鑑於DNA所具有獨一無二與終生不變之特性，DNA 早已被視為現今打擊犯罪不可或缺之利器。然而，也正因DNA所得透露之資訊實際上遠超過人別辨識所需之資訊，因此，國家究竟可否為了所謂「犯罪偵查」之目的建立國家刑事DNA資料庫以「保存」個人DNA資料，以及若可，在何種限度內之保存始具有正當性，即是本文主要探討的問題。 而為期能為我國在DNA資料之保存議題上提供一符合國際性之基準，本文主要係以歐洲人權公約第八條「私人生活受尊重權」為討論中心，並於第二章中，詳細介紹私人生活受尊重權之內涵及其限制要件。而後再於第三章部分，針對DNA資料之保存措施是否已對私人生活受尊重權造成干預進行討論。在肯定保存具有干預性的前提下，於第四章再針對本文的主要重點，亦即「在何種限度內」之保存始具正當性，分別依保存對象之不同加以探討。最後，再藉由上述的討論，回頭檢視我國現行相關保存規範之合憲性，並說明我國現行法可能不足之處。

新聞聚合平台於2000年初，在搜尋引擎科技的推波助瀾之下迅速崛起。然而，新聞聚合平台本身的商業行為也引起新聞出版業者的許多反彈。對於使用者而言，是一個相當便利好用的新聞分類平台，節省許多搜尋成本與時間；對於新聞聚合平台而言，與其他形式的平台一樣，獲利來源多為廣告商，而使用者不需要額外付費使用，且大多數的新聞聚合平台並不自行產出新聞內容，因此節省了製作新聞的成本；然而，對於製作新聞的傳統新聞出版產業而言，新聞聚合平台直接使用其新聞網站上的內容，無異於剽竊其辛苦製作新聞的成果，卻不需要付出製作成本，且提供連結給使用者的方式，令使用者直接連結至文章本身，降低使用者拜訪新聞網站瀏覽其他新聞的誘因，同時也降低了訂閱率，新聞產業的各大業主們為此向各大政府們提出異議，特別是歐洲新聞產業近幾年衰退嚴重，因此希望藉由政府的力量排除這個現象。在歐洲新聞業者的強力遊說與推動之下，德國率先於2013年通過新聞傳播附屬著作權法（ancillary copyright），2014年西班牙也於著作權法第32條第2項中新增新聞傳播附屬著作權，新法賦予新聞出版業者擁有專屬傳播新聞內容的附屬著作權，類似於廣播業者的專屬播送權，由於該權利須附麗於新聞著作權之上，因此稱之為附屬著作權或是附屬著作權。 本文將從新聞產業的衰退以及新聞聚合平台的崛起作為開端，介紹兩個產業之間的利益衝突關係，接著針對西班牙新聞傳播附屬著作權法本身的立法問題，其可能違反歐盟國際公約義務的潛在疑慮，以及其對市場的干擾與影響，最後透過商業模式的分析，試圖替新聞產業與新聞聚合平台擬定出雙贏的解決之道。

No description available.

