半個世紀以來，中國的威脅一直是我國「國家安全」意涵中最主要甚至是唯一的焦點，因此可以說「國家安全」意涵是與軍事安全概念一致的。國家安全的威脅，不僅是來自外部的各種挑戰，還包括了來自內部的天然因素與人為因素的威脅，殆無疑義。921大地震、桃芝颱風造成嚴重傷亡與財產損失，就是例證。國內的安全維護，顯然必須兼顧非軍事面的安全戰略研究、設計、宣傳與執行，才能達成全面性的安全保障。因此，建立全面綜合性安全觀念，乃是不論政府與民間，必須確立的基本共識與觀念，亦是我國邁入21世紀所必須積極著手的準備。然而，當前對我國安全深具威脅的因素中，反而非軍事性因素居多，值得深究。 因此本論文研究側重於中國運用非軍事手段之方式，破壞我國重大設施之國家安全面向為主要探討範圍。並將進一步探討：中國對我可能採取之戰爭型態、影響國家安全之重大設施現況、中共利用政府採購管道進行超限作戰、國內重大設施應有之防護作為等問題，探討的重大設施著重在與民生關係緊密的公共設施，包含(電力、自來水、交通、電信、科學園區、機場、港口、公路、鐵路)等，中國對我使用非軍事手段方面除經濟貿易、環境、能源、族群衝突、民主化發展、毒品與犯罪、恐怖主義、以及疾病傳染等等外，最可能從介入此類重大公共工程設施之防護以進行秘密活動，伺機安裝引爆裝置，並使全台各重要據點所預置之破壞因子同時發作，致使國內救災體系整個癱瘓、民生丕變、金融交易停滯、高科技產業停擺、並形成一陣社會恐慌、社會失序、終致形成無政府狀態；值此同時，中國即以維護國內秩序之名義接收政權，國際團體及友邦無法介入支援或救助。對內完成統一大業，對外宣示一個中國，順理成章地以達到以非軍事手段替代軍事行動所產生之最低成本換取最高效益。 / Since the past half century, the threat of China has been the most important spotlight in "national security". Therefore, it is the same concept with both of national security and military safety. The threat of the national security is including not only the various challenges that come from the exterior but also the natural factor of the inner part and the threat of the artificial factors. It is doubtless that the 921 heavy earthquakes and the Typhoon Torajis cause serious dead, injured and properties lost, are a series of illustration. The domestic security safeguards must look after both sides of the safe strategy research, design and publicize and carry out obviously in the parts of non- military. So we can reach the comprehensive security guarantee eventually. Therefore, establish overall synthesizes safety concepts are our goal to exceed into 21 centuries must begin actively of preparation; in spite of the government and civilian. This thesis research lays emphasis on making use of the non-military means breaking our country’s public facilities by China. Also I will further inquire into: What kind of war type will be adopted by China? How about the current conditions of domestic public facilities? China probably makes use of the governmental procurement to carry on super limit's battling. What kinds of protection we should take in action on regarding public facilities. The major public facilities which I focus on are people's livelihood. It will contain(electric power, the resource of water, transportation, telecommunication, science-based industrial park, airport, port, highway, railroad) etc., In addition to economy trading, environment, energy, ethnicity conflict, democratization development, drug and crime, terrorism, and diseases infecting the etc., the most possible of China is using the non-military means to get involved in breaking major public facilities in order to carry on the secret activity, wait for an opportunity to install an exploding device, and make each important spot prepare to place of the breakage factor goes into action meanwhile. So that It would cause domestic disaster response system whole paralyze, people's livelihood largely change, the finance trade stagnate, high-tech industry lockout, become a social dismay and lose the preface, eventually with the result that formation anarchy appearance; meanwhile, China namely with safeguard the name of the domestic order to receive the political power. And then the international group and allied countries can't get involved the support or salvages. China will claims to have completed to unify the whole country in the inner part and claims to have one China to all foreign country. At last, China will reach to act for the military action with the non- military means to exchange the highest benefit the lowest cost of creation.

