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Showing 51 to 58 of 58 (0.04 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"[een] CONCEPTUAL HISTORY"" "subject:"[enn] CONCEPTUAL HISTORY""
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Fronteira, capitalismo, democracia: Estados Unidos e Brasil (séculos XIX e XX) / Frontier, capitalism, democracy: United States and Brazil (XIX and XX centuries)Santos, Ederson Fernando Milan dos 27 February 2015 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2015-02-27 / The overall objective of this dissertation is to analyze the interpretations built on the concepts of frontier, capitalism and democracy, from the works of some intellectuals who have studied the subject, applying these concepts to their respective models, in this case, refers to the USA case and the Brazilian case. The specific objectives involve describing Frederick Jackson Turner's concept of frontier, based on his most famous essay, The Significance of the Frontier in American History; analyzing how Turner develops the concept of democracy, based on the social relations established at the frontier; identifying the authors who have studied the issue, analyzing their works in the context in which they were produced, seeking reference in the work of Brazilian authors who have studied the subject of the frontier and of democracy, among them, Otávio Velho, José de Souza Martins, Cassiano Ricardo, as well as observing how the capitalist development took place in Brazil, from labor relations engendered at the frontier, following the assumptions of the works of Otávio Velho and José de Souza Martins. The work is theoretically grounded on the methodology of the Conceptual History in dialogue with History of Ideas, intending to point out the relationship between these authors, the context in which their works were produced and how is possible the production of knowledge from the analysis of interpretations of the expansion process of the frontier in the United States and on Brazil, and how these interpretations form the basis for the construction of ideas on the development of democracy and capitalism in these two countries / O objetivo geral dessa dissertação é analisar as interpretações construídas sobre os conceitos de fronteira, capitalismo e democracia, a partir das obras de alguns intelectuais que estudaram sobre o assunto, aplicando esses conceitos aos seus respectivos modelos, que neste caso, diz respeito ao caso estadunidense e ao caso brasileiro. Os objetivos específicos envolvem descrever o conceito de fronteira de Frederick Jackson Turner, a partir de seu mais famoso ensaio, O Significado da Fronteira na História Americana; analisar como Turner desenvolve o conceito de democracia, a partir das relações sociais estabelecidas na fronteira; identificar os autores que estudaram o tema, analisando suas obras no contexto que foram produzidas, buscar referência na obra de autores brasileiros que estudaram o tema da fronteira e da democracia, entre eles Otávio Velho, José de Souza Martins, Cassiano Ricardo, assim como observar como o desenvolvimento capitalista ocorreu no Brasil, a partir das relações de trabalho engendradas na fronteira, seguindo os pressupostos das obras de Otávio Velho e José de Souza Martins. O trabalho é teoricamente embasado a partir da metodologia da História dos Conceitos em diálogo com a História das Ideias, visando traçar as relações entre esses autores, o contexto em que suas obras foram produzidas e como é possível a produção do conhecimento a partir da análise das interpretações dos processos de expansão da fronteira nos Estados Unidos e no Brasil, e como essas interpretações formam a base para a construção de ideias sobre o processo de desenvolvimento da democracia e do capitalismo nesses dois países
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Parastát v Řecku po občanské válce: Realita a Interpretace / Parakratos in Post-Civil War Greece: Reality and InterpretationKarasová, Nikola January 2021 (has links)
Based on a historiographical, archival and media analysis, this doctoral thesis explores the phenomenon of parakratos (translated as deep state or parastate) in post-civil war Greece (1949-1967). Research perspectives are fourfold: Firstly, parakratos is discussed in the context of academic debates on parapolitics and the concepts of the dual state, the security state and the deep state; and presented as a Cold War parallel power mechanism, analogical to Italy and Turkey. Secondly, parakratos is analysed as part of domestic political reality through the prism of the historical events documented in Greek historiography. In this sense, the thesis concentrates on the emergence and operation of clandestine military groups and parastate ultra- nationalist organisations against the backdrop of the Greek political, legal and social environment. Both phenomena are elaborated on through the lens of the inefficient Greek political and administrative system, a deeply divided society, the politicisation of the public space, and the persistence of clientelist networks constructed upon political loyalties. Third, the parakratos is examined on an interpretative level as a term and concept employed in Greek historiography. Focusing on its presumed roots, actors, purposes and relations with the state, three...
