崛起中的中國大陸，對國際政治、經濟秩序而言，是一個日趨重要的影響因素。尤其是對美外交為中共對外政策之主軸，其重要性實不言可喻，深具研究價值。 研究中共對美外交政策，可以發現在政策演變的過程中，其對美政策取向與內涵係因應內外環境的轉變及美中的互動關係而逐漸形成。因此，經由中共美外交政策的系統研究，可進一步掌握其政策思維與運作內涵，正確分析影響其外交政策的要素，以瞭解其發展與演變之脈絡。 基此，本文的研究目的在於： 一、闡明中共外交形成的因素，無論是在宏觀層面，諸如國內外環境因素導致中共外交理論與原則的改變、決策過程機制以及參與程度與範圍之變化；配合微觀層次決策者所起的作用，以檢視中共外交政策內涵，以瞭解其發展與演變。 二、經由中共與美國互動情形，分由政治、經濟、軍事、涉台外交等層面分析雙方關係內涵，以論證中共對美外交政策之發展與特質。 三、由於雙邊關係日趨密切，合作範圍與領域日增，因此經由雙邊互動模式之探討，以展望雙邊關係未來的可能發展。 四、「台灣問題」在雙邊關係的重要性日增，美中關係有可能因為「台灣問題」而面臨嚴峻的挑戰，因此格外值得探討。 經由上述議題之探討，本文歸納了影響美中關係的可能因素，並對政策的持續面與演變面加以探討，最後並提出美中關係未來發展之看法，作為本文之總結。 / China, as a rising power, is a factor with growing impact that affects international politics and economic order. Being at the core of its foreign policy, China’s US policy is of great importance and worth a close look. By examining China’s foreign policy regarding the US, we can find that China shapes the orientation and content of its US policy in accordance with changes in domestic and international circumstances and in US-China interactions. Therefore, by studying China’s US policy systematically, we can further understand its policy reasoning and course of implementation, analyze correctly the influential factors, and hence obtain a clear view of the context of its policy forming. Therefore, the purposes of the article are: 1.To elucidate influences upon China’s foreign policy, including macroscopic aspects such as domestic and international circumstances that caused China’s adjustment in the theory and principles of its foreign policy, and variations in policy-making mechanism and the extent of involvement, along with microscopic aspects such as the impact from policy makers. This is to look into the content of China’s foreign policy in order to acquire a clear picture of its development. 2.Via examining the interactions between China and the US, to analyze the China-US relation from aspects of politics, economy, military and Taiwan affairs. This is to find out the course of development and characteristics of China’s US policy. 3.With links between China and Taiwan growing stronger and scope and fields of collaboration increasing, to anticipate the possible development in cross-strait relations by studying patterns of bilateral interactions. 4.With the “Taiwan Issue” being of growing impact upon bilateral relations, the China-US relations can be serious challenged by the issue, and is therefore worth a close investigation. By exploring the above issues, the article catalogues possible factors that will affect China-US relations, observes the potential continuity and alteration of the policy, and finally concludes with a prospect of future China-US relations.

