This interview study examined the religiosity of eight Ukrainian refugees. The aim of the bachelor thesis was to study how religiosity and religious commitment are affected as a result of war and flight. The data was collected through eight semi-structured interviews and then analyzed based on previous research and theories, like Charles Glock´s theory of deprivation and Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmanns theory of plausibility structure. The results of the study showed that no one lost their faith in God due to the war, the escape and the arrival in Sweden. For some of the refugees, faith in God had become stronger and religious commitment had increased. This can be explained by the theories about deprivation and change in plausibility structure. The distinguishing feature of the study was that the bomb shelters in Ukraine became a place for faith in God, even for people who had not been religious believers before. The confined place, the physical proximity to other people, the collective in prayer created an important community for the affected people. People who were not believers before the war did not develop a religious faith after the escape. The conclusion of the study was that faith in God becomes tangible in war-torn situations where people fear for their lives. Religious affiliation and community was important for the Ukrainian refugees and was shown for example through increased church involvement in Sweden to find comfort and meaning.

This study aims to explore the specific didactic conditions identified by Swedish as a second language teachers working with content-based language instruction for newly arrived students with a strong educational background and solid subject knowledge, but very limited knowledge of Swedish – and to discuss the possible approaches the teachers suggest. The study is inspired by the fact that in 2022, a significant number of students from Ukraine started enrolling in language introduction programs across the country. This particular category of students is the target group of the study.  Starting from a sociocultural understanding of learning, where the role of the teacher is crucial to the students’ knowledge and identity development, this study utilizes group interviews with second language teachers at three different schools. Using grounded theory as method, the teachers’ reflections have guided the research process in a pendulum motion between data and analysis, to a point where theoretical saturation was achieved. The result indicate that the teachers identify lacking motivation among students from Ukraine as an obstacle to language learning, which they attribute to the students' uncertain living conditions, and to a discrepancy between the current instruction and the students' previous education and level of knowledge. In response, the teachers in varying degrees adapt their instruction to the pace and level of the Ukrainian students. The study also shows that the teachers believe grouping the Ukrainian students in homogenous groups to be beneficial for their motivation and second language acquisition. The findings are discussed in the context of research on ability grouping and the impact of educational background on second language learning, using content-based language instruction theory as a framework.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att utreda vilka förutsättningar som krävs för att ett krigsbrott ska föreligga enligt folkrätten, och illustrera detta genom Rysslands angrepp på Ukraina perioden 2014 fram till idag. Den kvalitativa metoden ligger till grund för arbetet, där information hämtats från folkrättsliga källor, såsom internationell sedvanerätt, konventioner och deklarationer, litteratur, pressmeddelanden och artiklar. Ett krigsbrott är en överträdelse av de seder och lagar som finns i krig. Exempel är attacker mot civila och dess egendom, tagande av gisslan, samt användning av viss typ av stridsmedel. Resultatet av analysen visar att Ryssland har gjort sig skyldiga till en rad folkrättsbrott i Ukraina. Ryssland har inte respekterat suveränitetsprincipen, och de har gjort sig skyldiga till brott mot FN-stadgans våldsförbud. De har attackerat civilbefolkningen vilket strider mot Internationell humanitär rätt. Rysk militär har brutit mot Genèvekonventionen om behandlingen av civila, militära och krigsfångar, och de har utsatt Ukraina för cyberattacker. Omvärlden tog tidigt ställning i konflikten genom att sanktionera bland annat ryska medborgare och företag. Internationella brottmålsdomstolen agerade genom att utfärda en arresteringsorder mot president Vladimir Putin och ryska barnrättskommissionären Maria Lvova-Belova, för deportering av ukrainska barn.

Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 of February 2022, Swedish media have covered the war daily. Alongside the traditional media coverage a blog named Cornucopia, written by the author Lars Wilderäng, has gained popularity for its post about the ongoing war. In this study the blog Cornucopia and Sveriges Television’s, the Swedish public service television company, written live reporting are subject to textual- and quantitative analysis. The research question in this paper is what differs the two in framing, use of sources and interaction between writer and reader and amongst readers. The theoretical framework consists of framing, Digital Media Logic, Social News Logic and Social witnessing. The result shows that Sveriges Television, SVT, mostly use news agencies and statements made by Ukrainian politicians as source of information. Wilderäng mostly collects information from Twitter/X and the linked Twitter-accounts are often run by anonymous users. While the reporting on Cornucopia describes the harsh everyday reality of war SVT focuses more on economic support and sanctions against Russia. SVT has outsourced the interaction to social media platforms. Cornucopia on the other hand, has kept the interaction on the website and its comment field is frequently used.

The objective of this study is to examine the explanatory capabilities of the international theories, constructivism and structural realism, both separately and complementary. The explanatory capabilities of the theories are examined in the context of explaining the driving forces of Russia's invasion of Ukraine February 24, 2022. This study employs a qualitative research design and a theory-testing method to examine the theories capabilities. This is accomplished by analyzing compiled empirical material from numerous sources. Constructivism posits that the international system is socially constructed and underscores the importance of social norms, shared perceptions and identity in shaping political behavior. Structural realism however, diverges from this perspective and instead highlights the importance of security and power in an anarchic international system. The study concludes that structural realism and constructivism complement each other in their explanatory powers of understanding the driving forces of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Structural realism is however by far the strongest of the theories in independently explaining the driving forces of the invasion.

Sedan Ryssland invaderade Ukraina har flera multinationella företag valt att pausa eller avveckla sin verksamhet i Ryssland. I uppsatsen undersöks hur svenska multinationella företags val av åtgärder och hur de har kommunicerats av företagen själva och svensk nyhetsmedia påverkar konsumenternas syn på företagens legitimitet. Det möjliggörs genom att analysera företagens sätt att kommunicera enligt olika kommunikationsstrategier, hur ofta företagen nämns i nyhetsmedia kopplat till ämnet och hur de framställs i rapporteringen. Vidare används en enkätundersökning för att involvera konsumentperspektivet för att se hur företagens legitimitet påverkas. Resultatet av enkätundersökningen visar att konsumenter föredrar en ackommodativ kommunikationsstrategi, vilket innebär att företagen genomför åtgärder och kommunicerar på ett sätt som visar på ansvarstagande och empati för den eller de drabbade av en kris. Hur ofta de specifika företagen vi studerar förekommer i nyhetsmedia, och hur de porträtteras kopplat till Rysslands invasion av Ukraina visar inte på något tydligt samband med hur legitimiteten påverkas.

År 2015 tvingades tiotusentals syrier på flykt till Sverige för att undkomma det inbördeskrig som härjade i Syrien. Under 2022 invaderas Ukraina av Ryssland vilket tvingade ukrainare på flykt till Sverige. Syftet med denna studie är att med en kritisk diskursanalys undersöka svenska nyhetstidningars framställningar av syriska flyktingar respektive ukrainska flyktingar. Fokus har legat på språket och hur dess tillämpningsformer kopplas samman med makt och sociala skillnader i samhället. Totalt har 20 artiklar utgjort materialet för analysen, vilka har hämtats från Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter. Fem artiklar per flyktinggrupp och tidning. En kodningsprocess har gjorts för att kunna identifiera mönster i artiklarna. Mönstren analyserades därefter från begreppet makt med utgångspunkt i Foucaults maktteori, Franzéns makttriangel samt begreppen etablerade och outsiders. De flesta av de analyserade artiklarna lyfte fram en solidaritet i mottagandet av ukrainska flyktingar och generaliserade dem i termer av "ukrainare". Syriska flyktingar porträtterades i stället i relation till hot och generaliserades i termer av "flyktingar". Framställningarna av syriska flyktingar visade på kulturella skillnader jämfört med Sverige där framställningen av ukrainska flyktingar i stället visade på kulturella likheter där en större acceptans för flyktingar från Europa synliggjordes. Med hjälp av en kritisk diskursanalys och vald teori kunde vi komma fram till en slutsats; syriska flyktingar framställs i vårt analyserade material annorlunda än ukrainska flyktingar, baserat på nationellt ursprung och religion. / In 2015, tens of thousands of Syrians were forced to flee to Sweden to escape the civil war in Syria. In 2022, Ukraine was invaded by Russia, forcing Ukrainians to flee to Sweden. The purpose of this study is to use a critical discourse analysis to examine Swedish newspaper's representations of Syrian refugees and Ukrainian refugees. The focus has been on language and how its forms of application are linked to power and social differences in society. A total of 20 articles made up the material for the analysis, which were taken from Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. Five articles per refugee group and newspaper. The articles about Syrian refugees are from 2015 and the articles about Ukrainian refugees are from 2022. A coding process was carried out to identify patterns in the articles. The patterns were then analyzed from the concept of power based on Foucault's power theory, Franzén’s power triangle and the concepts established and outsiders.  Most of the analyzed articles highlighted a solidarity in the reception of Ukrainian refugees and generalized them in terms of “Ukrainians”. Syrian refugees were instead portrayed in relation to threat and generalized in terms of “refugees”. The portrayals of Syrian refugees showed cultural differences compared to Sweden. The portrayals of Ukrainian refugees showed cultural similarities, revealing a greater acceptance of refugees from Europe. With the help of a critical discourse analysis and selected theory, we were able to conclude; Syrian refugees, in our analyzed material, are presented differently than Ukrainian refugees, based on national origin and religion.

