記者擁有自主權之重要性，對記者而言，是提升其專業性之指標；對社會而言，則可實踐新聞自由，維護民主政治。過去研究將自主權當作是衡量記者是否為專業人員之重要指標，當一個職業漸成專業時，其自主性則隨之提升。記者擁有充分之自主權之後，他們才能稟持專業意理，監督政府，保障人民之自由權，以維護民主政治。 　　本研究試圖從兩方面探討記者自主權：一、記者工作上的自主權；二、記者在新聞部門之決策參與權。記者工作之自主權，則從記者採訪、報導、寫稿之例行新聞工作中，探討記者在工作中所擁有的自主權。至於，決策參與權，則包括薪資、福利、人事、經費各項決策項目，記者所擁有之決策權。除了研究記者實際擁有的工作自主權及決策參與權之外，還試圖探討記者期望的工作自主權及決策參與權。 　　研究結果發現，在實際擁有工作自主權方面，記者在新聞採訪、寫作方面擁有相當高的自主權，只有在交稿方面，擁有自主權較低。而期望擁有的工作自主權方面，記者希望在採訪、寫作方面擁有較高的自主權。 　　在實際擁有決策參與權方面，結果發現記者在各項決策中，參與權皆相當低，只有在發生重大爭議事件決定報社立場時，記者參與權較高，大多數記者認為主管在這方面會徵詢記者之意見，再下決定。另外，在期望擁有決策參與權方面，大多數記者希望在決定報紙走向及員工福利之決策，有較高的參與權。 　　至於在影響工作自主權及決策參與權之因素，研究結果推論，比較重要之因素是記者採訪路線及報社型態。不同路線之記者會覺得實際擁有採訪寫作之自主權有差異；而報社型態會影響記者對實際擁有的工作自主權之評估，及影響記者期望擁有報紙走向參與權之評估。

在次級房貸風暴之後，各國赤字大幅增加。如希臘與愛爾蘭，其主權債務違約風險皆大幅升高。面對這樣的困境，政府該如何實施財政政策，以防止主權債務危機的發生?本篇文章在DSGE模型之下，以Uribe(2006)的設定為基礎架構，額外增加了產出方程式以使國家產出能由模型內生決定。並加入了政府支出與產出之間的關係式，以討論在面對正的景氣衝擊與負的景氣衝擊時，政府使用正向景氣循環政策和負向景氣循環政策對於政府倒債率的影響。最後發現當政府使用負向景氣循環政策和較弱的順向景氣循環政策時，政府的倒債率會和技術衝擊有反向的關係。而當政府使用較強的順向景氣循環政策時，政府的倒債率會和技術衝擊有正向的關係。從此結果，我們推論在後金融海嘯時期，希臘與愛爾蘭等國家，應使用較強的順景氣循環政策以降低其主權債務危機的發生機率。 / After the subprime crisis, many government deficits rose sharply, especially Greece and Ireland. Their default rate rose greatly than before. Under this difficult situation, what kind of fiscal policy should the government enforces to prevent it from bankruptcy? We follow the model in Uribe (2006) as our framework but adding the production function and the government expenditure function to analyze the effects of different fiscal policies on the government default rate. The results tell us that when the government uses countercyclical fiscal policy and weak procyclical fiscal policy, the change of the default rate is opposite to the technical shock. On the contrary, when the government uses strong procyclical fiscal policy, the default rate is positive relation with the technical shock. This implies that governments, such as Greece and Ireland, should use strong procyclical fiscal policy to reduce their sovereign risk under the recession.