文化是一種民族精神、社會價值、生命哲學與生活方式的體現，而創意是人類文化定位的重要成份，而以各式各樣的形式表現，兩者皆能透過產業流程與全球分銷去複製、推廣。文創產業是「那些以無形、文化為本質的內容，經過創造、生產與商品化結合的產業」，因此文創產業不僅涉及文化與創意，也包含由創意衍生之「文化商品及服務」（cultural goods and services）的經濟價值與商業運作。 我國為使發展文創產業之政策制度在施行上於法有據，經濟部乃多次召集會議邀請各部會及學者專家討論研擬《文化創意產業發展法》（以下簡稱《文創法》），並於92年9月24日函報行政院審核修訂，經過多年的推動與研議，該法終於2010年1月7日三讀通過，完成立法程序，並於2月3日以華總一義字第09900022451號總統令制定公布，相關子法亦陸續公布施行。 然而《文創法》內立意甚佳的產業措施，因台灣加入世界貿易組織(World Trade Organization, WTO)而不得不受到WTO相關協定的規範。作為掃除關稅與非關稅貿易障礙、確保自由貿易之WTO，經由多回合的貿易談判逐步開放市場，並藉由對關稅與補貼之約束以及服務業市場准入、國民待遇之承諾等建立市場開放之可預測性。文化商品與服務在其規範下並無例外，同樣必須接受WTO上述原則，即最惠國待遇、國民待遇與市場准入等義務的檢驗。鑑於《文化創意產業發展法》所具備產業扶植之本質，及其涵蓋之16種文化創意產業多屬服務部門，本文遂將檢驗重點聚焦在該法之獎補助及租稅優惠措施與GATS的互動關係上，尤其是《文創法》在服務業補貼暫行定義、第17條國民待遇、國內規章第6.1條與第23.3條非違反協定控訴之適法性分析，以作為日後執法或修正之參考。 但值得注意的是，相對於WTO以降低貿易壁壘，促進貿易自由化為職志，文化商品與服務之雙重特質在WTO無法獲得特殊之待遇或保障，2005年10月UNESCO通過之《保障及促進文化表現多樣性公約》(以下簡稱《文化多樣性公約》)卻主張國家有促進與保護文化表現多樣性之權利，並具有採行其認為適當之政策與措施達成該目的之主權。若《文創法》有其適用《文化多樣性公約》之可能，則我國在採行諸多文創產業推展措施卻有違WTO內括協定所涉及之貿易原則或義務時，是否得根據《文化多樣性公約》正當化該等爭議措施? 當《文化多樣性公約》與WTO內括協定產生規範衝突時，兩者之適用與解釋是否有互補或調和之可能? 在文化產業與貿易活動上，《文化多樣性公約》若能正當化違反WTO規範之政策措施，則我國《文創法》所擬定之政策措施在GATS框架下之解釋與義務即有所不同。因此在檢驗《文創法》與GATS之互動關係前，本文將先簡單介紹《文化多樣性公約》之優劣特性，及公約與WTO規範競合之解決與適用結果。 關鍵字：文化創意產業發展法、世界貿易組織、文化多樣性公約、國民待遇、非違反協定控訴 / Culture is the embodiment of a national spirit, social values, people’s worldview and life style, while creativity in all its manifestations presents an essential constitution of human culture. By way of industrialization and global distribution, the two are allowed to copy repeatedly and promote worldwide. Cultural and creative industries are “those industries that combine the creation, production and commercialization of contents that are intangible and cultural in nature”, which involve not only abstract culture and creativities but also material economic value and commercial operations of cultural goods and services derived from human ingenuity and originality. To make sure the policy and measures implemented in Taiwan to promote and flourish cultural and creative industries are legally based, the Ministry of Economic Affairs had invited the relevant ministries, scholars and experts in the field to deliberate and prepare the Cultural and Creative Industry Development Act (hereinafter referred to as "the Act") since mid-‘90s, and finally submitted the draft Act to the Executive Yuan for review and approval on September 24, 2003. After years of promotion and negotiations, the Act was passed its third reading in the Legislative Yuan on January 7, 2010 and promulgated on February 3 by Presidential Decree Hwa Zong Yi Zi No. 09900022451. The related rules and regulations were also proclaimed in effect one after another ever since. However, as a WTO (World Trade Organization) member, it is our duty to keep the deliberately constructed measures set in the Act in line with the WTO-related disciplines. WTO, acting as an international forum calling for free trade, vows to eliminate tariff and non-tariff trade barriers, facilitate further market opening by multiple rounds of trade negotiations, and increase the predictability of market dynamics through the establishment of binding tariff rates, subsidy disciplines, specific