拉丁裔的人口數量已於2002年凌駕非洲裔成為美國最大的少數族群，2004年杭廷頓（Samuel P. Huntington）在《我們是誰？對美國國家認同的挑戰》（Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity）ㄧ書中嚴厲譴責拉丁裔移民進入美國後，倡議兩種語言與兩種文化，此將危及美國國家「盎格魯－新教」（Anglo-Protestantism）文化，更將侵蝕美國的國家利益與威脅美國在國際社會的霸權地位。由於目前國內學界對拉丁裔研究多為單一族裔的研究，本文藉由比較性研究呈現古巴裔與墨西哥裔的不同發展歷程。研究內容涵蓋古巴裔與墨西哥裔對美國的影響，以及布希政府對不同族裔的移民政策研究。研究結果可發現古巴裔與墨西哥裔的影響能力與影響層面有所不同，而布希政府看待古巴裔與墨西哥裔的態度也有不同。 針對古巴裔與墨西哥裔影響的研究，超過六成的古巴裔集中在佛州，因此古巴裔在佛州的影響力明顯，而分佈廣闊的墨西哥裔卻能挾人數之眾影響全國性議題。此外，重視外交議題的古巴裔也與重視內政議題（教育為主）的墨西哥裔不同。另就古巴裔與墨西哥裔的身分、認同與母國關係也有不同的發展歷程，因而導引出布希政府不同的移民政策。古巴裔部分，因為古巴裔的公民身分與美古雙邊關係發展，使得古巴裔在移民過程中擁有較多的優惠；墨西哥裔部分，墨西哥裔美國人重視雙語教育政策，而墨西哥裔非法移民則期待移民大赦與臨時工計畫。然而，布希政府不僅反對雙語教育與全面的移民大赦，表態支持的臨時工計畫卻受到參眾兩院無法達成協議而停滯。 / The population of Latinos has exceeded African American and become the largest minority group in the U.S in 2002. In the book “Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity,” Samuel P. Huntington condemn Latinos as advocating double language and double culture, and this will ultimately endanger the Anglo-Protestantism culture of U.S. Moreover, the increasing entrance of Latinos into the U.S will erode America's national interest and influence America's hegemony in international society. Since domestic research has focused on studying single ethnic group-Latinos, this research tries to present the different developmental process of Cubans and Mexicans via comparative studies. This paper discusses Cubans and Mexicans' impact on America, and George W. Bush's immigration policy toward different ethnic groups. From my research result, I have found that Cubans and Mexicans’ influential power and level as being different, and President Bush’s policy toward Cubans and Mexicans is different as well. More than sixty percent Cubans lives in Florida, which implies that Cubans has strong impact on Florida. On the other side, the massive number of Mexicans can influence national policy with its national wide population distribution. In addition, Cubans is more concerned about foreign policy toward Castro regime, while Mexicans concerns more about internal issues, especially education. Cubans and Mexicans also have different development process regarding their status, identity, and relationship with home countries, thus leading Bush’s distinct policy toward this two groups. For the Cubans, because of citizenship rate and U.S.-Cuba relationship, Cubans has more privileges during immigration. To the Mexicans, Mexican American is concerned about bilingual education, and Mexican illegal labors have focus on amnesty temporary worker program. However, Bush administration not only opposes bilingual education and a comprehensive immigration amnesty, but the temporary worker program is also delayed by the Senate and the House of Representative.