民族主義在19世紀末到20世紀中期發威，民族國家在第二次大戰後成為國際社會的主流政治組織，聯合國為維持國際和平與安全，訂定憲章，其中具重要關鍵的是具有領土性與排他性的主權原則，確立民族國家成為國際社會的基本單位。民族國家對內制訂國家根本大法-憲法建立起憲政秩序，主權在民，憲法不僅保障人民權利義務，並賦予政府執行主權賦予之職權，在其領土之內運用國家資源發展國民經濟、繁榮社會與福國利民。 然而，對處在二戰後、美蘇兩極對立的冷戰格局中的歐亞中小型國家而言，既要促進國家之經濟成長和發展，又要維護國家安全，遂各自形成其區域安全與經濟貿易間之合作經驗，以因應內外部情勢之變動與需求，尤其是自1980年代以來的愈趨明顯的全球化浪潮。 本論文以歐盟與東協兩大區域組織經驗為案例，以民族主義研究途徑、歷史與文獻研究法，分由主權與政府、主權與領土、主權與人民三方面，討論民族國家以區域整合方式回應經濟全球化衝擊的發展，併同探討全球化其他浪潮之衝擊的作為，如網際網路發展與生態環境危機。 本研究發現歐盟與東協的區域整合經驗顯示，前者已走向部分的超國家結構，各會員國轉移部份主權到歐盟，然其最終決策權仍掌握在各會員國手上；東協則仍是以政府間會議為主。兩者仍有共通之處就是，經由民族國家間較緊密的區域整合，共同因應全球化浪潮之衝擊，獲取更大的生存能力與國際談判籌碼。 簡言之，民族國家係經由區域化來回應全球化之挑戰，並不會因此而喪失國家主權，民族國家主權並未衰退，民族國家長存。而在區域整合之外的事實，網際網路方面，需依賴各民族國家的基礎設施與投入資源來維持其品質與提昇其效率；至於地球生態議題的全球性，各國的「互賴」關係非常明確，各民族國家在聯合國的多邊機制下，協商因應措施，最後仍須回到各民族國家的配合度上。不可否認，國家主權的排他性與暴力若能適度調整，將會有助於地球環境的友善發展。 / Nationalism started being influential from the end of 19th century to the middle of 20th century. The political organization as nation-state becomes the mainstream of international society after World War II. In order to maintain international peace and security, United Nations established the Charter of the United Nations. The most important part is the sovereign principal involved territorial integrity and inviolability. Sovereignty makes the nation-state become the basic unit in international society. Nation-states established constitution to maintain the order and popular sovereignty. Constitutions not only protect people’s rights, but also give the government the power to execute its authority. Within the territory, government can utilize its resources to develop economy, enrich the society and create benefit for its people. However, after World War II , small and medium countries in Europe and Asia want to develop economic growth and protect national security. Therefore, especially for the clear tendency of globalization in 1980s, small and medium countries gain the cooperate experience from regional security and business cooperation to meet the changes and needs from the world. This thesis uses the case studies of European Unions and ASEAN, nationalist approach and research methods of history to argue the main topic in three aspects of sovereignty and government, sovereign and territory, sovereignty and people. The main idea is to discuss how nation-state uses regional integration to respond the impact of economic globalization and other impacts on internet and the crisis of ecological environment. This study discovered that the EU members have transferred parts of sovereignty to EU, but the power of final policy-making is still in every country’s hand; as for ASEAN, decision-making is still among intergovernmental meetings. The same part in both EU and ASEAN is that both of them gain more ability to survive under the wave of globalization and obtain more chips in international negotiation by the experience of regional integration, In short, nation-state will not lose sovereignty through regionalization to respond the challenge of globalization. Sovereignty of nation-sates does not decrease but lasts forever. Beyond the regional integration, it is nation-state that maintain the quality and effectiveness of the internet services. As for the issue of ecological environment, it depends on the interdependence of each country, the multilateral cooperation system of the United Nations and negotiations among countries. We cannot deny that if the exclusiveness and violence of sovereignty can be modified reasonably, it will be friendlier to the ecological environment.