commitments and various requirements such as most-favored-nation treatment, market access and national treatment. The same principles and obligations mentioned above apply to goods and services with culture in nature equally with no exception. In this regard, the paper will examine how the Cultural and Creative Industry Development Act, especially its subsidy and tax preference measures legally interact with the articles related including Article 15 Subsidy, Article 17 National Treatment, Article 6.1 Domestic Regulation and Article 23.3 Non-violation complaints (in view of the measures adopted in the Act are industry-supportive oriented and most industries categorized in the same act are belonging to service sector) in General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) for reference of law enforcement and further amendments in the future. But it is worth noting that, while WTO (the organization and covered agreements) are dedicated to exterminate trade barriers, promote trade liberalization and ignore cultural goods and services have both an economic and a cultural nature, the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Cultural Expressions (hereinafter referred to “the UNESCO Convention”) adopted by the General Conference of the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESC) on October 20, 2005 recognizes member countries have their sovereign right to formulate and implement their cultural policies and to adopt measures to protect and promote the diversity of cultural expressions when necessary. If the rules and principles of the UNESCO Convention apply to the Cultural and Creative Industry Development Act, then is it possible for the Convention to justify the measures we adopt to nourish the cultural industries, but somehow in violation of WTO principles and obligations? And if the answer is “Yes”, all the interpretation and obligations derived from the Act will not be the same as those covered by GATS only. Therefore, the potential conflicts and the harmonization between the UNESCO Convention and WTO covered agreements (GATS in particular) will be explored before the legal relationship between the Act and GATS is examined. Keywords: Cultural and Creative Industry Development Act, World Trade Organization, UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Cultural Expressions, National Treatment, Domestic Regulation, Non-violation complaints

鹿特丹規則自1996年開始草擬，歷經大小數十次會議，迄2008年12月11日於聯合國第63屆大會第67次會議於紐約審議通過，該規則首次確立「海運加」（海運階段加上海運前後其他運送方式階段）之適用範圍，較諸傳統海上運送公約之適用範圍，變化甚鉅。「海運加」制度將鹿特丹規則之適用範圍擴大到傳統海上運送階段以外之其他領域，包括與海上運送連接之陸上運送，鐵路、公路、內陸河道運送甚至航空運送都包括在內。 因此，為因應鹿特丹規則適用範圍之延伸，鹿特丹規則創設了「海運履行輔助人」制度，意指「凡從貨物到達裝載港至貨物離開卸載港期間履行或承諾履行運送人義務之履行輔助人」。內陸運送人僅在履行或承諾履行其完全在港區範圍內之服務時方為海運履行輔助人。海運履行輔助人一方面承擔鹿特丹規則中運送人之義務及賠償責任，另一方面則同時享有運送人之抗辯及賠償責任限制。 我國雖然尚未加入鹿特丹規則，但該規則已明確規定，只要海上貨物運送契約之裝、卸載港或收、交貨地所在國已經批准、接受或核准公約，抑或該當事人適用或援引該公約，則將使其他任一當事人，不論其所在國是否批准、接受或核准該公約，同樣受到鹿特丹規則之約束。因此，我國海商法未來之修正方向，應深入了解並正確把握鹿特丹規則之原則及要領，以維持我國海運在國際市場上之競爭力。

