies that the conservative newspaper harboured more negative approach to the female suffrage and the liberal newspaper more positive approach.

Due to the standards and values that characterized our society through history women have had a hidden place in the historiography. By a qualitative media analysis these values have been analysed to find out how   women with the right to vote moved the values and how they were described in newspapers and magazines.  The study is from Judith Butlers interpretation of how the gender perspective went through a process of normalization. The linguistic dimension of women has been analysed for two reasons firstly to discover how women are described as political subjects in 1911 and 1921 and how this can have affected perceptions of gender and value.  In my study I came to the conclusion that their political interests and achievements most often were overshadowed because of their gender 1911 more than 1921.  During 1921 it was still more important that women were women than men were men. Secondly I have studied how the women through magazines tried to tone down the fact that they were ground breakers. The study resulted in that the women often described their female characteristics in relation to their political relevance to give the reader the impression that femininity and politics belong together. These phenomena showed up more often in magazines than newspapers and were interpreted as these connections between femininity and politics were a part woman’s leverage to get the right to vote. The study contributes to the research of women’s history and a wider understanding for how language and journalism can contribute to perceptions of genus.