近年國際紛爭不斷、金融危機，及兩岸關係多變，對國家安全充滿挑戰。再則我國分於民國95年（2006年）公布首部《中華民國國家安全報告》、98年（2009年）3月公布《四年期國防總檢討》（Quadrennial Defense Review , QDR），此一時期正適逢我國政黨輪替執政，先後均基本闡述國家安全政策大方向。惟並未明確、完整擘劃我國的「國防戰略」，進而與國家安全戰略相銜接；本論文以並以2008年政黨輪替為時間切割點，針對國際環境變化、國家安全情勢及中共軍事威脅等情進行研究，探討我國「國防戰略」轉變。倘若能拋磚引玉，進而促使有關單位進行政策面的探討與研究，甚或是更完善制定一套屬於符合我國國家安全的「國防戰略」，為本論文之核心價值。 本論文獲致以下研究成果： 一、「國防二法」已明訂國防政策之決策機制，係透過總統、國家安全會議、行政院及國防部等決策過程，以確保政策方向正確，並爭取全民的認同。因此，國防部部長可依職權透過「軍事會談」及「行政院院會」之召開，將「國防政策」、「國防戰略（狹義）」建議分別向總統及行政院院長報告，以利整體國防事務之推動。 二、行政院應採「綜合性安全」概念，整合國家政、經、軍、心、科技諸層面，綜整敵情、友軍、我方及地緣戰略，做好國家戰略情勢判斷，從而建構我國全般的戰略構想及「國防戰略」指導，並建立「預防性國防觀念」，結合「預防外交」、及「戰略嚇阻」之途徑，維護台海區域穩定與國家安全，以擘劃屬於廣義的、國家層級的「國防戰略」。 三、國防部則整合軍政、軍備、軍令三大體系，擘劃屬國防部狹義層級之「國防戰略」，於《國防報告書》、《四年期國防總檢討》，亦或仿效美國撰擬年度「國防戰略」，公諸於國內、外，讓國人、國軍幹部知悉國防部的「國防戰略」。 四、為因應未來全球、亞太區域、台海兩岸等發展與關係日益複雜，我國「國防戰略」之新願景，應該在兼具因應傳統與非傳統威脅的能力、建構嚇阻戰力保衛國家安全等兩大項。 五、透過區域安全機制，國防建軍上多方規劃與預判，未來影響國家安全之主要因素。 關鍵詞：國家安全、國防政策、國防戰略、軍事戰略、同盟

根據UNODC南亞及太平洋地區研究表示，亞洲已成為最大的製毒化學品來源和用於製造非法藥物的市場。衛生福利部食品藥物管理署2014年「全國物質使用調查」發現調查12-64歲民眾中約有23萬人曾經藥物濫用，18~44歲為藥物濫用最多之年齡群，其中18~24歲以使用愷他命居多，而35~44歲則以安非他命為主。2015年反毒報告書指出，去年全國因毒品案件而裁決有罪者共有34,672人，雖然較前年減少7.2% ，但毒品入侵青少年族群的情況卻越來越嚴重，依據教育部統計，2014年度共有1,700名學生遭通報藥物濫用，較2013年2,021件略為下降，其中以疑似施用第三級毒品人數為最大宗，並以高中職1,031人(60.6％)為主，國中582人(34.2％)次之。教育部學生使用非法藥物的通報件數也呈逐年增加的情形，若以 2007年高中職以下學校通報 284件增加至 2013年1,908 件計算，7年內增加了6.7倍之多。毒品嚴重影響年輕一代的教育及健康，其需要付出的成本與代價無法計算，所造成的問題將成為影響社會、國家的不穩定因素，因此如何防制青少年的藥物濫用便成為當務之急。 本文針對聯合國UNODC的角度探討全球青少年毒品問題，並以近年來臺北市青少年各級毒品使用現況與相關性探討，以有系統的歸類、分析，期望結合及彙整青少年毒品危害防制措施、探究其將會產生多種併存問題及發生情形、供日後政府制定藥物濫用防制策略參考。另由全球青少年毒品使用變化與發展對比於臺灣的轉變，再加以探討影響臺灣青少年使用毒品的因素與項目有哪些?與全球青少年所受的衝擊與矛盾是否有相同處?抑或因著地域的不同有不同的效果。最後則再限縮範圍至臺北市校園學生毒品濫用的情形，再導入治安、經濟、社會等變數議題，以文獻分析法試著推導出對國家安全的影響，探討將會產生多種併存問題及發生情形，並對目前防制困境與策略作為進行探討。 文末則再次回應研究青少年毒品的三個關鍵問題，得出濫用年齡層有下降趨勢、合成毒品濫用越來越多，加上青少年藥物濫用極可能持續到成年，並會增加未來為上癮者或從事其他犯罪的機會，國家應從青少年時期開始預防措施、減少毒品需求、創造有利的健康環境、家庭具有強大防制潛力，應重視家庭教育等做起。所以，要指望毒品問題完全解決是不可能的。既然在短期內現行政府政策不大可能出現根絕的方法，那麼，一旦對青少年藥物濫用採取忽視的態度，將會動搖的國家競爭力與根本。 / According to UNODC South Asia and Pacific Studies, Asia has become the largest source of toxic chemicals and markets for the manufacture of illicit drugs. Ministry of Health and Welfare Food and Drug Administration In 1994, the National Survey on the Use of Substance found that about 230,000 people aged between 12 and 64 years had been drug abuse and 18 to 44 were the highest age groups for drug abuse, including 18 to 24 The use of Kai Tai life mostly, and 35 to 44 years old with amphetamine-based. The anti-drug report in 2015 pointed out that 34,672 people were found guilty of drug cases in the country last year, although they were 7.2% lower than the previous year. However, the number of drug-invading youth groups was getting worse. According to the statistics of the Ministry of Education, Students were informed of drug abuse, slightly lower than 2,021 in 2013, among which the number of suspected