一、本論文針對冷戰結束以來中國政府對外夥伴關係發展的現況予以研究，欲探討的問題具體言之是「中國以大國外交與戰略夥伴外交關係，邁入二十一世紀，大國外交與戰略夥伴外交的關係。而戰略夥伴外交關係的種類區分、現況為何？中國想藉「戰略夥伴外交關係」達到什麼樣的目的，實際的成效以及面臨的侷限與挑戰」。論文研究途徑嘗試從「新現實主義」角度，採用文獻分析法（Documents Analysis Method）、歷史研究法（Historical Method），思考冷戰後中國如何在國家利益前提下產生外交政策的轉變與運用，並遂行國家外交戰略的制定，如何在國際上建立不同形式的夥伴關係，布局多極化世界格局的大國外交關係以及分析「戰略夥伴外交關係」面臨的侷限與挑戰。 二、後冷戰時代的開展，國際情勢中不確定的因素增加，惟國際社會主角仍是具有實力的大國。鄧小平首先確立了「和平與發展」的時代主題，使中國對其國家利益的內涵以及各項利益的優先順序產生反思作用，確立以「經濟建設」為中心的「改革開放」政策，安全利益重心從生存安全轉向以「經濟安全」。中國認為兩極格局已經被大國構建的國際新秩序和世界新格局取代，中國對世界格局尚未建構完成的看法，驅使其在國際提倡多極化的概念，謀求建立國際體系地位和影響力。藉由大國外交，與世界各國陸續建立戰略性夥伴關係，並從而透過「夥伴關係」的推展，建構外在的和平環境，維護國家利益及促進國家的發展，追求自身綜合國力的提升與壯大。 三、中國的確是想成為大國的，中國欲成為大國，有影響力的大國，國際格局中的一極，首先就必須讓自己有實力。因此，中國選擇建立安全的國內與國際環境，全力發展經濟儲備實力，實力完備後自然能夠維護國家領土的完整以及獲取應有的大國地位。中國具有龐大的需求市場與價廉的勞工，在此條件下中國因勢利導將其戰略夥伴外交關係區分多種層次與類別，結合經濟活動與外交關係的推展，形成有相輔相成與互補作用的環節。可以說經貿關係的發展，為戰略夥伴關係提供了基礎與活力。戰略夥伴關係親密發展，則對經貿關係提供了保障。至於在國家領土完整上，戰略夥伴外交關係的推展發揮相當的力量，其中又以台灣問題的解決中國最為關注。中國國台辦的資料中即指出，「夥伴關係」對抑制台灣當局的務實外交創造了有利的條件。中國須要致力於推動大國外交，藉由戰略夥伴外交關係的外交手法，提升對國際事務的發言權與增加對國際事務的影響力。由其夥伴國家數量的增加顯示夥伴關係是持續在擴展的，而夥伴關係的提升與深化，表示其他大國重視與中國所建立的關係形式與內容，對國際的影響力確實隨著戰略夥伴外交關係的擴展漸漸在增加。 四、中國國力的強大稱之為區域的強權國家已無疑問，在未來有可能成為美國新對手的國家似乎就是中國了，反之中國未來發展最可能的對手亦為美國。中國從國家根本戰略利益出發，在戰略夥伴外交關係的建立過程中逐步構築有利自身發展的國際環境，避免受制於美國所建構的結構力量。前後與三十個國家建立了夥伴關係，除了擴大交往範圍外，亦不斷深化現有的夥伴關係實質內容。其涵蓋範圍可說是全方位的，包括政治、經濟、軍事、科技、教育、文化等方面，其中又以經貿的承諾或同時簽定的經貿協議最具實質性。然除了歐盟、拉丁美洲等國家，中國與周邊其他國家在以往都存在大小不同的衝突，甚至曾經發生過戰爭。中國推展各種夥伴關係的關鍵確係植基於國家利益的基礎上，因此，必須存有共同利益才能維繫雙方關係的持續，否則雙方關係就將會面臨侷限與挑戰。 五、中國推展戰略夥伴外交關係的戰略利益，就是希望透過經濟與外交的兩手策略，一面利用戰略夥伴關係外交手段為經濟發展服務與確保戰略能源的來源，同時又藉由國內市場及經濟實力不斷的提高，增加外交的籌碼維護其國家的主權與領土完整。同樣的，其他國家亦必然是在有利於其國家利益條件下才會選擇與中國發展關係。因此歸結中國與其戰略夥伴國家之間的關係，還是建立於國家利益的基礎上。唯有雙方的「共同利益」大於甚至遠大於彼此間現存的矛盾與分歧，則「求同存異」的模式方可能奏效。可是欲維持共同利益的持續存在，先決條件就是中國必須繼續保持其經濟的發展優勢，不論是在國內市場需求或是人力市場的供需，都能提供他國相當的利益。可是中國的發展與需求，到一定限度後自然會達到飽和，則各國所能獲利的機會自然降低，當各國對預期的利益無法獲得回饋與滿足時，求同存異的現實狀況－矛盾與歧異－將會再度高於共同利益。屆時即使求同存異可能還能夠繼續維持，可是難保不會發生擦槍走火的情形，雙方基於共同利益建立的互信基礎就會立刻面臨考驗。 關鍵字：新現實主義 戰略夥伴外交關係 夥伴關係 大國外交 中俄戰略協作關係

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國營企業政策性因素虧損，造成企業經營、勞工生計、和工會生存遭遇困境。為了解決困境，工會和企業在勞資關係當中必須透過新的互動發展夥伴關係。 本研究旨在探討夥伴關係在工會與企業勞資關係當中建構和發展的過程。研究發現，夥伴關係存在的要素是：工作權的保障，自主的工會和勞工參與制度。歸納分析夥伴關係的四種模式是：悲觀，相互收益，相互制約，生命共同體等模式。 顧及企業經營、勞工生計、和工會生存，可持續發展的夥伴關係並的是「生命共同體」模式。 / Policy-related factors cause the financial loss of state-owned enterprises, and resulting in the business management, the worker livelihoods, and the trade union survival had run into dilemma. In order to solve the predicament, the trade union and the state-owned enterprise in the industrial relationship is needed to develop a new interactive partnership. This study was to explore the partnership in the industrial relationship between the trade union and the state-owned enterprise with the process of construction and development. This study has found that the existence elements of the partnership are: the right to work safeguard, independent trade union, and worker participation. And the four modes of partnership are: the Pessimistic, the Mutual Gains, the Mutual Restraint, and the Life Together. Taking into account the business management, the worker livelihoods, and the trade union survival, the partnership for sustainable development is the " Life Together" mode.

人口販運是一個已經全球化大大增加了全球性的問題，非法貿易的興起，以及冷戰的結束. 販毒後. 販賣人口是脖子到脖子軍火工業作為世界上第二大犯罪行業. 其目的是研究拉丁美洲的人口販賣情況和瓜地馬拉的公私營界別合作推行的反人口販賣活動. 由於在該區域的有限調查, 這項研究將是讀者不知道在拉丁美洲人口販賣的情況作出了貢獻。這項研究將使用輔助數據，如多邊組織的報告，政府機構，而且最重要的進行了訪談，以非政府組織。PPP的工作經歷在瓜地馬拉的兩個信道是積極的。政府機構間和打擊販賣人口的政府機構，非政府組織，政府間組織和非政府組織組成的網絡。這項研究描述了從政府方面所做的努力，以及在打擊人口販運瓜地馬拉非政府組織的知識和專長。 / Human Trafficking is a global issue increased dramatically with globalization, the rise of illicit trade, and the end of the Cold War. After drug trafficking, human trafficking is neck-to-neck with the arms industry as the second largest criminal industry in the world. The purpose is to study Latin America’s human trafficking situation and Guatemala’s Private-Public Partnership in implementing anti-human trafficking activities. Due to the limited investigations in the region, this study will be a contribution to readers that do not know the situation of human trafficking in Latin America. The study will use secondary data such as reports from multilateral organizations, government institutions, and most importantly conducted interviews to NGOs. The PPP work has been positive through two channels of communication in Guatemala. The interagency of government institutions and the network against human trafficking composed of the government institutions, INGOs, IGOs and NGOs. This study describes the efforts from the government side as well as the knowledge and expertise on NGOs in combating human trafficking in Guatemala.

