京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第24901号 / 工博第5181号 / 新制||工||1989(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院工学研究科原子核工学専攻 / (主査)教授 田中 浩基, 教授 堀 順一, 准教授 土田 秀次 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DFAM

摘要 近十年來，北京已轉變它在東南亞區域的外交政策，希望與東盟成員國家能維持一定的良好關係，並發展出一個和平又互利的戰略夥伴關係。1997年到2012年之間，中國與東盟從建立對話機制開始，雙方實質上的經貿投資與聯合計畫都快速增長。從多方面顯示：不僅在政治、經濟與維持區域安全等方面，中國與東盟成員都已共享務實的合作成果，近來更大力拓展雙方的互連互通與交通基礎建設，期使共同邁向實質的中國－東盟戰略夥伴關係。 南中國海周邊各國的利害與衝突不一，是個複雜的區域；而中國與東盟成員之間的對話機制與合作關係的基礎上，有助於減緩此一緊張情勢。本報將採用文獻分析的定性研究方法告指出（實際上）（1）北京的東南亞外交政策正面臨的主要挑戰是有東盟以外國家新勢力的強力介入或是舊有勢力的急速恢復，進而互相抗衡。（2）中國被稱為有過分自信的政策規劃期間，北京在推動與東盟戰略夥伴關係，實際上中國與東盟成員關系都已共享務實的合作成果。 / Abstract China-ASEAN relations have been transformed over the last decade by Beijing’s aim to create a stable neighboring environment as outlined in its state policy of peaceful development. This relationship has been embodied in a series of joint plans and statements with ASEAN between 1997 and 2012. In the three areas of politics and security, economy, and connectivity and infrastructure, the paper will show the relationship has followed a similar pattern, that is cooperation has been deepened according to China’s aims for its relationship with Southeast Asia. While relations have continued to develop in these areas, constant focus on the issues of assertiveness and territorial disputes, particularly over the last 3 years, means that progress and development in the relationship often receives little attention. The South China Sea is a complex issue, however security-related dialogue between China and ASEAN member states will be shown to have mitigated this problem to a certain extent. The paper will show that the challenges to Beijing’s policy lies with countries from outside the sub-region and their return, or growing role in Southeast Asian affairs, and that in fact during the period when China has been labeled more ‘assertive’ its relationship with ASEAN has deepened and developed as planned. In its use of materials the paper will employ the qualitative research method of document analysis.

當二十一世紀時序進入全球化時代之後，在全球氣候變遷與石化燃料價格高漲的影響之下，世界各國為了保障本身經濟發展所需的能源，即在世界範圍內展開激烈的鬥爭，甚至因此而導致了嚴重衝突和戰爭。當今全球能源消費結構中，石化能源仍居主導地位，存量的有限與需求增長之間矛盾日益顯著，因此，能源短缺已成為國家經濟發展的巨大瓶頸，全球性的能源爭奪態勢愈演愈烈。隨著全球化時代的到來，大部分發展中國家(尤其是亞太地區)工業化和現代化的進程相對加速，面對世界能源的需求也不斷增加，中國大陸就是最典型的例子。 大陸的能源戰略和海外投資，通常都是一個足以為外界激烈辯論的主題(例如「中國能源威脅論」)。中國大陸緊鄰著中亞區域，蘊藏著豐富的石油和天然氣儲備量，在這個區域發揮高度的能源戰略，似乎是中國大陸最可能的重要手段，另一方面亦藉以減輕其對來自中東的能源供應的依賴，若能掌握該區，大陸就可以減少對中東油源供應的依賴，種種徵候都明確顯示大陸積極鞏固國土疆域與追求能源安全戰略的全般優勢。 / When the timing to enter the twenty-first century era of globalization, under the global climate change and the impact of rising fossil fuel prices, the international community in order to protect its own economic development needed energy that fierce struggle, and even lead to serious conflicts and wars . Today's global energy consumption structure, petrochemical and energy continued to hold a dominant position, the contradiction between the finite and the demand for stock grew increasingly significant, therefore, the energy shortage has become a huge bottleneck in socio-economic development, global energy muddied intensified. With the advent of the era of globalization, (especially in the Asia-Pacific region) industrialization and modernization process in most developing countries relative acceleration, facing the world's energy demands are increasing, China is the most typical example. China's overseas energy strategy and investments are usually sufficient for the outside world a hotly debated topic (such as "China energy threat"). China close to the Central Asian region, rich in oil and natural gas reserves in the region to play a highly energy strategy, China seems to be the most important means possible, on the other hand also so as to reduce its dependence on energy supplies from the Middle East , if we grasp this area, China can reduce its dependence on Middle East oil supply source, various incidents have clearly demonstrated China's active pursuit of the full consolidation of Land and territory advantages like energy security strategy.