third-class drugs was the largest, and 1,031 (60.6%) were secondary in high school, 582 (34.2%) The The number of informants of the Ministry of Education's use of illicit drugs has also increased year by year. If the number of schools under the senior secondary school in 2007 increased by 284 to 1,908 in 2013, it increased by 6.7 times in seven years. Drugs seriously affect the education and health of the younger generation, and the costs and costs that they need to pay can not be calculated. The problems that have arisen will be factors that affect social and national instability. Therefore, how to prevent juvenile drug abuse becomes a top priority. In this paper, the United Nations UNODC point of view of the global drug problem of young people, and in recent years, young people in Taipei City at all levels of drug use status and relevance of the discussion, to a systematic classification, analysis, expectations and integration of juvenile drug harm prevention measures, It will produce a variety of coexistence problems and the situation for the future government to develop drug abuse control strategy reference. The same is true of the changes and the development of the global use of drugs in Taiwan, and to explore the factors that affect the use of drugs by young people in Taiwan and what are the same as those of the global adolescents and whether they are the same Have different effects. And finally to limit the range to the Taipei City campus students drug abuse situation, and then into the law and order, economic, social and other variables to the literature analysis method to try to derive the impact on national security, will have a variety of coexistence problems and occur Situation, and the current control dilemma and strategy as a discussion. At the end of the paper, there are three key questions in the study of juvenile delinquents, a decline in the age of abuse, an increasing number of drug abuse, and the fact that adolescent drug abuse is likely to continue into adulthood and increase the future as an addict or Other opportunities for crime, the state should start from adolescence prevention measures to reduce the demand for drugs to create a favorable health environment, the family has a strong control potential, should pay attention to family education and so on. So it is impossible to expect a complete solution to the drug problem. Since the current government policy in the short term is unlikely to be the way to eradicate it, then once the attitude of neglecting adolescent drug abuse will shake the country's competitiveness and fundamentals.