自1970年代開始，「女性生殖（身體）自主權」的呼聲－爭取的主要是所謂的墮胎權－即伴隨著婦女運動的萌芽與發展，而始終具有一定的能見度，甚至成為婦女運動的主要訴求之一；與之相對（或者是對立）的，則是捍衛胎兒（胚胎）生命權的另一方。時至今日，與生殖自主權相關的墮胎爭議方興未艾，仍舊為法律爭議的焦點以及核心議題；另一方面，由於當代的醫療以及科學在技術上的進步與突破，雖一方面賦與了生殖更多的可能性，同時，也帶來了許多亟待解決的問題。無論是已紛擾半個世紀之久的墮胎權爭議，或者是被歸類為新興議題的生殖科技相關議題，概括觀之，這兩項爭議的論辯主軸，皆能夠廣義的包含在「生殖自由」－主張與生殖相關的私密行為，應交由個人自由決定，故必須盡可能地減少任何形式的干涉，以及「對於人類生命（human life）的保護」－主張應賦予任何形式的人類生命最低限度的生命權保障，或者至少為某種生命倫理的概念所約束，因而不應全然地任由個人恣意決定，這兩個彼此相互衝突的上位概念之下。 　　在《生命領域》（Life’s Dominion）一書的前半部，德沃金（Ronald Dworkin）由墮胎爭議出發，提出超越選擇權（pro-choice）與生命權（pro-life）的折衷觀點，主張無論是懷孕女性或者是胎兒（胚胎），其生命的神聖性與生命的內在價值，皆應納入考量並同時予以尊重，試圖為當代已陷入對立僵局的墮胎爭議，尋求某種和解之道。而康奈爾（Drucilla Cornell）所抱持的後現代女性主義立場則格外強調，墮胎爭議的論辯與解決，必須有女性觀點與意見的加入、甚至必須全盤採納，期能以更設身處地的方式，探討女性在社會以及性別結構中的處境，並聚焦於女性面臨墮胎決定時的兩難困境，為原本中性（neutral）、超然的墮胎爭議，帶入不可忽視的經驗性面向的討論。 　　德沃金與康奈爾皆分別針對墮胎爭議，提出其各自的看法與意見，而兩者所採取的立場以及所支持的見解，則各有其獨到之處；此外，德沃金與康奈爾在具體的墮胎爭議中所顯現的態度與提出的主張，也反映了德沃金與康奈爾其各自理論在立論基礎上的類似點以及相異之處。比較兩者理論的異同，對於我們以有別於以往的視野，觀照墮胎爭議的論辯－尤其在自主個人與社群關係的連結、針對正義理論所進行的反省，以及對於法律體系的架構與本質所採取的觀點等面向上，格外有所裨益；大致上來說，德沃金乃以自由主義脈絡及其整全性理論為基調，探討上述幾個理論發展的軸線，康奈爾則是以女性主義與後現代的角度，對這些議題進行處理。在針對墮胎爭議而提出的具體主張中，德沃金與康奈爾的相關論述所各自蘊含的深厚理論基礎，不僅開拓了墮胎議題討論的深度與廣度；另一方面，在墮胎爭議的論辯中，德沃金與康奈爾所採取的觀點以及立論基礎，亦提供了我們在處理當代生殖科技發展所帶來的新爭議時，一些重要的思考切入點與紛爭解決的大方向。 / Since the 1970's, the right of women’s reproductive self-determination has been put forward as one of the principal claim along with the developments of women’s liberation movements. Against this stream, those who defend right to life of fetus (embryo) called “pro-life” camp are in opposite position. Up to now, the controversy over "pro-choice" and “pro-life” is still clamoring. Besides, “abortion” as an important subject of debate is also what legal disputes focus on. On the other hand, the progress of the contemporary science, technology, and medical treatments even make reproduction techniques advance, thus create more possibilities on reproduction. Accompanied with such developments, lots of issues about new reproductive technologies are brought about and call for immediate solutions. Arguments on abortion which have assailed for a half century as well as reproductive technologies developing in recent decades and approximately esteemed as newly arisen subjects; in general, whether abortion disputes or new issues of reproductive technologies are both involved in the following superordinate but conflict concepts: First, “reproductive self-determination”, which asserts that all decisions on reproduction should ensue from personal choice and reduce any form of control as possible. Second, "protection of human life",　which advocates that human life of any form owns the right to life to a certain extent, thus should be guaranteed. 　In Ronald Dworkin’s Life’s Dominion, Dworkin offers a compromised standpoint on the controversy of abortion, claiming that whether the expectant mother or the fetus (embryo) should both be given the respect of "the sanctity of life". Dworkin attempts to attain certain agreement on abortion issues rather than variance. Different from Dworkin’s devoting himself to eliminating the antagonism between “pro-choice” and “pro-life”, as a postmodern feminist, Drucilla Cornell emphasizes on the female perspective, concerning about female’s predicament in the gender structure in particular. While applying her abstract notions to concrete abortion issues, Cornell focuses on the dilemma which nearly every female should confront while making the abortion decision. This insight of Cornell brings the "neutral" abortion controversy into more profound discussions. Dworkin and Cornell state their opinions on abortion controversy respectively, and each of their statement is original and simultaneously reflects different foundations on which their theories are based behind concrete abortion issues. Discussions on similarities and dissimilarities of theories between Dworkin and Cornell not only help to regard abortion issues in a different and brand new way, but also expand the widths and depths of the discussions on abortion disputes: Particularly, the relation between the individual and the community, the gender consciousness which Cornell stresses on, theories of judgments and legal structures, and so on. Broadly speaking, Dworkin proceeds his statements from liberalism and his theory of integrity; on the contrary, Cornell sets out from points of view of feminism and postmodernism. Finally, put issues from abortion towards the developments of the contemporary reproductive technologies, the main foundations and argumentations which Dworkin and Cornell provide for abortion debates may also guide us to deal with issues of developments of the contemporary reproductive technologies.