1990 年代俄羅斯與歐盟的關係並不是很熱絡，雙方皆因專注於內部的改革而對彼此興趣缺缺。葉爾欽政府對於歐盟充滿了無知與誤解，而布魯塞爾對於中、東歐國家的關注也遠超過俄羅斯。不過，90年代末期之後，隨著歐盟東擴的進行與雙方經貿互賴程度越來越深，莫斯科再也無法承擔誤解歐盟的後果。同時，歐盟亦為了穩定東擴後的東部邊境，不得不與俄羅斯進一步的加強合作。然而，俄羅斯與歐盟的政經關係日益密切，彼此間隱含的問題也一一浮現。 　　俄羅斯與歐盟無論是在安全、反恐、車臣、民主、人權、內政與司法事務、加里寧格勒、經貿與能源、世貿組織、京都議定書以及環境保護等議題上都存在著巨大的認知差異與分歧，使得雙方很難有真誠的合作。不過，若要因此強調俄羅斯與歐盟的衝突面似乎太過於悲觀。因為，與歐洲整合並非不符合俄羅斯的國家利益，而歐盟遇到困難便會再協商或擱置爭議的特殊運作模式也讓它在與俄羅斯的交往過程中不至於陷入危機。俄羅斯與歐盟還是能夠透過不斷的對話、談判與妥協來解決紛爭，雙方的夥伴關係仍然有相當大的發展潛力。 / In the 1990s, the relationship between Russia and the EU was not very enthusiastic. Both parties concentrated mainly on their own internal reforms, and therefore they had no interest in each other. Yeltsin’s regime was full of ignorance and misunderstanding about the EU, and Brussels also paid much more attention on the Central and Eastern European states than on Russia. However, since the late 1990s, the EU’s enlargement has been underway, and the level of interdependence between the EU and Russia has become higher and higher, Moscow can no longer afford the consequences of misunderstanding about the EU. Meanwhile, in order to stabilize the EU’s eastern border after enlargement, the EU has no choice but to enhance cooperation with Russia. Nevertheless, the closer political and economic relationship between Russia and the EU becomes, the more underlying problems emerge. There is a wide cognitive gap and many disputes between Russia and the EU over various issues, such as security, anti-terrorism, Chechnya, democracy, human rights, justice and home affairs, Kaliningrad, economic and trade, energy, WTO, Kyoto Protocol and environmental protection, etc. Therefore, it is unlikely for them to engage in any serious cooperation. However, it would be too pessimistic to highlight the aspects of conflicts for the above reason, because integration with Europe is also corresponding to Russia’s national interests. Besides, the EU’s particular working model of consulting with each other again and again or leaving aside the disagreements when encountering problems prevents the disputes between the EU and Russia from escalating to crisis. Russia and the EU can solve problems through talks, negotiations and compromises. It still has great potential for the further development of partnership between Russia and the EU.

本文之目的在於探討冷戰後時期「中俄戰略協作夥伴關係」（Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination）對戰略三角政治互動的意涵及其對台海安全的可能影響與衝擊。本文將以「系統理論研究途徑」（System Theory Approach）作為中心分析概念架構（central organizing concept）進行研究分析。 冷戰結束後，隨著蘇聯解體，冷戰時期的兩極格局已不復存在，大國之間的關係實行了相對的調整。在新的國際格局中，中國與俄羅斯兩國基於遏制「北約東擴」和防止「美日安保」條約的圍堵（Containment），雙方除了極力倡導多極化國際體系外，並進一步建立「戰略協作夥伴關係」，冀由強化雙邊的多層面關係，來共同對抗「美國霸權」局面。 中俄戰略協作夥伴關係之建立為新世紀中、俄兩國關係的發展奠定了良好基礎。10年來，中俄關係發展相當順利。1992年-2001年，中俄關係的發展，連續上了四個台階，這就是:（一）92年「互視為友好國家關係」;（二）94年「建設性夥伴關係」;（三）96年「戰略協作夥伴關係」。在此以後，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係在實踐中不斷得到充實和發展。（四）2001年7月中俄雙方簽署了一份歷史性文件「中俄睦鄰友好合作條約」（China-Russia Good-neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation Treaty），標誌雙方關係又進入一個新的發展階段。 在冷戰時期，中國、蘇聯與美國的戰略三角關係是影響國際政治變動的主要因素。蘇聯解體後，中俄關係發生重大變化，兩國已建立一個面向二十一世紀的戰略協作夥伴關係。作為冷戰後時期的世上唯一超強，美國非常關注中俄軍事合作面向之擴大。對美國而言，中國與俄羅斯為其全球戰略部署兩個最重要的國家，它們的重要性是因為它們的幅員、經濟潛力和軍事力量。其中最值得注意的是，中俄雙方在軍事和技術層面的合作，包括俄羅斯對中國的軍售。美國擔心中俄發展戰略協作夥伴關係，會導致中國軍力的增強，以及亞太區域「權力平衡」（Balance of Power）之改變。 本文認為，中俄戰略協作夥伴關係，就短程而言: 中俄「戰略匯合」（the Strategic Convergence between China and Russia）將使中俄在「政治」、「經濟」、「軍事」、「外交戰略」等合作面向獲得若干程度的「實質利益」（substantial interests）。同時中俄戰略協作夥伴關係之條約化將對美國在亞太區域戰略地位造成影響，從而衝擊到台海均勢與安全。然而，就長程而言: 未來中俄戰略協作夥伴關係發展，顯然仍有其「地緣政治」、「歷史上陰影」因素之侷限。 