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[en] EXCEPTIONAL ORDER: THE EFFECTS OF AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND INTERNATIONAL LAW / [pt] ORDEM EXCEPCIONAL: OS EFEITOS DO EXCEPCIONALISMO ESTADUNIDENSE NA RELAÇÃO ENTRE OS OS ESTADOS UNIDOS E O DIREITO INTERNACIONMYLENA SILVA LUCCIOLA GUEDES 11 April 2024 (has links)
[pt] O conceito de excepcionalismo americano permeou a história dos EUA
e criou uma imagem de um país com um sistema e uma sociedade democráticos
superior, capaz de promover a democracia, os direitos humanos e o Estado de
Direito em nível nacional e internacional. Essa ideia legitimou a liderança dos
EUA na construção de uma ordem liberal internacional. A ascensão ao poder
do Presidente Donald Trump e a atual crise da ordem global contribuíram
para questionar essa ideia e seus pressupostos. Esta dissertação tem dois
objetivos principais: em primeiro lugar, discutir o conceito de excepcionalismo
americano e, em segundo lugar, analisar como o conceito de excepcionalismo
americano afeta a relação entre os Estados Unidos e o Direito Internacional.
Será argumentado que o excepcionalismo pode ser definido como um conceito
e analisado com as lentes teóricas e metodológicas da História Conceitual.
Sem um significado definitivo, o excepcionalismo americano é composto de
diferentes interpretações que variam de acordo com o contexto em que o autor
se situa. Ainda assim, sua importância na história e na identidade americanas
é inquestionável, tornando necessário levar em conta o excepcionalismo ao
tentar entender as ações dos Estados Unidos. Para analisar a relação entre o
excepcionalismo americano e o Direito Internacional, a dissertação se envolverá
com a literatura sobre a Ordem Liberal Internacional, a hegemonia dos EUA
e o multilateralismo. Além disso, será perguntado se a ascensão de Donald
Trump pode ser considerada uma ruptura em duas tradições americanas:
a relação dos Estados Unidos com o Direito Internacional e o uso político
do excepcionalismo. Argumenta-se que, apesar de se distanciar claramente
da tradição excepcionalista, Trump não se desviou da tradição do Direito
Internacional como é comumente percebido. Essa percepção é derivada de seus
discursos radicais, de sua personalidade estrondosa e de seus vínculos com a
extrema direita, mas não se traduz na maioria de suas políticas. / [en] The concept of American exceptionalism has permeated U.S. history
and created an image of a country with better democratic system and society,
able to promote domestically and internationally the democracy, human rights
and the rule of law. This idea has legitimatized U.S. leadership in the
construction of a liberal international order. The rise to power of President
Donald Trump and the current crisis of the global order have contributed
to question this idea and assumptions. This dissertation has two main aims,
firstly, to discuss the concept of American exceptionalism, and secondly to
analyse how the concept of American exceptionalism affects the relationship
between the United States and International Law. It will be argued that
exceptionalism can be defined as a concept and analysed with the theoretical
and methodological lenses of Conceptual History. With no definitive meaning,
American exceptionalism is made of different interpretations that vary across
the context the author was situated in. Still, its importance in American history
and identity is unquestionable, making it necessary to take exceptionalism
into account when trying to understand the United States actions. In order
to analyse the relation of American exceptionalism and International Law,
the dissertation will engage with the literature of International Liberal Order,
U.S. hegemony and multilateralism. Furthermore, it will inquire if the rise
of Donald Trump can be considered a rupture in two American traditions:
the United States relationship with International Law and the political use
of exceptionalism. It is argued that, although clearly distancing himself from
the exceptionalist tradition, Trump did not deviate from International Law
tradition as it is commonly perceived. This perception is derived from his
radical speeches, loud personna and ties to the Far-Right, but do not translate
into most of his policies.