近年來幾則判決引起爭議，係因強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪之界限模糊。強制猥褻罪之「其他違反其意願之方法」在學說及實務上皆都不同看法，因而與性觸摸罪之「乘人不及抗拒」產生爭議，再者，強制猥褻罪之「猥褻」行為，在刑法上並未對其作出明確的規定，以致在法院判決時法官的認定也會有所不同，因此，本文將從「結果非價」及「行為非價」來觀察被害人性的受害態樣及加害人侵害手段，並試圖劃分強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪的界限，以期減少實用上適用錯誤或發生爭議問題。 本文在結構上，為能劃分強制猥褻罪及性觸摸罪之界限，第二章從強制猥褻罪之修法歷程及性騷擾防治法之立法歷程觀察，並指出因強制猥褻罪之修法及最高法院決議，造成與性騷擾防治法第25條性觸摸罪在適用上發生爭議，並以著名的爭議案件，如「強吻案」、「襲胸案」、「觸摸下體案」及「舌吻案」，從各審判決、社會對判決結果的反應及學者的看法，觀察強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪在社會一般大眾、學者間、實務界的界限。第三章即以從法益侵害的實施流程中之「行為非價」及「結果非價」來區分強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪之界線。從「結果非價」觀察被害人性的受害態樣及被害人受侵害標準的評定，從「行為非價」觀察強制猥褻罪與性觸摸罪之加害人侵害手段差異。從上述方法所劃分出的標準，並依該標準檢視上述爭議案例並做評析。最後則為結論。

This thesis examines the role and impact of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party upon the constitutional reforms of 1991 to 2005 with a view to asking to what extent these reforms either strengthened or weakened the Taiwanese sovereignty the party aspired to establish and consolidate within a wholly Taiwanese national polity. The party’s ability to influence the course of reforms are placed in the broader context of ROC constitutional history and foreign influence upon the status of Taiwan. The research focuses on the party’s linking of the ROC constitution and question of Taiwanese sovereignty, and the negotiated choices it made both during the period of democratisation in Taiwan and when it was in power. This thesis will argue that the need to enact significant institutional change and meet electoral goals whilst lacking a clear legislative majority largely constrained the DPP's ability to achieve substantive rather than symbolic reform. The ROC constitution remains in force and, though amended, it signifies to the world that Taiwan is officially a Chinese nation whose sovereignty belongs to the ROC state. Yet, in practice, Taiwanese also exercise a popular and practical national democratic sovereignty and a clear de facto independence of national self-determination. That the KMT and DPP both used the reform of the apparatus of the ROC state to advance the building of their respective visions of what nation Taiwan would be, has led to the question of Taiwan’s sovereignty ultimately remaining unresolved and her independence insecure. The DPP's role in the constitutional reform process was a major contributor to this outcome. / This thesis examines the role and impact of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party upon the constitutional reforms of 1991 to 2005 with a view to asking to what extent these reforms either strengthened or weakened the Taiwanese sovereignty the party aspired to establish and consolidate within a wholly Taiwanese national polity. The party’s ability to influence the course of reforms are placed in the broader context of ROC constitutional history and foreign influence upon the status of Taiwan. The research focuses on the party’s linking of the ROC constitution and question of Taiwanese sovereignty, and the negotiated choices it made both during the period of democratisation in Taiwan and when it was in power. This thesis will argue that the need to enact significant institutional change and meet electoral goals whilst lacking a clear legislative majority largely constrained the DPP's ability to achieve substantive rather than symbolic reform. The ROC constitution remains in force and, though amended, it signifies to the world that Taiwan is officially a Chinese nation whose sovereignty belongs to the ROC state. Yet, in practice, Taiwanese also exercise a popular and practical national democratic sovereignty and a clear de facto independence of national self-determination. That the KMT and DPP both used the reform of the apparatus of the ROC state to advance the building of their respective visions of what nation Taiwan would be, has led to the question of Taiwan’s sovereignty ultimately remaining unresolved and her independence insecure. The DPP's role in the constitutional reform process was a major contributor to this outcome.