關鍵字: 中國、俄羅斯、系統理論分析途徑、現實主義、 國家利益、戰略三角互動、中俄戰略協作夥伴關係 / The purpose of this study is to explore the impact of the“Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination” in the Post Cold War Era, on the strategic triangle politics and its implication for the security and balance of power across the Taiwan Straits. In this thesis, the “System Theory Approach” will be the central organizing concept, applied to the analysis. After the Cold War, the bi-polar system has been broken since the collapse of the USSR. Relations among great powers were adjusted accordingly. PRC and Russia initiated multi-polar system and become“Partnership of Strategic Coordination ” to resist the “American hegemony” It has laid a solid foundation for the development of Sino-Russian relations in the new century. In the past ten years, Sino-Russian relations witnessed a smooth progress. From 1992-2001, the relations progressed from“Friendly neighbors” to “Constructive partnership” to“Partnership of strategic coordination”. Since then,“China-Russia Good-neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation Treaty”signed by the PRC and the Russia Federation in July 2001, marked a new era in the development of bilateral relations. The Sino-Soviet-US triangular relations were the most dominant factor which affected the change of international politics in the Cold War period. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Sino-Russian relations have developed to a certain degree that the two countries have established a strategic partnership aimed at the 21st century. As the sole world super power, the United States is wary of Expanded Sino-Russian military cooperation. For the US, China and Russia are the two most important countries in the world. Their importance is derived from their size, their economic potential, and their military power. The US is much concerned about the development of Sino-Russian Strategic relations which may lead to a buildup of China’s military power and a change of Asia-pacific “Balance of Power”. It is believed in this study that,“Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination,” in the short term: “The Strategic Convergence between China and Russia,” China and Russia will gain to some degree the substantial interests from the bilateral cooperation, such as “Political” ,“Economic ”,“Military”,“Foreign Policy Strategy.”At the same time, the stipulation of the mechanism of Chinese-Russo partnership in the treaty will create impact on the US strategic position in the Taiwan Straits and security of Taiwan. Nevertheless, in the long term: In the future, the development of” Chinese-Russo strategic partnership” still has its limits in the terms of “Geopolitical” and “ Historical Shadow” conditions. Key word: China, Russia, System Theory Approach, Realism, National Interest, Strategic Triangle Interaction, Sino-Russian Partnership of Strategic Coordination

企業參與公益的趨勢由傳統單純地捐款，發展到將公益參與與企業經營策略 結合，改變了過去企業與非營利組織單純的贊助與受助的互動關係；企業進一步地將公益參與的社會目的與企業營運的商業目的在策略上結合。相對而言，非營利組織在長期缺乏資源的挹注下，如能獲得企業穩定且長期的承諾與參與，將有助於紓緩資源籌措的困境。企業與非營利組織在選擇合作過程中，其評估的指標為何？而當非營利組織與企業合作結盟後，影響其發展合作關係的重要因素又有那些？在不同發展階段的非營利組織與企業的合作是否也展現了不同型態的夥伴關係？非營利組織與企業是否真能形成權力、義務相稱的夥伴關係？一個長期的合作關係，對互動的雙方產生了那些預期與非預期的效益或影響？因此本研究選定了金融機構與非營利組織長達十一年的合作活動--「花旗聯合勸募」活動，透過個案研究法，以文獻探討、次級資料分析與深度訪談等資料收集與分析，試圖對以上的問題整理出答案或樣貌。 本研究以理論探討與實務資料的分析，分別就二個層次來探討長期合作的個 案活動中的夥伴關係：第一個層次是了解非營利組織的發展階段以及企業在公益參與的理念下，不同階段所展現的不同夥伴關係；同時引用學者Austin(2000)經實務驗證所提出的夥伴關係建構觀點，檢核本個案中不同階段的合作關係；並以合作結盟的驅動力為「長」、合作結盟的促進因素為「寬」、合作結盟的價值建構為「高」，嘗試將不同階段的合作關係予以具體的表現，透過了「長」、「寬」、「高」三構面的要素滿足程度予立體圖示化。由立體推疊的圖示看出，不同階段中互動雙方所展現出一連串的動態過程。第二個層次則是將抽象思維的行銷策略，透過不同階段的具體行銷組合的執行與成效，瞭解在不同階段中的雙方在個案活動中的投入以及互動雙方的夥伴關係之具體體現。 經過本研究的資料整理與探究的過程中確實發現：合作結盟的趨動力、合作 結盟的促進因素與雙方價值的建構與滿足，乃是夥伴關係中重要的三大構面且互為影響。而本個案的行銷類型可說是融合、運用服務行銷、理念行銷及組織行銷等特質。不同階段雖採行了不同的行銷組合，本個案活動的重要行銷策略可歸納為：以名人代言法引起關注並增加公眾信心、以贈品策略引發動機、以利他主義與資源有效運用的行銷理念支撐行銷組合、以行銷研究與捐款者調查成為擬定策略的基礎。 而對於這樣長達十一年以上的合作夥伴關係的效益包括了：對企業帶來了良 好的社會形象建立、創造企業員工與客戶對公益活動的的參與及擁有感、落實企業對公益活動的影響；以及隨著非營利組織的成熟與能力提昇，企業也透過公益夥伴的投入拓展了與在潛在顧客的接觸、贏得在不同於商業報導的管道上露出及透過公益夥伴所聯結的名人資源等，對其社會資本的累積有所助益。