海南島，「全中國最大的特區」，「特區中的特區」，在中共宣布改制為中國第三十 個行省後，受到海峽兩岸及全球密節的關注，經國先生生前在七十六年十二月二十三 日的中常會中曾指示有關單位密切注意其發展，其焦點並不在於行政區劃的改變，而 是伴隨著建省後所實行的整體經濟開發計畫，以及對台灣的影響。 海南島於各方面都有和台灣在客觀條件上相類似的地方，鄧小平指示海南島要在二十 年內趕上台灣，在中共致力建設海南，縮短與台灣差距的同時，令人不禁窺探出中共 「一國兩制」政策的昇華，再加上台灣目前面臨升級與突破的瓶頸階段，產業與資本 流失，經濟發展趨於弛緩，在強調「台灣經驗」、與中共開展和平與良性競賽的口號 聲中，海南的開發與建設應該對台灣有正面的刺激作用，更要在和平統一中國的前提 下共同致力於雙邊合作交流，為中國的長治久安與自由民主奠定穩固的基石，並提供 示範的模式。玆將本文架構鋪陳如后：( 全文共一冊，凡十萬字，六章二十節) 第一章 導論：研究動機、目的、範圍與方法。 第二章 海南地理環境、自然資源、與社會概況介紹。 第三章 海南建省背景分析：對外開放政策、漸進主義模式分析、建省構想之緣起與 歷程。 第四章 中共政權成立後海南開發 (含現階段的開發策略) 。 第五章 海南開發的前景評估。 第六章 結 論。

「中年轉換」係指發生於個體40歲至60歲之間內在與外在的轉變，中年轉換期帶給中年女性的種種轉變是危機還是轉機，中年轉換對女性的意義為何，以及中年女性的自我構成如何與個人經驗、生活事件與外在環境相互型塑，尚待本土研究釐清。研究者帶著對「中年女性」的好奇，開始一段認識中年女性的旅程，並在此呈現兩位中年女性的生命史。 研究者發現，在「中年」這個面向，兩位受訪者的「中年」可能是心理年齡、心理階段而非單純是生理成熟驅動的生理階段。其次，兩位受訪者並未將中年轉換視為中年危機或者中年轉機，而是將其視為生命事件的其中之一。 研究者也發現，在「自我」這個面向，社會與文化脈絡有其重要性，兩位受訪者的自我構成無論偏向獨立我或者相依我，其跟生活環境、關係緊密度與生命主題而有相當的關連，因此從「關係」的角度看自我的發展對女性而言可能是重要的。其次，研究者發現，中年的自我統整不一定是統整為單一整體，中年的自我統整可以是個體對多元自我的一統整性認識，「我」可能是單數，可能是複數，也可能持續不斷生成。 除了呈現兩位女性的故事，本研究也呈現年輕研究者對於「研究」本身的省思，並誠實記錄研究框架的建構與解構歷程。 / Mid-life transition means a series of psychological and physical changes occurring during one’s middle age. How women make sense of it and how it intertwines with women's personal experiences, life occurrences and surroundings are the main interests of this research. After searching through the life stories of Ms. Chou and Ms. Kao, with regard to the mid-life subject, it's found that life occurrences, rather than merely physical changes, drive their life stages to transit. 2 interviewees both see mid-life transition as one of the many events among life occurrences instead of a crisis or a turning point. It's also unfolded that, with regard to the construct of self, discussion on social and cultural contexts is evidently important. The self - "independent" or "interdependent" - actually intertwines with surroundings, relatedness and life themes. Secondly, it's also revealed that the integrated self at mid-life stage can be one integrated self, or an integrated acknowledgment of the fact that, one's self can involve many dimensions and the dimensions can still be growing. In addition to the life stories of Ms. Chou and Ms. Kao, this research also documents the introspection of a young researcher. This is also a truthful documentation of the construction and de-construction of a research framework.