二次世界大戰結束後，以美國為首的民主國家採取長期的對蘇聯的社會主義國家圍堵不接觸的「冷戰」作為，此種兩極體系發展產生一種軍備競賽方式取代戰爭模式，1991年蘇聯共產體制瓦解，原已經於一九八九年宣告結束的東西「冷戰」正式結束，冷戰結束後，世界軍事格局脫離了兩極對峙，1978年鄧小平掌權後，判斷世界新形勢，修正社會主義路線，經濟上遂行改革開放政策，帶動了中共國力崛起。 崛起的中共在軍事上不斷現代化，威脅著南海爭議相關國家，同時也代表美國在亞洲的利益受到挑戰，中共近期將南海島礁主權列為國家重大利益，軍力部署轉向海洋及東南方，也使中國威脅論升高，導致東協部份國家紛紛加強軍備，增加亞太地區的不穩定性，促使東協國家引進美國力量介入。 美國持續在東亞地區透過雙邊同盟或軍事關係，維持美國的國家利益，美國第44任總統歐巴馬也以重返亞洲為國務外交重大政策，因此美國與中共兩國在亞洲地區的合作或競爭作為，未來將左右南海爭議走向，這也是南海問題複雜的原因。 南海領土主權爭議是二戰結束後，亞洲國家戰後紛紛掙脫殖民國控制，先後完成各種制度的國家獨立開始，另外1952年國際海洋法公佈領海及鄰接區公約，也喚起世界各海洋國家的重視，然而國際法著重現實主義立場，使得南海周邊各國莫不以島礁「先佔」（Occupation）的行為爭取國家利益。 本文以南海地區的情勢發展為基礎，探究中共與美國對南海的國家戰略，首先從國際海洋法論南海主權問題，接續再由政治外交、經濟貿易、軍事等戰略面向分析，最後比較兩個大國的戰略互動行為，以求更進一步認識南海問題。 / Since the end of WWII, the democratic countries which led by U.S. have been adopting a policy with isolating and encircling measures to against former USSR and its follower communist countries for more than 3 decades which known “Cold War”, instead of traditional warfare, the pattern of these two poles of the political bodies gradually developed another situation of armament competition, in 1991, the communist body of the Soviet has collapsed, it was also a formal declaration of the end of West-East confrontation which we called Cold War. Ever since the Cold War, the pattern of the military strategy has been changed, in 1978, under Deng, Xiao-Ping’ ruling, he re-aligned its original socialist route by judging reality of world environment and adopted open policies on the aspect of economy, this movement has caused China’s power rising. China’s rising continuously keeping PLA modernized militarily, that also caused significant threats to countries who involve the dispute of South China Sea issues, mean while, it represent that the U.S. interests in Asia have been challenged as well, China has claimed the sovereignty of isled of South China Sea as critical interests of PRC recently, the deployment of forces has been moved to south east of China and its coastal areas, this move has elevated the possibility which known as “theory of China’s threat” and relatively increased Pac-Asia regions unstable and caused armaments enforcement themselves, it also welcome US power involve by ASEAN. The US continuously intent to maintain it’ interests in South Asia through bi-lateral allies and military relations cooperation, the President Obama has announced that return to South Asia will be a significant policy for US, thus the competition between US and China in the area will affects the dispute among the countries and makes it more complex. The dispute of South China Sea sovereignty had started after WWII and countries which out of colonial controlled and had all their policies established, on the other hand, in 1952, the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS) issued has reminds and abstracts oceanic countries attention, however, international laws tend to reality, so that there is no country around the South China Sea without struggling for its own interests which by measure of pre-occupying isled on that. The context is base on the