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L'ingénierie sociale d'Otto Neurath (1882-1945) / The social engineering of Otto Neurath (1882-1945)Zwer, Nepthys 18 September 2015 (has links)
Cette thèse présente l’ingénierie sociale de l’économiste, sociologue et philosophe autrichien Otto Neurath (1882-1945). Une première partie s’intéresse aux aspects biographiques qui éclairent sa volonté d’une intervention ciblée et planifiée dans l’ordre social. La technique de l’histoire conceptuelle permet ensuite de mettre à jours les représentations mentales à l’œuvre dans l’ingénierie sociale : le topos de la « modernité » – avec une nouvelle conception de la société, du temps et du rôle potentiel de la société civile – suggère la possible gestion du groupe social selon les principes d’une rationalisation de la vie. La Gesellschaftstechnik de Neurath est enfin reconstruite par la méthode de l’histoire intellectuelle, qui révèle l’importance du contexte viennois, des dynamiques à l’œuvre dans la Révolution de Novembre et des questionnements économiques du moment dans l’élaboration de sa pensée et de son eudémonisme social. / This thesis presents the social engineering as devised by Otto Neurath (1882-1945), an Austrian economist, sociologist, and philosopher. The introductory first part highlights certain issues of his biography which turned out significant in his subsequent idea of the necessity of a targeted and planned intervention in the social order. In part two, the technique of conceptual history reveals the mental representations at work in social engineering : the topos of "modernity" – built on a new concept of society, of time, and of the potential role of civil society – suggests the feasibility of managing a social group according to principles of rationalization of life.Neurath’s Gesellschaftstechnik is then reconstructed by the method of intellectual history, which shows the Viennese context, the dynamics involved in the 1918-19 German Revolution, and the economic concerns of the time as being essential for the development of his thought and his programme of social eudaimonism.
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Fångna i begreppen? : Revolution, tid och politik i svensk socialistisk press 1917–1924 / Trapped in concepts? : Revolution, time and history in Swedish socialist press 1917–1924Jonsson, Karin January 2017 (has links)
This thesis studies the uses of the concept of revolution in Swedish socialist press from 1917 to 1924. Political revolution and civil wars shook several countries. The Russian February and October Revolutions were soon followed by uprisings in countries such as Germany and Finland. While the social and political history of this period, with its mass demonstrations for bread and voting rights, often called the Swedish revolution, has been covered extensively in existing research, we know much less about the theoretical understanding of revolution among Swedish socialists. This thesis examines the concept of revolution from a perspective inspired by the Begriffsgeschichte of German historian Reinhart Koselleck. This foundation in the history of concepts aims at understanding how Swedish socialists, in a wide sense, understood their own time, how they related to the past and what they expected from the future, during the years of the First World War and the immediately following years. By focusing on what might be the most central, but also the most contested and most difficult to define, concept I hope to complement earlier research focusing on the social and political history of the period and its socialist movements. The main purpose of the thesis is to analyse how the labour movement understood revolution with particular weight placed upon the theoretical and ideological tensions between revolution and reform, determinism and voluntarism and localized and universal revolution. The starting point is the political and social changes in Sweden and abroad at that time and the place of the political press as opinion leaders capable of negotiating the space of political action. A secondary aim is to discuss how focusing on temporality can inspire new perspectives on the use of conceptual history. My research shows that how the concept of revolution was used was shaped both by already established notions regarding the socialist revolution as well as by the political situation at hand. The October Revolution forced a sharpening of its meaning, wherein different factions elaborated their understanding of it in relation to each other, which in turn determined how the concept was used fom that point on.