從1968年的《中俄尼布楚條約》到2004年的《中俄國界東段補充協定》，中俄邊界爭議談判歷時三百多年，在這漫長的期間內彼此的國界線也曾數度遷移。本文探討兩國國界複雜多變的形成過程，來歸納出造成雙方邊界變動的結構性因素為何。 一般習慣將中俄國界區分為東、中、西三段，這其實是經過長期的歷史演變而來的概念，早期的邊界條約並非一定是依此方式分段簽訂。若依此地理分法，雖可詳細了解各段邊界的演變經過，但部分涵蓋範圍較廣的條約將被迫拆散或是重複討論，失去了完整性。因此本論文以歷史事件的順序為章節安排，如此一方面可顧及條約的完整性，二方面也較易釐清各階段的歷史脈絡。 此外，本論文的研究重點強調在各重要邊界條約的談判經過，藉著中俄雙方互相角力的過程，來剖析出兩國國界線擴張與限縮的關鍵因素，最後並以條件的滿足來解釋中俄國界得以確定。 / From “The Treaty of Nerchinsk”(1689) to “The Supplementary Agreement on the Eastern Section of the China-Russia Boundary Line”(2004), negotiations on the Chinese-Russian border disputes lasted more than 300 years. In this prolonged period the demarcation line of boundaries changed several times. This thesis explores the structural factors of the complex forming process of Sino-Russian borderlines. Actually, the conventional concept of the three border sections of east, central, and west between China and Russia comes from the long-term historical evolution. The early boundary treaties were not necessarily signed by both sides section by section. If we use the geographical taxonomy as the thesis’s analytical structure, we may understand each border section’s formation in details, but we will not capture the whole picture of Sino-Russian border negotiations because some broad-scoped treaties which comprised not just one specific border section have to be divided into sections or resulted into overlapped discussion accordingly. Alternatively, the organization of this study takes historical events chronologically to maintain the border treaties’ wholeness in their precise historical contexts. Moreover, this thesis emphasizes the negotiation processes of important boundary treaties between China and Russia in terms of comparative power strength, which decided the expansion or shrinkage of each other’s boundary and the final settlement of Sino-Russian border dispute.