聯合國教科文組織於二○○五年十月二十日通過文化多樣性公約。從談判歷史觀之，「文化多樣性」似乎是歐盟會員國於烏拉圭回合時在GATS下倡議「文化例外」之延續，也因此公約通過後，主張貿易自由化之一方擔心公約將限制貿易，而與GATS產生衝突；另一方面，主張文化保護之一方則認為公約可助其在GATS下續行推動「文化例外」，亦即將視聽服務排除GATS之適用。 本文研究之目的係在探討文化多樣性公約對於GATS視聽服務之影響。首先，本文就文化多樣性公約下的重要規定進行研析，並以視聽服務為論述核心，探討公約與GATS間的可能衝突。在綜合考量規範衝突及談判現況後，本文最後試評估公約對於GATS視聽服務之影響，並提出對未來視聽服務談判之展望。 公約下的義務，由於締約國在履行上多保有裁量權，解釋上尚難構成貿易限制或具歧視性；另一方面由於GATS規範極具彈性，WTO會員國本不負絕對的特定承諾義務。依此，公約與GATS發生衝突發生之可能性並不大。至於公約的權利規定，或有違反GATS義務之虞，惟由於締約國可選擇不行使公約權利而履行GATS義務，因此公約權利與GATS義務的衝突得以事先避免。 由於公約對GATS之衝擊有限，再加上公約將可提供一個文化議題協商之平台，公約或可紓解WTO會員國對於文化保護之關切，進而摒除彼等國家在GATS下基於文化保護而不願開放之疑慮。依此，本文研判公約對於GATS視聽服務自由化將是助力，有助於視聽服務談判之進行。鑒於GATS下並無文化一般例外以調和兩套規範，本文建議未來在WTO下可透過增訂「部長決議」，要求WTO會員國於解釋並適用GATS規定時應將公約之相關規定列入考量，俾達成公約與GATS間相互支持之目標。 / On 20 October 2005, the UNESCO General Conference approved the “Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions.” Judging by the negotiating history, “cultural diversity” appears to be the continuation of “cultural exception” invoked by the European Communities under the GATS negotiations during the Uruguay Round. Therefore, after the Convention is approved, free trade supporters worry that the convention might restrict trade and conflict with the GATS rules. On the other hand, cultural protectionists argue that the Convention has merits in moving forward “cultural exception,” i.e. to prohibit the application of the GATS rules on the audiovisual services. The objective of the thesis is to analyze the impact of the Convention on the audiovisual services under the GATS. The thesis first studies the rules under the Convention and discusses potential conflicts between the Convention and the GATS in terms of audiovisual services. Considering both the conflicts of norms and current negotiations, the thesis attempts to assess the impact of the Convention on the audiovisual services and forecast the future of negotiations on the audiovisual services under the GATS. The obligations of the Convention may not be easy to be interpreted as trade restrictions or discriminations because States Parties can mostly reserve their rights to perform. On the other hand, GATS rules is so flexible that WTO Members need not make specific commitments under the GATS. Accordingly, the possibility of conflicts is not high. Though the rights of the Convention might be contradictory to the obligations of the GATS, States Parties can choose to perform their obligations of the GATS rather than exercise their rights of the Convention in order to preclude the existence of the conflicts. The Convention only has limited impact on the GATS. In addition, the Convention provides a forum of negotiations on cultural issues so that it might smooth over WTO Member’s concern with cultural protection and remove their doubts of liberalization on the basis of cultural protection. Judging from this, the Convention can give a boost to the liberalization of audiovisual services and facilitate the negotiations. In light of the fact that there is no general exception clauses of cultural protection under the GATS to harmonize the two international instruments, this thesis suggests that “Ministerial Decision” be adopted to request WTO Members to take relevant rules of the Convention into consideration when interpreting and applying the GATS rules in order to achieve the goal of mutual supportiveness between the Convention and the GATS.