本研究試圖探討中東歐國家由中央集權計劃經濟轉型為市場經濟之後，對其效率及生產力之影響。本研究針對1980至2000年的歐洲國家，採用資料包絡分析法(DEA)與大邊界法(Grand Frontier)畫出所有樣本的單一效率邊界並計算其整體技術效率、純技術效率、規模效率值。 新興主權國家的整體技術效率、純技術效率、規模效率值在經濟轉型後均降低，顯示經濟轉型後的新興主權國家的確有經濟效率低落的狀況，尤其在經濟轉型初期市場不健全、經濟體質不良使資源配置不佳。傳統工業國家的整體技術效率及純技術效率在經濟轉型後較高，規模效率經濟轉型後降低。傳統工業國家於經濟轉型後整體技術效率、純技術效率及規模效率顯著的高於轉型國家、新興主權國家。 Malmquist生產力指數分析，結果顯示傳統工業國家在經濟轉型後顯示生產力有進步，而生產力成長主要貢獻是技術進步(innovation)，但傳統工業國家技術效率變動則呈現退步現象，進一步分析原因主要是由於規模效率變動退步所致。另外選擇1993年及2000年進行比較，結果發現傳統工業國家與新興國家的生產力均退步，主要原因是技術效率變動退步，但技術有進步。

台灣原住民族有平埔原住民族（簡稱平埔族）及高山原住民族（簡稱高山族）二大族群，西拉雅族為平埔族群之一，鳳山八社為西拉雅族之支系。從財產權的制度變遷得知，自然資源權屬是從開放性共用資源、共有財產以迄私有財產制度之形成，人類經濟活動從狩獵採集轉變為定居農業時，正式形成私有財產的產權型態。荷蘭據臺以前，臺灣島上全屬番地，而分布於臺灣南部屏東平原的鳳山八社，以狩獵、漁撈及游耕為其主要之經濟活動，對於土地並無所有權的觀念，土地是共有的，頗為類似「封閉的共用資源」，已略具排他性質。在清治以後，由於漢移民不斷湧入，荒埔地逐漸減少，為提高番地之生產效能及維持社番基本生計，鳳山八社傳統之經濟活動，當須配合改變，然而，生產型態及技術之改變，不僅形成水田稻作農業，亦導致番社土地由共有型態轉變為地權私有化。 清治時期，分割地權或一田二主制為屏東平原傳統地權制度之一，分割地權是將所有權區分為業主權（大租權）與田主權（小租權），清廷為保護社番之地權，禁止漢人私墾荒埔地，鼓勵社番自行墾耕番地，如社番不自墾，准許番社或社番將番地租與〈給墾或佃批〉漢人，漢人以「代番輸餉」方式合法取得番地小租權，而番社仍保有大租權，爾後並形成在同一番地上存有大租權與小租權，而且可以各自分別處分其權利。另者，部分番地大小租權皆屬社番所有，社番因乏銀費用而典賣小租權，番業主僅剩收租權。因社番在經濟上屬於弱勢者，如以番租做擔保，向漢銀主典押或借貸，當期限期滿時，社番常無法清償，番租則繼續歸漢銀主收租，形成社番「地權虛有化」，本研究將以自行繪製之「清治時期鳳山八社番租分布圖」及「清朝晚期鳳山八社社番人口分布圖」予以驗證番業主地權虛有化的事實。 質言之，本文係從制度變遷理論，配合西拉雅族番契，探討西拉雅族番社地權從傳統共有地權、私有地權形成至虛有地權之變遷過程。本文共分六章，第一章為緒論，第二章文獻評述及建立分析之理論基礎。第三章從清康熙及乾隆年間臺灣輿圖與日據初期之調查圖中，說明鳳山八社之傳統領域範圍，並以文獻史料、部分番契內容，探討鳳山八社傳統地權制度。第四章是以誘發性技術變遷及強致性制度變遷，探討鳳山八社共有地權變遷為私有地權之過程。第五章從番契內容分析地權結構之演變，以實際案例計算番大小租權價格差距，並證明地權虛有化的事實。第六章為結論與建議。 / In Taiwan aborigines have Pingpu people and Mountain people. Siraya is one of Pingpu people, Feng-Shan eight tribes are branches of it. The property-rights configuration of natural resources had transited from open access common resources into closed access common property, and then from latter into private ownership from the view of institutional change of property rights. It had formed common property into private ownership, when people’s livelihood changed from hunting and gathering into settled agriculture. Before Dutch occupying, all Taiwan was aborigines’ land, Feng-Shan eight tribes’ population spread in Pingtung Plain of southern Taiwan. Hunting, fishing and farming were Siraya’s livelihood mostly, there was no concept of ownership, and land was used in common. As the land area was used only by village man, it was similar to “the closed–access common resources” which had the feature of exclusive communal property. After Ching Dynasty, owing to Han Chinese had moved into the southwestern Taiwan, wild plains decreased gradually. To improve the productivity efficiency of tribal land and sustain basic needs of living, Feng-Shan eight tribes’ people must change their traditional livelihood. As rapid growth of Han Chinese and Siraya people, and the diffusion of technology for paddy rice farming, the tribal land rights had transited from common property