進入21世紀以來，隨著經濟全球化和地區經濟一體化的深化，中國推動韓半島政策，對外戰略而言含有諸多作為：第一、謀求擴大經濟利益；第二、作為地緣經濟戰略夥伴；第三、作為主導東北亞地區地緣經濟合作的管道。 為此，中國著眼於中、韓、朝三方的國家發展需求和地緣經濟互補性，謀求加強與南北韓政治經濟合作的發展，同時，以三方之間地緣經濟合作優勢確保其在韓半島的影響力，在此基礎上，中國謀求消除韓半島安全不確定性，牽制美國影響力和日本勢力。從此觀點來看，中國對韓半島政策就是中國對外戰略的出發點。 從地緣經濟戰略觀點而言，中國與韓半島關係不僅與中國營造發展經濟良好周邊環境有關，而且中國在中韓、中朝關係上具有政治經濟合作利益空間，因而中國加強與南韓政治領域合作交流，透過以經濟條件拋棄北韓邊緣政策，謀求維持韓半島和平與穩定。另外，中國利用與韓半島地緣經濟所長，加強與南北韓經貿合作，深化南北韓對中國經濟依存度，進而通過中國對南北韓的經濟優勢，主導中韓、中朝的地緣經濟合作，確保對韓半島的戰略優勢與影響力。 中國對韓半島政策的目標，將韓半島作為中國發展經濟戰略的管道，謀求地緣經濟利益最大化，透過提升在韓半島的影響力，使得韓半島走向中立化。中國對韓半島實施地緣經濟政策以來，中國與南北韓關係日益密切，在某種領域上，中國已經超越周邊大國的影響力。 在政治與安全領域，中國與南北韓透過領導人和高層人士進行頻繁互訪、建立相互對話機制或設立熱線管道，提高相互信任，加強雙方關係、謀求地區安全和發展。在經濟上，中國引進為自身經濟建設所需要的資金、高技術及礦物資源，而提供為南北韓經濟成長所需的巨大出口市場，尤其是中國也提供北韓經濟所需的原油和工業產品。由此，最近幾年來，中國成為南北韓對外貿易最大夥伴，與此同時，引起南北韓經濟對中國依存度的深化，因而，中國對韓半島的影響力正在擴大。 / Since the start of the 21st century, with constant intensification of the process of economic globalization and regional economic integration, China has pursued much-evolved Korean Peninsula policy for its own strategic goals as following: First, to strengthen its own economic interest; Second, to make the geoeconomic partnership with the two Koreas; Third, to make the partnership as the leverage for regional strategy. For the sake of securing economic common interest and geoeconomic complementarities with the two Koreas, China seeks to develop the cooperative relationship with North and South Korea. At the same time, China seeks to ensure its influence on the Korean Peninsula by using its geoeconomic advantage on the Korean Peninsula. Based on the relations, China hopes to remove the destabilizing factors in the security on the Korean Peninsula, and seeks to restrain American influence and Japan’s power. From this viewpoint, China’s Korea Policy is the starting point of China's foreign policy. From the perspective of geoeconomic strategy, the relationship between China and the two Koreas are much important with regard to building favorable environment for economic development. At the same time, the relations of China-South Korea and China-North Korea have economically and politically beneficial space. Therefore, on the one hand, China has been strengthening political cooperation with South Korea, and China has been forcing the North Korea to abandon the brinkmanship diplomacy by using economic inducements through cooperation with South Korea. As a result, it was designed for maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, by utilizing the geoeconomic advantage with the two Koreas, China has strengthened the economic cooperation with the two Koreas; it has deepened the two Koreas’ economic dependency on China; As a result, it has been taking the lead in geoeconomic cooperation with the two Koreas; and it has been securing its strategic advantage and influence over the Peninsula. The objective of China’s Korea policy is to make the Peninsula be the ditch of China’s economic development; to maximize its geoeconomic interest; besides, to make the Koreas become neutralizing by taking advantage of geoeconomic influence. Since the implementation of China’s geoeconomic policy on the Peninsula, its relations with the two Koreas have become much closer. In some realms, China surpassed neighboring big powers’ influence. In the realm of politics and security, China has pursued the mutual confidence building by the means such as reciprocal visits, mutual dialogue mechanism and hot-line setting with the leadership of the two Koreas for the sake of strengthening of the bilateral relationship and securing of the regional security. And, in the realm of economy, while China brought in investment and high technology from the South side and the mineral resources from the North side, it provided the huge export market for the Peninsula, especially the crude oil and industrial products for the North. Recently, China has become one of the two Korea’s biggest trade partner. Consequently, the two Koreas’ economic dependency on China has been deepening and China’s influence on the Peninsula has been expanding.