development of South China Sea as fundamentals so as to explore the strategies both US and PRC whom involved South China Sea disputes, first will start to discuss the problems of sovereignty base on international ocean laws, and then to discuss on analysis of various aspects such as political diplomacy, economic trade and military and will be wrapped up by the comparison of US-PRC on strategic interaction so as to make readers gain more understanding on the issues of South China Sea.

海洋是國家發展的利基，亦是我們賴以生存最重要的憑藉，更是捍衛國家安全的第一道防線。臺灣地處西太平洋第一島鏈中央地帶，戰略地位極為重要，從臺灣的地理特性和地緣位置來看，臺灣的國家安全與海洋是密切相關的，海洋不僅是國家安全的重要緩衝空間，也是維護國家安全的屏障和門戶，控制了海洋即可加大安全縱深，遏止來自於海洋方面的威脅。 臺灣是一個海洋國家，海洋權益的確保、藍色國土的經略乃政府施政的重大目標。今日我們面對海域主權權利、海洋資源、海洋環境等各項層面的威脅及挑戰，需站在戰略及國安的高度展開多面向的海洋戰略(包括尋求國際合作、爭取國際地位等)，並制定國家海洋政策，有效經營海洋資源，方能增進全方位的國家利益，以落實海洋國家發展願景。 行政院海岸巡防署為中華民國開國以來第一個依法定程序設立且律屬於行政院二級部會層級的海域執法專責機關，除海軍以外，為我國第二大擁有海上執法能量的武裝團隊，肩負起維護國家安全、海上治安及救災救難等重責大任；其擁有獨立運作且強而有力的海域司法管轄權，並代表國家執行公權力、伸張海權，以維護國家海洋權益及確保國家安全。 關鍵詞：國家安全、國安戰略、海權、海洋戰略、海洋政策、海軍戰略、地緣戰略、海巡署、海軍、海關 / The sea is the gateway for national development, the most important reliance for our survival, and the first line of defense for national security. Taiwan locates in the middle of the first island chain in the west Pacific with strategic significance. From the geographical points of view, Taiwan's national security closely relates to the sea, which not only acts as important buffer zone for national security, but also safeguards barriers and portals of national security. Controlling the sea deepens the depth of security and deterring threats from the sea. Taiwan is a maritime country. To ensure maritime rights and interests, the governance of Blue Territory is a major goal to the government. Today we are faced with issues such as the sovereign rights of the sea, marine resources, marine environment and other aspects of threats and challenges. It is necessary to take strategic vantage point of national security and expand multi-faceted maritime strategies (including international cooperation and international status, etc.). In order to effectively manage marine resources for all the spectrum of the national interests, national policies and visions of the sea should be developed and fullfilled. The Coast Guard Administration of the Executive Yuan (CGA) is the first ministerial agency of the Republic of China specifically for maritime law enforcement. In addition to the Navy, the CGA has become the country's second largest armed forces responsible for national security, maritime peace and search and rescue, etc. at sea. Representing national authority and sovereignty, it operates independently and holds strongly jurisdiction in sea territories to preserve national maritime rights and interests and to ensure national security. Keywords: national security, national security strategy, sea power, maritime strategy, sea policy, naval strategy, geostrategic, Coast Guard(CGA), Navy, Customs