into private ownership. Split ownership or two tiers of owners was one of the traditional system of land tenure in Pingtung Plain in Ching era, it distinguished what were called large-rent and small-rent rights. In order to protect tribal land rights and encourage village aborigines to plant their land, Ching Government prohibited Han Chinese from developing wild plains illegally. However, if aborigines did not need to develop the tribal land, Ching Government permitted Han Chinese to rent tribal land. Han Chinese obtained small-rent rights of tribal land by paying the tribal tax, the tribe only kept residual large-rent rights. Therefore, the tribal land rights were divided into split ownership which was called large-rent and small-rent rights. Any owner of those rights could either manage them by themselves or sold them out. Otherwise, large-rent and small-rent rights of some tribal lands belong to village aborigines, some of them sale small-rent right for lack of money. Village aborigines had left nothing but right for collecting rent. Because village aborigines were very poor, they had to borrow some money from Han lender and mortgage their rent to lender. Village aborigines could not amortise the debt usually, if the appointed pay off date reached. As a result, the right of collecting rent belonged to Han lender continually. Formally village aborigines had the large-rent rights, but they were deprived gradually, the large-rent rights turned out empty. This research will prove that by the spread drawing of tribal rent in Ching era and spread drawing of tribes’ population in late Ching period. In short, the purpose of this research is to explore institutional change of land rights of Feng-Shan eight tribes by institutional change theory. Through deliberation of Siraya private documents, we can conclude the property rights of village aborigines were transited from communal right into private ownership and turned out to be emptiness or only face right. This research is divided into six chapters. Chapter one is introduction. Chapter two is literature review and theory deliberation. Chapter three explains the traditional territory of Feng-Shan eight tribes by Taiwan maps of K’ang-hsi and Ch’ien-lung period and investigation map in early period of Japanese occupation, and explores the traditional land right system of them to utilize historical article and folk contract. Chapter four explores their land rights had transited from common property into private ownership from induced institutional change and imposed institutional change theory. Chapter five analyzes evolution of tribal land rights, calculates difference of values between large-rent and small-rent rights and proves that the large-rent rights were turned out empty from folk contracts. Chapter six is conclusion and suggestion.