跨國公司與開發中國家官員之賄賂關係被稱為骯髒聯盟。非國家行為者是形塑與改變國際規範之重要參與者，本研究檢視重點在於國際透明組織為切斷骯髒聯盟之供需關係，如何運用其獨特之跨國倡議網絡模式，透過建立聯盟(coalition-building)途徑，促成國際公約並且改變簽署國之國家行為。該非政府組織影響國際關係之具體成果為1997年簽署之OECD反賄公約，該公約是第一個從供應方(supply-side)切斷跨國商業賄賂鏈之國際規範，其立法歷程與會員國之國家偏好改變足以證明國際透明組織之影響力。 主流學派之結構現實主義者主張國際關係是結構決定論，以強權國家為主要的、具決定性之行為者，國家偏好是外生給定的利益排序。本研究主張以建構主義為基礎之全球反貪運動則是反其道而行，國際透明組織建構之跨國倡議網絡，擅用人氣政治與切身性政治，以合作取代對抗，有效促成已開發國家採取集體行動，簽署OECD反賄公約。當強權之間拒絕改變現狀時，非國家行為者之理念說服行動可以逐一改變國家偏好，進而改變國際規範。在倡議國際反貪議題上，國際透明組織的確是國際新規範之催生者。 本文採案例研究，主體為國際透明組織，客體為OECD反賄公約，交叉運用深度訪談與調查式過程追蹤研究，密集而深入取得相關當事人提供之第一手資料，彌補既有文獻靜態分析之不足。 / Non-state actors are essential participants in shaping and changing international norms. There has been a long-standing practice of a tacit “dirty alliance” between multinational corporations and developing countries officials. This research focuses on Transparency International(TI), which seeks to sever the supply and demand chain relationships of the dirty alliance by mobilizing a unique model of transnational advocacy network (TAN), engaging coalition-building, lobbying for a new set of international norms and persuading the changes of signatory states’ behavior. The fruits are the adoption of the 1997 OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, which is the first supply-side norm to cut off transnational business bribery chain. Both the key events of the legislative process and the changes of state preferences among the signatories validify the argument for the TI’s significant influence. Contrary to mainstream international relations theories such as structural realism claiming structural determinism, predominant role of powerful states, and exogenously given nature of state preferences, this research proves constructivism prevails. TI’s TAN model artistically exercises popularity politics as well as proximity politics, advocates cooperation instead of confrontation against bribe-givers and bribe-takers, and effectively persuades developed countries to take collective actions by adopting and ratifying the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. While powerful states resist changing the status quo, non-state actors indeed demonstrate their capability of persuading states to change their preferences. TI is entitled to be the midwife in formulating new international norms against transnational corruption. This research applies case study methodology, making TI as the subject and the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention as the object. Diligent analysis and interpretations are based on the cross-references of in-depth interviews and investigative process-tracing method to extract the primary data from relevant parties so as to supplement the deficiencies of the available literatures.

90年代起，德國再統一後躍上全球政治舞臺，從過去歐洲安全的顧慮之國，轉型成為今日歐洲政治、經濟與軍事穩定力量。但是在後冷戰時期，過去許多次級威脅因子失去了壓抑力量後，成為後冷戰時期新形態的安全議題，威脅全球政治與經濟的穩定與安全。面對這些紛踵沓至的威脅，德國一方面必須鞏固與維護自身冷戰期間所累積的經貿成就，另一方面則積極配合聯合國、北大西洋公約組織與歐洲聯盟的決策，派遣聯邦國防軍遠赴海外，從事維和、軍事、人道與救援等國際性任務，追求自身外交正常化的目標。 本文研究發現，1991年至2009年為止，聯邦國防軍在過去19年來的71項海外維和、軍事、人道與救援等國際性任務，都嚴格限定在聯合國、北約與歐盟憲章的框架下，恪遵既有的國際秩序與國內憲法規範，實踐身為聯合國、北約與歐盟成員國的義務，成為上述三大國際組織最倚賴的軍事力量。 雖然歷年來德國政府已透過具體的立法與釋憲過程，排除《基本法》限制德國海外派兵政策的規範，但是行政部門的決策過程中仍須面臨國內外輿論對於德國海外派兵政策的反對與疑慮；加上德國政府每年投入國防建軍的經費有限，聯邦國防軍的軟硬體設備未必能夠負擔高頻率與海外派兵任務，眾多因素都使聯邦國防軍多年來的派兵成效有限。 德國再統一後雖於積極參與三大國際組織框架行動，配合自身的外交折衝談判與軍事影響力，欲積極重塑其國家的地位。面對諸多主客觀的限制與未臻成熟的條件，德國重返正常化國家的過程仍將艱辛無比。 / Since the re-unification in 90’s, Germany has leaped upon the stage of the global politics. With much effort, Germany has successfully rendered itself from “a nation of grave concern to European security” into “a stable political, economic and military power in modern Europe.” However, during the post-Cold War era, those probable and minor threats, which were suppressed by the huge atmosphere of U.S.