兩岸關係研究除了在方法論、理論概念層面中出現「宏觀結構」與「微觀理性」的衝突外，針對兩岸的交流互動的發展模式、政策動力、具體影響又衍生出「國家中心」與「社會中心」的爭議。這使得學術社群在解釋胡錦濤對台政策的內內容，出現了「蕭規曹隨」與「制度創新」以及「政治主宰」與「經濟誘導」等兩組對立的問題群組。 為了從方法論上建構研究分析的新框架，處理「理性與結構」的衝突，本研究採取「歷史制度主義」的認知觀點，假設「胡錦濤的理性抉擇及其政策行動，是鑲嵌於歷史情境與結構轉型的系絡內容中」。這意味胡錦濤的對台政策並非是在憑空與任意的環境條件下進行，其理性抉擇是歷史情境與結構轉型下的產物，具有「情境理性」的屬性。更重要的是，結構轉型的過程與內容，不僅提供對台政策作為的「初始條件」，也產生了「路徑依賴」的變遷與發展軌跡。 此外，中共對台政策固然有其合法性的政治邏輯與前提，但是不能忽略經濟社會因素對於政策產出的輔助性、補充性的思維；經濟社會的誘因功能雖然促成兩岸關係的互賴整合，卻難以取代國家權力的主導性作用。更重要的是，對台政策的分析，不可能孤立或外在於中國大陸政治、經濟社會發展脈絡中，應當與改革開放以來的整體規劃互為接軌。因此，「國家統合主義」的思維提供了本研究理論的切入點換言之。

冷戰結束後，超級大國的對抗不復存在，而呈現「一超多強」的情勢，加上「中國威脅論」的興起，綜合國力日漸提升的中共認知到國際社會（尤其是美國）大有圍堵「中國崛起」之意。為維護周邊環境的穩定，中共提出「新安全觀」作為因應，宣揚有別於冷戰安全觀的思維，並以雙邊、多邊外交政策進行實踐，強調以「和平共處五原則」與各國共處，經由協商解決衝突。 筆者擬藉由本論文之研究，檢視中共提出「新安全觀」之目的性及策略性，從中瞭解中共「新安全觀」指導下之大國外交，與美國的亞太戰略的相互影響關係，並且從911事件後，分析中共「新安全觀」指導下的對美關係的發展變化，以瞭解中共「新安全觀」下之對美關係模式。 本論文已完成幾項基礎工作：（一）詮釋中共「新安全觀」的背景、意涵及在外交上的實踐；（二）探討中共「新安全觀」視角下的美國角色，中共「新安全觀」及美國對於「中國崛起」的立場與其相應之亞太安全戰略；（三）分析911事件發生後，國際格局的轉變與美國國家安全戰略及其對中關係的調整；（四）分別就反恐議題、朝核問題、飛彈防禦系統問題、台灣議題及中美戰略經濟對話等安全議題中，分析中共在「新安全觀」思維下與美國之互動關係。 筆者認為，就上揭各層面等議題而言，中共基於「新安全觀」拓展與美國合作的雙邊關係，並藉此滿足國家利益。雖然中美兩國在大國關係、區域安全問題等方面有共識及分歧，但總的來說，是積極爭取良性互動和防止正面衝突。中美兩國抓住改善關係的歷史性機遇，強調外交合作，關注雙方的核心議題與重大利益。筆者認為，中共「新安全觀」在中美關係上已得到初步體現，但仍有許多挑戰等待克服，未來仍須以「新安全觀」理念為基礎與美國及他國促進關係發展，以維護其國家利益。 關鍵詞：新安全觀、中國崛起、911事件、中美關係、反恐合作、朝核問題、中美戰略經濟對話 / There exists no further superpower confrontation since the end of the Cold War. Nonetheless the global situation has turned out to be a realm of “one superpower and many other powers.” As the plausible China’s threat emerges, China with its rising synthesizing strength recognizes that the international community, especially the United States, is forging a strategy of “containing China.” To stabilize its adjacent environment, the PRC initiates a “New Security Concept,” proclaiming a unique security concept, to implement bilateral and multilateral diplomatic ties with other nations. China emphasizes its “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence,” solving disputes with others by way of coordination and cooperation. In this thesis, the author reviews the purpose and strategy based on China’s “New Security Concept,” and explore “Big Power” diplomacy and the consequent effect of U.S.’s Asia-Pacific strategy. In addition, the author analyzes the evolving changes of Sino-U.S. relationship under the “New Security Concept” so as to realize China’s very motive in manipulating foreign policy. This thesis does the following fundamental research: 1. Illustrate the background, means, and diplomatic practice based on China’s “New Security Concept.” 