This study is a qualitative case study, with a theory-consuming approach and motive analytical structure that aims to examine Russia's ulterior motives, for the full-scale military invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The analysis is based on a theoretical framework of two different international relations theories: realism and constructivism. Realism highlights security, military power and the survival of state in the international system while constructivism highlights the interactions between different constructed identities, norms and ideas within the international system. Together with the theoretical framework the analysis uses Kremlin's own statements, to see if it corresponds with the theoretical findings. The study concludes that the two theoretical perspectives complement each other in explaining Russia's ulterior motives and that Kremlin's own statements on Ukraine was able to correspond with the theoretical findings.

In the year of 2014 Russia annexed the Crimean Peninsula. Eight years later, Russia escalated the war by carrying out a full-scale military invasion on the rest of Ukraine. Since then, the Russo-Ukrainian war have turned out to become a war of the military-industrial capacities between the west and Russia. Because of this, Russian military logistics is of vital interest to western scholars, professionals and the broader public, but the topic is unfortunately not easily understood. The purpose of this paper is in general to contribute to the broader research on military logistics and specifically to contribute to the understanding of Russian military logistics. This is done by conducting a case study on the operational logistics of the Russian Armed Forces in the Russo-Ukrainian war. This is achieved by using the theories of Moshe Kress on operational logistics as analytical framework. The method used is a qualitative text analysis. The results show that the logistics system of the Russian Armed Forces have the ability to improvise logistics proceedings and prioritize resources and partially have the ability to achieve stability in the logistic flow and to push the right quantity of supplies into the theatre of operations. In addition, the logistics system does not have the ability to decide on the “tooth-to-tail” ratio, and lastly, the Russian Armed Forces does not have the ability to protect its logistics system.

I denna uppsats undersöks socialt ansvar och styrning, vilka är komponenter av ESG, i relation till Rysslands invasion av Ukraina 2022. Via en eventstudiemetod undersöker uppsatsen huruvida svenska noterade bolag med höga betyg för socialt ansvar och styrning (SG-betyg), kortsiktigt har en abnormal avkastning under Rysslands invasion av Ukraina. Svenska bolag är intressanta att undersöka eftersom Sverige är ett av de länder som reagerat starkast på Rysslands invasion av Ukraina, placeras i topp på olika ESG-rankingar samt ligger geografiskt nära konflikten. Vi finner att bolag med höga SG-betyg inte signifikant ger abnormal avkastning under Rysslands invasion av Ukraina. Detta kan bero på konfliktens komplexitet, ett begränsat urval i uppsatsen eller ESG-betygens otillförlitlighet, där bolag med höga betyg för socialt ansvar och styrning tenderar att vara större samt mindre volatila än de med lägre betyg.