而對非營利組織則帶了增加實踐使命的資源、為非營利組織帶來組織能力的營造、增強組織的知名度與信譽、開拓潛在捐款人等具體且符合期待的影響；而當非營利組織與特定企業的行銷成為典範，對非營利組織而言相對地會帶來一些開拓障礙。因此非營利組織，應隨著成功典範的建立過程中，將企業引進的專業知能內化轉變為非營利組織能力的營造，以避免對單一財務來源的過度依賴。 / The trend for the participation of corporations in philanthropy has evolved from the traditional and simpler monetary donations to the actual integration of philanthropic involvement into the operation strategy of companies. This has transformed the old grant maker-grant recipient relationship between companies and nonprofit organizations (NPOs) in the sense that now, companies combine social purpose with business operation strategies in the course of their philanthropic involvement. Conversely, the long-standing lack of resources of NPOs due to shifts in funding can be overcome if these organizations are able to secure a stable, long-term commitment of support from companies. But what should be evaluation criteria for companies and NPOs engaged in the process of identify a potential partnership? And once both parties form an alliance, what are the important factors that will influence the development of this cooperative relationship? In the course of an evolving relationship between a company and a NPO, will there be different cooperation models? Is it possible for a company and a NPO to develop a cooperative relationship that is equal in terms of authority and responsibility? What kind of expected or unexpected results or impacts a long-term cooperative relationship will produce? This research has chosen to examine a partnership between a financial institution and a NPO that stretches over eleven years: the Citibank-United Way Taiwan campaign. In order to answer the above mentioned questions, the case research method was used to collect and analyze data, and a review of literature, an analysis of secondary material and in-depth interviews were also carried out. By examining relevant theory and analyzing concrete data, this research looks at the partnership that emerged from a long-term cooperative campaign from two levels. The first level consists of understanding the partnership models that arose through the various stages of cooperation between an NPO undergoing different development phases and a company with a vision for philanthropic involvement. At the same time, the research will use the partnership building framework of Austin (2000) to examine the partnership models at the different stages in the case. By characterizing the drive for a cooperative alliance as “long-term,” the facilitating factors contributing to the cooperative alliance as ‘broad,” and the creation of value by this alliance as ‘high,” we can attempt to concretely represent the partnership models at various stages. The characteristics of ‘long-term,” ‘broad,” and “high” can provide a three dimensional diagram, which shows that across different stages of interaction, the two parties will display a series of dynamic processes. The second level will examine the abstract concept of marketing strategies through the implementation and results of concrete marketing combinations at various stages of the case. This will allow us to understand the input of each partner and the concrete performance of the partnership. Following data gathering and analysis, this research has found that the drive, the facilitating factors, as well as the creation and satisfaction of values shared by both parties in the cooperative alliance are the three most important aspects of a partnership, which also mutually influence one another. It can be said that this case uses a type of marketing that integrates and uses service marketing, idea marketing and organizational marketing. Although different marketing combinations are used