-Soviet confrontation, will appear to became the new forms of security issues in the 21st century, and further to jeopardize the global political and economic security and stability. Dealing with these countless and non-stopping new forms of threat, Germany, on the one hand, must secure its existent accomplishment in trade and the miracle of economic development, and also, on the other hand, actively accommodate the decisions and charters of the United Nations, North Atlantic Treaty Organization and European Union, to pursue Germany’s “normalized diplomacy ”by deploying its Federal Defense Army, Bundeswehr, into the overseas hostile spots, to implement the peacekeeping, military, humanitarian and rescue operations. From 1991 to 2009, Bundeswehr has participated in 71 international peacekeeping, military, humanitarian and rescue operations, which were all implemented strictly under the framework and the charters of the UN, NATO and EU. Over the past 19 years, Germany has obediently complied with the existent regulations of the international laws and the German constitution, Grundgestez, and fulfilled the compulsory obligations as the member of the 3 institutions stated above. For this matter of fact, Bundeswehr has become the reliable military force in these institutions. This thesis has drawn the humble conclusions that although the German executive branches has overruled the legal obstacles and set new paths of deploying Bundeswehr overseas by the legislative move and the explication of the Grundgestez, the executive branches will always tackle the domestic criticism and the international skepticism; meanwhile, the executive branches have never allocated even more sufficient annual budget for the military branches to maintain its readiness-rate, therefore the training of personnel, software, equipment and facilities may not genuinely satisfy the needs for actual battles and afford the frequent and distant operations. The combination of these problem has compromised the actual consequence and the efficiency of Germany’s overseas military deployments in the past two decades. Having endeavored so hard to comply with the operations under the framework of the three major institutions, accompanying its maneuvering of diplomacy and military significance, Germany will still have to give much toil and labor to re-shape its international status. Nevertheless, being obstructed by the immature subjective and objective conditions, Germany’ road returning to its Normalcy of the state will still be long and difficult.

本研究以A公司做為研究對象，探討PCB曝光設備廠商的經營策略、精實生產、企業價值管理等相關性議題。 A公司成立初期，研發半自動CCD對位UV燈泡型曝光機，以價格約歐日曝光機的1/3，曝光品質又不低於歐日產品，成功滲透台灣PCB產業，贏得大中廠客戶的好評與信心。17年期間，累計裝機台數已經超出3000台，產品遍佈於台灣、中國、泰國的主要PCB生產廠商，台、中、泰裝機比重約15%、70%、15%。 綜觀3C產品、物聯網設備、穿戴式電子產品、虛擬實境(virtual reality,VR)、無人機、汽車自動駕駛等電子產品，對PCB印刷電路板有三項重要發展趨勢，其一為Any-Layer HDI需求增加；其二為PCB板的線/線距愈趨微細小化，其程度已由50um提升至35um甚至到25um以下。其三為「水俁汞限制公約」於2020年開始實施，將全面禁用含汞之設施。 因此，對於PCB曝光設備廠商A公司而言，也面臨以下三大挑戰。其一為創新研發技術，開發高精密、高產出的DI直接成像曝光設備，並於IC產業贏得市佔率。其二為開發 UV LED 燈源型傳統曝光機，以因應2020年「水俁汞防制公約」的實施及綠能化產品之趨勢。其三為2017年如何調整經營策略突破困境，持續成長，獲取超額利潤，提升企業價值。 本研究擬透過個案研究方法，進行研究訪談，收集初級及次級資料，透過TOWS分析、五力分析、BMC九宮格圖、精實生產、企業價值管理等分析，最後總結經營策略、精實生產、企業價值三者間的相關性，彙整PCB曝光設備產業的關鍵成功因素、中長期的策略方針，做為本研究之結論與建議，提供台灣PCB曝光設備廠商的未來發展之參考。 / This research mainly take Company A as the research object to discuss the business strategy, lean production, enterprise value management and other related issues of PCB Exposure Equipment Manufacturers.At first, Company A was setup for Semi-automatic CCD alignment UV lamp-type exposure machine research and development. With the same or higher quality compared to the European and Japanese products but about 1/3 of the retail price, company A successfully penetrate Taiwan's PCB industry, winning praise and confidence from lots of customers. During the 17-year period, the cumulative total number installed has surpassed 3,000 units. Its products are located in major PCB manufacturers in Taiwan, China and Thailand. The proportion between Taiwan, China and Thailand is 15%, 70% and 15% respectively. Comprehensively looking into the evolution of the electronics industry, there are three important trends for PCB printed circuit boards of electronics products, including 3C products, IoT devices, wearable electronics, virtual reality, drones and autopilot. One is the increasing demand of Any-Layer HDI, the other is the PCB board line / line spacing requirements becoming increasingly smaller and smaller, and has to be improved from 50um to 35um or even less than 25um . Third, the launch of Minamata Convention on Mercury in 2020 will completely ban the use of mercury-containing cosmetics, coal-fired power generation and lighting fixtures. AsFor factors mentioned above, company A faces the following three challenges. One is to reserch and develop innovative technologies to produce high-precision DI direct imaging exposure equipment and gain market share in the IC industry. The other is the development of a full range of traditional UV LED exposure machines to meet the 2020 "Mercury Control Convention" implementation. Third, how to adjust business strategy in 2017 to breakthrough difficulties, sustained growth, excess profit, and enterprise value to defeat the slowdown or decline of the performance growth rate over the past five years. This study intends to conduct research interviews and collect primary and secondary materials from company A, using "Case Study Method", with the analysis of “TOWS”, "Five Forces Analysis", "Business Model Canvas", "Lean Production" and "Enterprise Value Management".Finally, "key success factors" and "medium and long-term strategic directions" were compiled for this research and providing a reference for the future development of Taiwan PCB exposure equipment manufacturers.

從1982年之《國際海洋法公約》規定相關國家在爭議之海域劃界達成協議之前，有權利就爭議海域的管理和開發做出臨時性的安排。而共同開發正是作為一種解決海域劃界爭端而被廣泛採用的臨時性辦法，共同開發方案一經提出便得到了國際實踐的認同。 通過國際實踐案例的分析，並從中汲取國際共同開發成功案例中的經驗和啟示，總結出國際共同開發的管理模式及其特點並促進我國參與南海油氣共同開發，強化與周邊國家區域利益協調和合作局勢，積極推動共同開發合作建立，避免南海周邊國家避開我國簽訂雙邊或多邊協議去侵占我國南海油氣資源及海域主權，並就我國南海管轄權範圍內積極進行合作以維護我國在南海的海洋權利。 / 1982’s International Law of the sea has prescribed that the related countries are liable to make every effort to make an interim arrangement upon the management and utilization of maritime space after coming an agreement on maritime delimitation. Joint development that is the interim arrangement with broad adoption on solving the dispute of maritime delimitation, which now has been acknowledged in international practices. Through analyzing the international cases, and the ultimate goal of this paper is that R.O.C will learn the experience and inspiration from the successful international joint development model, effectively accelerate the joint development of oil and gas, strengthen the coordination and cooperation of regional benefit with surrounding countries, and actively promote the joint development and cooperation to establish, to avoid the neighboring countries of the South China Sea to avoid bilateral or multilateral agreements signed to occupy Republic of China's oil and gas resources and sea sovereignty, and within the jurisdiction of China's South China Sea within the active cooperation to safeguard Republic of China's maritime rights in the South China Sea.