2. Confer the U.S.’s role in China’s “New Security Concept” policy, the U.S. reaction to China’s “New Security Concept,” and U.S.’s viewpoint to the “China Rise.” 3. Analyze the shift of international strategy, the adjustment of U.S. national security strategy and the Sino-U.S. relationship after the 911 Incident. 4. On the issues like antiterrorism, North Korea’s nuclear program, missile defense system, Taiwan issue, Sino-U.S. economic talks, the author also tries to analyze the Sino-U.S. interaction within China’s mentality of “New Security Concept.” After studying the above issues, the author contends that China assures her national interest by means of “New Security Concept” and the U.S. cooperation. Though there still are concurrences and opposite opinions on issues of “Big Power” relationship and regional security between U.S. and China, China’s comprehensive policy is striving for proactive interaction and preventing it from having direct conflict with the U.S. China and U.S. take this historic chance of improving relationship, stress their diplomatic cooperation, and mind the core issues and critical benefits. The author believes China’s “New Security Concept” has initially reached the objective on Sino-U.S. relationship. Nevertheless there are challenges to be overcome. China will expand the relationship with U.S. and other states with “New Security Concept” so as to promote its national interest. Keywords: New Security Concept, China Rise, 911 Incident, Sino-U.S. relationship, North Korea nuclear program, Sino-U.S. strategic & Economic talks

韓系銀行的限制主要是針對營業對象以及韓國企業貸款。事實上人民幣營業開放至今對當地消費者來說並沒那麼久，不過跟其他外國投資銀行比較起來競爭力仍然有所差距。 亞洲金融風暴時，銀行所受到的打擊比任何行業都大。特別是從1998年至2002年期間，金融業在中國的投資可說是完全沒有。當時國民銀行因無法留在中國市場而撤退了，直到2008年才又艱難地進駐。雖然在亞洲金融風暴後，製造業的投資額雖然減少了，然而投資仍有持續進行。這種現象代表韓國本身金融構造中不良問題的存在。 看韓國企業投資地區，以山東省的佔有率最高，接下來依序是江蘇省、北京市。金融業則是集中在北京與上海。會出現這樣的分布，雖然目前主要的顧客是韓國企業，但希望以後的投資業者為當地法人和零售金融市場。 韓國銀行業之所以必須優先進入中國市場並擴大之，是因為已有很多國內企業進入了中國市場。對以韓國企業為對象的企業貸款而言，這將會是一大優勢。此外，中國對外國銀行的限制越來越放鬆，如此一來，便能使營業活動擴大。同時，信用卡市場與房地產等零售金融市場成長的可能性也是值得期待的。 但必須再度強調，雖然這是個進入中國市場的大好機會，仍有部分地方需要留意的。儘管目前中國已經對外開放了，但本質上還是個社會主義的國家。正如同對政策上的經濟體制、政策及法案等部分也是必須要重視的。因此法律政策解釋專家跟金融專家一樣重要。韓國政府也在不斷努力改善並維持中國當地人民對韓國的印象。 目前韓系銀行進入中國市場看起來算是成功的。以韓國最大銀行國民銀行為例，雖然略嫌稍晚，但終於2008年設立了當地法人銀行。韓系銀行之中以當地法人形態出現的銀行，以同為韓系銀行為競爭對象，應該先不管營業收入，因為怕只是韓系銀行而成的紅海市場。所以目標是在與中國零售金融行業和其他外國大型銀行，並透過這樣的經驗累積，將來得以進出其他國際市場。 此外，台灣與韓國在金融方面的交流看起來是完全沒有的。台灣與韓國在互為競爭者的同時，又是合作的好夥伴，期望未來彼此間的研究協助將會更為熱絡。