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"Wissen" und "Handeln" bei Yamaga SokōLinnepe, André 14 July 2021 (has links)
Das Thema dieser Studie sind die konzeptionellen Grundlagen politischen Denkens in der frühen Tokugawa-Zeit (1600–1868). Im Mittelpunkt steht das Werk des konfuzianischen Gelehrten und Militärexperten Yamaga Sokō (1622–85). Dieser problematisierte das Verhältnis zwischen Theorie und Praxis in der Gelehrsamkeit seiner Zeit. Seinen Entwurf einer praktischen Politiklehre entwickelte er vor dem Hintergrund eines tiefgreifenden Strukturwandels in der Formierungsphase des Tokugawa-Shogunats, das die Regierenden mit einem hohen Bedarf an normativer Regulierung konfrontierte. Obwohl eine umfangreiche Forschung zu Sokō vorliegt, sind die konzeptionellen Grundlagen seines Politikdenkens nur wenig untersucht worden. Um diese Leerstelle zu schließen, widmet sich die diese Studie einer Analyse des Wissens- und Handlungskonzepts im Rahmen des Hauptwerks. “Wissen” und “Handeln” sind Schlüsselbegriffe der konfuzianischen Tradition und werden bei Sokō in charakteristischer Weise umgedeutet. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass der Gelehrte sich eines weiten Spektrums konfuzianischer als auch außerkonfuzianischer Begriffsbestände und Argumentationsstrategien bediente, um seiner politischen Rationalitätsvorstellung Ausdruck zu verleihen. Mit ihren Ergebnissen leistet die vorliegende Studie einen Beitrag zur Neubewertung der politischen Ideengeschichte in der frühen Neuzeit aus¬gehend von ihren konzeptionellen Grundlagen. Der Anhang macht der Forschung zentrale Kapitel aus dem Haupt¬werk Sokōs in Form annotierter Übersetzungen erstmals in einer westlichen Sprache zugänglich. / The study at hand explores the conceptual foundations of political thought in the Tokugawa period (1600–1868). It focuses on the teachings of the Confucian scholar and military expert Yamaga Sokō (1622–85). In previous research, Sokō has been associated with the emergence of a neoclassical movement in Tokugawa-Confucianism as well as with a new type of warrior ethics, or bushidō. However, despite this general acknowledgement, only limited research has been conducted on the conceptual foundations of his thought. The present study addresses this problem by exploring Sokō’s interpretation of the Confucian key concepts “knowledge” (Chi. zhi / Jpn. chi) and “action” (xing/kō, okonau) in the framework of his major work, “Yamaga’s Sayings Grouped [by Subject]” (Yamaga gorui, 1665). Both concepts are at the heart of his practical teachings for the contemporary warrior government. The analysis shows that Sokō draws on various conceptual sources and strategies of argumentation from within and outside of the Confucian tradition. The latter is characterized by a strong concern for the need for normative regulation as a result of the structural transformation of early Tokugawa society. The present study’s conceptual approach draws attention to the normative sources of Sokō’s political rationality unrecognised in previous research. Thereby, the study contributes to a reevaluation of the conceptual foundations of political thought in the Tokugawa period. In addition, it offers annotated translations of central chapters from Sokō’s major work for the first time in a Western language.
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[pt] O CONCEITO DE EIXO ENQUANTO ESPACIALIDADE SOCIAL: COMPREENDENDO SEUS SENTIDOS E SUA HISTORICIDADE / [en] THE CONCEPT OF AXIS AS A SOCIAL SPATIALITY: UNDERSTANDING ITS MEANINGS AND ITS HISTORICITYMATHEUS CAVALCANTI BARTHOLOMEU 18 May 2021 (has links)
[pt] O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender criticamente a história do conceito de eixo como referente a uma espacialidade social, elucidando sua gênese e seu devir pela investigação das trajetórias de seus principais sentidos e funções. Trata-se de um conceito cada vez mais pertinente para a geografia e as demais ciências preocupadas com o espaço social, porque permite compreender mais precisamente a relação entre espaço e circulação. Para responder ao problema de pesquisa ― Quais são a gênese do conceito de eixo e os fundamentos de seu devir histórico e o que este devir aponta como possibilidades ainda não plenamente realizadas? ―, adotamos um cruzamento entre os métodos da história conceitual desenvolvida por Reinhart Koselleck e uma abordagem baseada no método regressivo-progressivo empreendido por Karl Marx e elucidado por Henri Lefebvre e Jean-Paul Sartre. Com base nesse cruzamento, a pesquisa começa por uma reconstituição dos usos e significações recentes de eixo amparada na ideia de que os conceitos podem apresentar sentidos analíticos, sentidos normativos e sentidos da prática. Primeiro, observamos a instrumentalização do conceito de eixo pelo planejamento territorial, ancorada no imperativo da neoliberalização e o imperativo da fluidez. Em seguida, examinamos a influência do conceito normativo de eixo no âmbito científico, percebendo reproduções críticas e acríticas desses sentidos. Todavia, tem