「資訊科技」的革命並非侷限於更低廉的通信或是更快速的電腦而已，「資訊科技」的革命是從各種角度影響全球的經濟與政治，包括資訊蒐集、分析、傳播等各方面。當前「資訊科技」革命的時代，其基本科技趨勢可以用三句話來概括表達：即能力增加、成本降低及連結性增加。 二十世紀以來「資訊科技」的提升，已經讓人無法輕忽其所產生變化的效果。正如同自由主義學者所認為的，這種科技的新進展將會引領我們走向新舊國際關係的分水嶺，舊有的權力政治關係及行為模式將隨著傳播與運輸科技的發展，而形成一種全新的國際關係。 資訊科技跨越國界的穿透能力，使得過去我們所認知的空間觀念區需要重新再做建構，國際政治上的地緣政治觀念也需要加以重新詮釋。有形的地理疆界固然使得各國得以壁壘分明的劃地自限，但是一旦此地域觀念被打破，相對的國家安全所面對的環境及挑戰也將截然不同。 未來衝突形式將更加混亂分裂，流血程度將大為降低。21世紀的軍事傷亡人數比較起20世紀百萬人在戰場傷亡的人而言，數量上面將會大幅下降許多。大規模武裝力量(伴隨龐大軍事開支)的世代即將告一個段落，也許我們可以期待「資訊效益」(Information dividend)或許比起後冷戰時代所妄想的「和平效益」(peace dividend) 將來得更為貼近真實。透過資訊科技及能力的審慎運用，將能有效防範資訊時代之爭端於未然。

中國歷史悠久，除有著豐富的歷史文獻，亦留存許多學術著作，可供後人探討分析，而西方世界學者對這神秘的國度也充滿好奇之心，隨東西文化交流，即透過西方觀點與理論，開啟對中國各項領域研究，如在軍事上，英國戰略學家李德哈特（B.H. Liddell Hart）在《戰略論：間接路線》（STRATEGY：The Indirect Approach）一書中，選錄《孫子》十三項條文至於該書首頁，並讚揚《孫子》理論優於克勞塞維茨（Karl Von Clausewitz）的《戰爭論》（Vom Kriege）。在軍事戰略獲得西方戰略學家肯定同時，自己反思中國僅傳統兵學有著價值嗎？在國家安全、國際關係等是否也有一套屬於中國獨有且具價值的理論？ 觀看中國歷史時，確實可發現各朝代存有著其國家安全問題，只不過由於古代中原各朝與周邊民族發展情況，並非如今日所謂的國家關係，是以其所發展出安全問題之內涵和表現形式，與當代非傳統國家安全，甚至現代形成的傳統國家安全有著根本區別，存在其獨特的表現形式和特點。然而，端詳中國清代以前的歷代中原王朝中，北宋王朝所面臨的國家安全威脅最為突出，也最具典型性，故本文選擇其作為個案，來分析中國古代的國家安全問題。 　　史學界對「澶淵之盟」的評價一直頗多分歧，然而其不用大動干戈，建立宋為兄遼為弟之兩國「外交倫理」，維持兩國百餘年之和平局面，造就經濟、文化之盛世，若當時未能創造出此一和談契機，北宋恐已亡國。是以全文將藉由上述問題，探討一個軍事實力較弱國家，如何在與鄰國欲相互摧毀之高度衝突中，如何巧妙運用外交、軍事、經濟與文化等手段，促使對手在現實考量，接受雙方皆具利益之盟約，營造出彼此「共生互敬」關係之戰略模式，建立彼此互動環境情況，猶如圍棋對弈中「殘碁」局勢，進而建立長期和平，期待後世演變到更合適時機再處理雙方核心問題；本文後段再分析此模式破滅原因，非係制度不佳，而是接續下此盤棋者，不清楚自身能力不足前人下，不懂持平而恣意改變局勢，反「渝盟」與金國訂定聯合攻遼盟約。 此外，研究「澶淵之盟」過程中發現，觀看我中華民國與中共對峙與發展歷程，「八二三炮戰」前，雙方呈現相互摧毀之高度衝突狀況，雖然雙方在軍事實力方面，中共雖呈現略勝於我國情況，在經歷二十餘年數十次戰爭後，終在外在地理環境與他國影響等因素下，逐步發展成同於宋、遼二國「殘碁」局面，陷入一種對峙困局之中，兩岸學者雖曾運用西方成熟之國際關係理論，試圖尋求可以提供解決目前雙邊關係困境方法，然迄今仍未見成果；因此，亦盼能以本篇研究，能提供我處理兩岸關係之另一種思考途徑。

本論文主旨在研究動員戡亂時期國家安全法於立法期間所發生的各種爭議，包括院會 、委員會的審查過程，黨政協調與政黨溝通，議事杯葛與議事衝突，院外所發生的示 威抗議事件等，並試圖進一步剖析我國的政治文化及提出有效減少上述紛擾的解決方 案。全文共分六章，各章要點如下： 第一章為緒論，說明研究動機與目的，研究範圍與限制，研究方法與架構等。 第二章則針對國安法立法緣起及行政院草案提出前後的爭議作廣泛而深入的剖析。 第三章則專對立法院委員會審查階段，包括詢答及廣泛討論階段、逐條討論階段的爭 議詳加討論，並對黨政協調與政黨溝通的過程及其背景加以評述。 第四章除研討院會審查階段關於國安法本文及其施行細則的爭議之外，並建構起幾個 模型以剖析議事杯葛與議事衝突的利弊。 第五章則以五一九、六一二事件為例，深入剖析聚眾示威抗議活動的利弊得失，並提 出防範及解決之道。 第六章為研究發現與建議，一方面敘述筆者在研究此一主題時的若干發現，另一方面 則嘗試提出釜底抽薪的解決之道，期能對國家的安定與發展有所貢獻。

本論文名稱為「核子武器與國家安全」（以中華民國作個案研究），望文生義，主要 重點乃強調核子武器與國家安全之間的可能關聯。及核子武器所導致各種可能的利與 不利之因素，其中尤為強調嚇阻理論與國家安全的關聯性。同時，並以當前我國的國 家安全處境，作為個案的研究。嘗試分析。評估中華民國如果發展核子武器，對我國 的國家安全的增加，有多少助益，且可能會產生何種不利影響。 全文共分六章，十七節，第一章導論，說明研究的動機與方法。第二章以敘述軍事力 量在國際社會中所扮演的角色為主。第三章則介紹嚇阻理論，及嚇阻所必備的幾項因 素。第四章中華民國的核武選擇，從中共與我國對峙的情形，說明我國是否有發展核 武器的需要。第五章則是從嚇阻的觀點與國家戰略（利益）的角度，評估我國核武器 選擇的各種利弊。第六章結論。

兩次世界大戰與韓、越戰，美國本土皆未受到戰火的侵襲，但基於道義和悍衛民主之 信念，美國毅然派兵抗拒法西斯主義和共黨集團的侵略行為，這些抉擇曾引起國內部 分人民非議，聯邦政府為了防止戰爭努力受到惡意阻擾而使國家墜入萬卻不復之情境 ，遂企圖以一九一七年之間諜法和若干軍事條款，遏阻防礙軍事運作之言論，這項企 圖外貌上侵犯人民憲法第一修正案之權利，因而引起不少爭論性訟案。本文試以八章 二十二節十萬字左右，一窺美國最高法院處理這些言論訟案之主要過程與裁決原則， 希圖藉此探究美國政府控制反戰言論的實際成效，以及國家危急狀況中自由與權威衡 平的立論基礎。