at different stages of the case, the important marketing strategy of this case can be summed up as: attract attention through celebrity endorsement, increase public confidence, create incentives (for giving) by the use of a “giveaway” strategy, support this marketing combination by upholding the principles of care for others and efficient use of resources, as well as use marketing research and donor surveys as a base to develop the strategy. The benefits of this partnership, which has lasted over eleven years, include: enhance the social image of the company, create among company employees and customers a feeling of involvement and ownership towards philanthropic activities, as well as help the company achieve a visible impact through its philanthropic activities. Thanks to the increasing maturity of NPOs and their growing capacities, companies can reach out to potential customers through the involvement with a NPO partner, they can benefit from reports in media channels other than those in the business field, and they can accumulate social resources through the linkage by NPOs of famous people. For NPOs, these partnerships can bring more resources to fulfill their mission, they can develop their organizational capacities, they can increase their visibility and trustworthiness, and they can also explore new potential donors. However, when the marketing carried out by a NPO in partnership with a specific company becomes a model, this creates certain development obstacles for the NPO. Hence, during the process of establishing a successful model, NPOs must internalize the professional know-how brought by the company so that it becomes a base for the NPO’s own capacity building, and thus avoid that the organization become too dependent on a single source of funding.

2001年美國遭受921恐怖攻擊，國際貿易由著重自由化、便捷化轉而強調貿易安全，高科技貨品進出口行政管制係悠關國際貿易及供應鏈安全，益受各國關注，世界主要國家更透過國際合作強化出口管制，如世界海關組織（WCO）所倡議之「全球貿易安全與便捷之標準架構」（Framework of Standards to Secure and Facilitate Global Trade，SAFE）即為顯例。 全球化趨勢下，我國高科技貨品進出口行政管制不再是國內事務，須配合相關國際管制組織之規範實施相關管制作業，善盡地球村一份子之責任，才可避免受到國際制裁或抵制，影響我國貿易利益。 再者，處後現代時期，新保守主義興起，政府管理新思潮（如新公共管理、新治理）風起雲湧之際，各國進行政府再造工程，建構「小而能」之政府，惟國家任務雜，人民對政府之需求不斷增加，政府人力及預算有限情況下，「公協協力」、「合作國家」理念所倡導，引進私部門資源協助執行行政任務，乃成必須之選擇。本論文爰以行政法學之「合作國家」理念，析論我國高科技貨品進出口行政管制法制並提出評論與建言。 / After 921 in 2001, international trade had shifted its importance to trade security from emphasizing on trade facility. The export control of high-technology commodities involving security of global trade and supply chain, has been worldwidely raised concerns. Many countries have strengthened cooperation on export control of high-tech commodities through relevant international arrangements, for instance, “Framework of Standards to Secure and Facilitate global trade” initiated by the World Customs Organization. In globalization paradox, the export control of high-tech commodities is not only subjected to the national rule, but shall be also to comply with the relevant international regulations. Otherwise, it would be boycotted by other nations and cause damage to its trade benefits. Moreover, with neo-conservatism and emerging movement in public administration, which called “New Public Management” or “New Governance”, Governments have seek to reform in order to better meet citizens’ needs by limitation of manpower and budget. Consequently, the concept and resolutions of “Public Private Partnership” or “Cooperative State” in public administration and public law become the best option to response above mentioned conditions. In conclusion, this study attempted to analyze the legal framework of Taiwan export control of high-tech commodities with the concept of Cooperative State and tried to make suggestions and submit feasible resolutions for export control institution.