一、韓非是戰國時代有名的攻治思想家，集先秦法家之大成，其學有足述者。韓非子 一書乃我國古代政治學名著。本文討論韓非政治學說：共分七章，約八萬餘言。第一 章至第三章為韓非行狀、時代背、景思想淵源及其學說之基礎，第四章至七章為韓非 學說之主要內容，最後附以結論，以簡單說明其學說對後代政治之影響。 二、第一章分為兩節。第一節敘述韓子之身世行並附兩點討論，以說明其為法術之士 而泰使件秦之目的及其人格。思想乃環境之產品，而政治思想必有其時代使命，故第 二節由戰國大勢、韓國的處境與政情及當時流行的思想，以說明其學說之時代背景。 三、第二章討論韓非思想之淵。源戰國是我國學術思想上之黃金時代，諸子並起，百 家爭鳴，而以儒墨道法四大學派最有勢力。在此千巖競秀、萬壑爭流的奔放時代，思 想界相互激盪，勢所難免。法家學說較晚出，韓非集法家之大成，其思想之精神與內 容，總不免含有其他學派的影響。本章第一節討論韓子學說之人物淵源，分為從政之 法家與學理之法家二目；第二節為學派淵源，分為儒道墨三家，以說明其學說淵源由 自。 四、第三章討論韓非學說之基礎，分為歷史哲學與人性論兩節。其歷史哲學的精義， 只是『論世之事，因為之傋』八個字。其目的在攻擊儒墨復古守舊的主張，而提倡變 古維新。他的人性論在說明人性之『好利惡害』，以建立其用刑賞的法治主義。 五、第四章勢論。韓子學說中的勢，乃是近代政治學中的主權。韓非主張法治，勢乃 行法的混籍，在其學說中佔有非常重要的地位。不過他主張主權在君，這種主張發揮 到極端，便造成了君主專制。 六、第五章法論，乃韓非學說之中心。共分六節，第一節至第五節討論法之意義、作 用、立法原則、行法之態度與方法及法治之目的。第六節兩點討論，在指出韓非法治 學說中立法權不能獨立與缺乏監督之力量的兩缺點。 七、第六章術論在說明韓非所言的各種治術。術乃行法之手段。全章分為六節，第一 節至第五節敘述術之內容，第六節為結論，討論術治之得失。 八、第七章刑賞與農戰，乃韓非法治主義之兩項具體政策依韓非的主張、推行法治有 賴刑賞，富國強兵有賴農戰。刑賞是手段，富強是目的。 九、結論旨在簡單說明韓非學說對於後代政治之影響。本文所曾指陳者，約有二端： 第一為集權專制，第二為漢代宰相制度。前者包括君主之至尊無上與思想上之排他獨 占兩點，後者著重於宰相之簡選。最後並說明法家思想，尤其是韓非學說盛極而衰， 在秦漢以後失去顯學之地位，不能與儒家相抗衡之原因。

本文主要探討產物保險公司如何以自身的風險管理及內部的流程控制來達到有效的控管和預測，進而創造更高的業主權益報酬率，確保被保險人的權益，以維繫公司的永續經營發展為研究的目的。 身為風險管理工具之一的保險公司，必須瞭解自身於經營上面對的風險所在。首先論述如何建立保險公司風險管理程序，並從風險中深入分析，得知不適當的定價是造成保險公司喪失清償能力最主要的原因，建立完善的核保風險機制據以發展保險公司本身的核心價值，特以火險為例詳細說明其建制的過程與細節。 除介紹如何利用核保財務分析模型（Underwriting Financial Model）來解決適當訂價的問題，並配合運用風險資本額的公式求出各險種之風險資本額、各險種之業主權益分配額、各險種之可運用資金、各險種之自留綜合率、各險種業主權益報酬率、以預測來年之營運績效，另外尚討論信用風險與風險累積的控制，運用創新的觀念及技術來管理公司的業務量。 最後建議保險公司應設立風險管理專責單位，對於風險管理的流程與運作提早規劃準備，保險公司應有意願提昇風險管理的專業能力並嚴格自律及確實執行，俾強化公司自身風險觀念瞭解到公司真正有此需求。 關鍵字：風險管理、業主權益報酬、風險資本額、核保、產物保險經營 / The main theme of this research is to explore the issues related to the ways of risk management and internal operation control for insurance companies. The insurance companies could be efficiently controlled and projected to create higher return on equity, to guarantee the insured’s benefit, and to maintain the company’s long-term operation by implementing risk management process. Insurance companies, as one of the tools for risk management, are required to realize their own risks in operation. Firstly they must explore how to build up a process of risk management and to recognize that inadequate price is one of the main reasons to cause insurance company’s insolvency. Secondly they should explore how to build up an adequate underwriting risk mechanism to develop the core value of insurance companies, and to illustrate its process and detail of the building-up with Fire insurance business. Insurance companies are also required to know how to solve inadequate price by using Underwriting Financial Model, and how to calculate Risk Base Capital, Capital Allocation, Asset Allocation, Combined Ratio, Return on Equity for each line of business to predict business results for the coming year. This paper also discusses the importance of credit risk and risk accumulation in order that insurance companies can manage their own business by using innovating concept and technique. Finally Insurance companies are recommended to set up a risk management unit that should plan and prepare for the process of risk management. They ought to show their high wiliness to increase the capability of risk management, and to exercise high discipline and put into work in order to enhance the concept and need of risk management. Key Words： Risk Management, Return on Equity, Risk Base Capital, Underwriting, Insurance Operation.