havido esforços de ressignificação, transformando-o em um conceito analítico. Os sentidos da prática, por sua vez, tendem a ser mais simples, interpretando o eixo geralmente como uma linha ou uma porção do espaço a ligar duas localidades. Após essa reconstituição, procedemos regressivamente com uma análise, procurando encontrar as condições objetivas que possibilitaram a gênese do conceito de eixo e de corredor, o qual referencia, em geral, a mesma espacialidade. Essas gêneses podem ser identificadas na conceituação e na teorização sobre eixo, desenvolvida por Pierre Pottier em 1963, e na de corredor, feita por Charles F. J. Whebell em 1969. Finalmente, retornamos progressivamente ao presente, iluminando-o com base na compreensão mais ampla do devir conceitual de eixo ocasionada pelo conjunto das investigações. Nesse sentido, confirmamos nossa tese, enunciada a seguir: O conceito de eixo, em seu sentido de espacialidade social ― o qual não deve ser desvinculado do conceito de corredor ―, encontra sua gênese na década de 1960 como conceito analítico voltado para compreender determinadas expressões espaciais do desenvolvimento econômico. Seu devir, porém, é marcado por sua significativa instrumentalização pelo planejamento territorial neoliberal, notadamente a partir dos anos 1990, distorcendo os sentidos originais. A difusão dos sentidos normativos desde então tem influência predominante sobre as definições científicas e do senso comum, embora esforços recentes no campo analítico tenham procurado ressignificar o conceito de eixo, dando-lhe maior embasamento teórico, algo que a recuperação das formulações originais pode ajudar. / [en] The main objective of this thesis is to critically understand the conceptual history of axis as it refers to a social spatiality, elucidating its genesis and its becoming through the investigation of the trajectories of its main meanings and functions. Axis as a concept is increasingly relevant to geography and other sciences concerned with social space since it enables a more precise understanding of the relationship between space and circulation. Our research problem is: What are the genesis of the concept of axis and the fundamentals of its historical becoming and what does this becoming point to in terms of possibilities not fully realised. To solve it, we adopt an interlacement between the methods of conceptual history as developed by Reinhart Koselleck and an approach based on the regressive-progressive method applied by Karl Marx and clarified by Henri Lefebvre and Jean-Paul Sartre. Based on such interlacement, our research begins with a reconstitution of the recent uses and meanings of axis, supported by the idea that concepts can present analytical, normative, and practical senses. First, we observe how territorial planning instrumentalises the concept of axis based on the imperative of neoliberalisation and of fluidity. Then we examine the influence that the normative concept of axis has over the scientific field, noticing critical and acritical reproductions of such meanings. However, there have been efforts of resignification, transforming it into an analytical concept. The practical meanings, in their turn, tend to be simpler, usually interpreting the axis as a line or a portion of space linking two localities. After this reconstitution, we proceed with a regressive analysis, searching for the objective conditions that have enabled the genesis of axis and corridor as concepts, both generally referring to the same spatiality. These geneses can be spotted on the conceptualisation and the theorisation of axis developed by Pierre Pottier in 1963, and of corridor by Charles F. J. Whebell in 1969. Finally, we progressively return to the present time, clarifying it with the help from a broader understanding of the conceptual becoming of axis made possible by the research done. Therefore we confirm
our thesis as it follows: The concept of axis, in its sense of a social spatiality ―which shall not be unlinked from the concept of corridor―, finds its genesis in the 1960s as an analytical concept dedicated to understand certain spatial expressions of economic development. Its becoming, however, is marked by its significant instrumentalization done by the neoliberal territorial planning, especially from the 1990s onwards, which distorts its original meanings. Since then, the diffusion of the normative meanings has a prevailing influence over the scientific definitions and those of the common sense. Despite that, recent efforts within the analytical field are trying to reframe the concept of axis, strengthening its theoretical basis, something that the recovery of the original senses may assist.
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Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939 / Democracy Beyond Politics : An Analysis of the Concept of Democracy within the Swedish Social Democratic Party 1919–1939Friberg, Anna January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.
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