21世紀是中國的世紀。自1978年改革開放以來，以漸進式的經濟改革政策成功發展出「具有中國特色的市場經濟」型態，使得經濟成長迅速。在2010年時，中國已經領先日本躍升為僅次於美國的世界第二大經濟體，累積雄厚經濟實力的中國，綜合國力迅速從亞洲崛起。隨著經濟力量、綜合國力的提升，中國在國際的地位也水漲船高，影響力日益升高，因此，中國在對各國的經濟外交運作上更具有著力度。 中國對非洲的經濟外交已經長達半個多世紀，從改革開放前的經濟無償援助關係，到改革開放後的雙方合資合作關係，再發展到現階段互利的「新型戰略夥伴」關係，中國以本身的經濟發展進程對非洲展開階段不同的經濟外交內容。 進入21世紀，崛起的中國需要更多的原物料、能源來維持經濟成長，而天然資源豐富、石油天然氣能源相繼被發掘的非洲，正是中國所需，加深中非經濟關係為中國本世紀要務之一，「中非合作論壇〈Forum on China – Africa Cooperation—FOCAC〉」基於這種背景下應運而生，透過論壇對話平台，中非關係在政治、能源和經貿關係上快速發展。同時，中國也認真落實歷屆論壇中對非洲所宣布的各项援助措施，因此，中國在非洲的影響大幅增強，中非關係更趨緊密。 另一方面，由於全球能源稀缺，西方大國也急於涉足非洲，密切的中非關係引來「中國威脅論」及「新殖民主義」的負面評論。“新非洲爭奪戰”在遙遠的非洲悄然掀起，也間接對全球國際關係產生了影響。 / The 21st century is the century of the Chinese. Since the reform in 1978, the progressive economic reform policy has successfully facilitated the development of the “Market economy with Chinese characteristics” model, thereby allowing the economy to achieve rapid growth. In 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy, ahead of Japan and second only to the United States. Having accumulated solid economic strength, China has increased its national strength and has soared in Asia. With this new economic power, combined with the increase in national strength, China’s international influence soared and its influence continues to increase. Therefore, China’s economic diplomacy in different countries has become more intense. China’s economic diplomacy in Africa has been progressed for over half a century. From the Aid for Debt Relief before the reform and opening-up, the joint venture partnership after the reform and opening-up, to the current mutually-benefiting development of the “new strategic partnership” relationship, China has launched economic diplomacy, the content of which has been carried out in different stages in connection with China’s own economic development process. In the 21st century, China has been the rise and is in need of more raw materials and energy to sustain its economic growth while Africa with abundant natural resources and natural gas energy being discovered is exactly what China is after. One of China’s priorities in this century is to deepen its economic relations with Africa. This background has led to the establishment of a platform for open talks: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation-FOCAC has undergone political, energy, and economic and trade relations with rapid development. Meanwhile, China has earnestly implemented the various assistance measures for Africa in the previous FOCAC sessions. Thus, China’s influence has intensified and China-Africa relations have become closer. On the other hand, due to the global energy scarcity, countries in power in the west have anxiously set food in Africa. The close relationship between China and Africa has led to negative comments such as the “China Threat Theory” and “New-colonialism. The “new scramble for Africa” has been quietly set off in Africa with an indirect impact on international relations.