冷戰結束，使得美國全球安全環境發生了歷史性的巨變，若不考慮戰略核武因素，美國在當時既無全球性的挑戰者，且贏得了夢寐以求的「戰略縱深」；而對於亞太安全的影響而言，主要意義是在兩極對抗的國際性因素的消失，一則使得亞太安全環境更為複雜和不穩定；另則使得亞太區域強權與集團國家的戰略安全政策取得更大的自主性。因此，各國為維持本身和整體環境的安全，霎時出現諸多有關亞太安全的政策設計與機制安排。 90年代中期，在中共快速崛起，區域軍力與經濟力的發展愈形失調之際，亞太的安全情勢也隨之丕變；從北韓核武威脅、台海主權爭議，到區域民族主義、分離主義與恐怖組織的推波助瀾，更使大國間的猜忌加深，並競相加強軍備，將原已嚴峻的亞太情勢推向更為複雜的形勢。基於前般世局的變因與發展，誘發吾人從事國際關係研究的動機，除期望取得一般性國際關係理論與實際知識之外，更希望就布希政府主政前後美國亞太戰略的主要政策內容，去嘗試發現亞太戰略之理論依據與其關聯性，俾助於政府政策制訂與國防戰略發展於萬一。 從冷戰後美國在建構其外交與國際安全戰略上面臨了「蘇聯威脅解除，全面性的挑戰不再；美國民意排拒大規模軍事介入海外衝突；以及在缺乏外在威脅下，現實主義難再提供主導美國外交與安全政策的解釋能力」之窘境。到「九一一事件」後復使現實主義理論再回歸到國際關係理論主流地位，持續支持美國遂行國際霸權的正當性止，無一不在詮釋國際關係動態發展的複雜和永無止息的變異。 嗣經研究發現，美國亞太戰略是其全球戰略與整體外交、安全戰略設計的一環。當冷戰結束，歐洲呈現安全穩定發展，亞洲則因中共國力竄升與北韓核武危機等新的威脅，既影響亞太區域的平衡穩定，且衝擊到美國的國家利益，連帶使得亞太戰略地位的不斷提升，迫使美國必須對其全球安全戰略作出因應的調整。特別是「九一一事件」後，對其亞太戰略的建構，已針對不同的威脅來源與挑戰，作出國家安全戰略與區域安全戰略的調整和強化。布希政府致力打擊全球恐怖組織與防止大規模毀滅性武器的擴散，以此作為外交政策與安全戰略的主軸，並積極利用反恐擴大其影響力和利益基礎，以持續維持美國在世界的領導地位。 而回顧美國國家安全戰略的發展，布希政府無疑是結構性與政策性改變最大者之一。然而，研究美國亞太戰略的轉變，無論是從理論面看，抑或從戰略的實質內涵觀之，其在不同時期的亞太安全戰略所顯示的意涵，也多能符合前開國際關係理論的論述主張。從國際關係理論架構探究布希政府主政前後美國亞太戰略轉變，90年代初老布希政府到柯林頓政府是由現實主義過渡到自由主義的性質中；至於到跨世紀後，柯林頓政府與布希政府的世代交替，則是從自由主義色彩再度回歸到現實主義的理論特色上。若以實質內涵觀之，則是從老布希政府的「國際新秩序」、「扇形戰略論」、「太平洋共同體」，到柯林頓政府時期的「新太平洋共同體」、「超越圍堵」、「擴大與交往」、「塑造、反應、準備」、「勸止、制壓、擊敗」戰略的推移；到進入21世紀伊始布希政府接續提出的「圍堵交往」、「區域安全」、「反恐擴張」、「先發制人」等系列戰略內涵的揭示。而具體的轉變則表現在由經濟轉向國安主導戰略發展、由守勢轉向攻勢主義戰略發展、由國際轉向內外兼顧戰略發展，以及由多邊轉向單邊主義戰略發展上。 美國是世界超強，故其國家戰略走向，自必動見觀瞻，牽動世局，影響全球的安全與安定。本文探討冷戰後迄今美國亞太戰略的變化情形，除對布希政府上任前後，據以分析兩個時期的不同戰略特色之外，嗣也發現促成其戰略轉變的根源係在不同時空的敵情威脅、全球政經安全情勢與美國內部的政治等因素上。故如何審時度勢，厚植實力，睥睨時局，就成為主導戰略發展的關鍵。 關鍵詞：亞太戰略、九一一事件、布希主義、圍堵交往、區域安全、反恐擴張、先發制人、美日安保。

本論文試圖透過戰略三角政治研究途徑和克里姆林宮政治研究途徑，探討普欽時期的俄羅斯對美國政策。 蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯對外政策路線的走向，由葉里欽執政初期的一面倒向以美國為首的親西方之大西洋主義政策路線，轉向為葉里欽執政後期的拉攏中國抗衡美國的東西平衡對外政策路線；到了普欽執政時期，又重新定位為與美國進行戰略和解，進而進行戰略合作的全方位對外政策路線, 以擺脫俄中戰略協作夥伴關係所導致的戰略羈絆之制約。本文試圖探討，驅動普欽時期此一俄羅斯對美國政策路線轉變的內外在因素。 本論文認為，普欽執政期間，俄羅斯對美政策之形成，乃是在承襲葉里欽對外政策的遺緒，在普欽的強勢領導之下，俄羅斯之決策菁英，以俄羅斯的國家安全及國家利益為訴求，援引包括戰略三角互動、美國的政策與做為、俄羅斯經濟發展與政治生態互動等俄羅斯內外在環境因素，作為其政策辯論的依據，透過克里姆林宮政治的互動形塑而成。 上述假設命題可以引申出下列邏輯相關的子命題： 一•普欽的對美政策，受到包括戰略三角互動與美國的政策與做為等俄羅斯外在環境因素之影響形塑而成。 1999年普欽上台前夕，科索佛戰爭及北約戰略新概念的提出，加深了俄羅斯的安全疑慮；而2001年4月，美中軍機擦撞事件，則加深了中美關係的裂痕；此一發展促使俄中戰略夥伴關係趨於密切。2001年6月中國主導「上海合作組織」的成立，以及7月俄中睦鄰友好合作條約的簽訂，就是此一發展邏輯的結果。然而，隨著中國在□海地區爭霸戰中影響力的增長，有關中國威脅論的聲音，也在俄羅斯安全決策階層引起越來越多的迴響。而此一發展，則促使俄羅斯尋求與美國進行戰略和解，以防範中國之威脅。另一方面，蘇聯解體後，中國勢力快速崛起，美國不再視俄羅斯為其戰略對手，轉而防範中國之威脅。911事件之後，美國面臨反恐之戰以及分散油源之需求，小布希總統調整了對俄政策，讓普欽得以順利與美國進行戰略和解；從而，普欽得以擺脫俄中戰略協作夥伴關係所導致之戰略羈絆的制約。 二•普欽的對美政策，受到包括經濟發展考量與政治生態互動等俄羅斯內在環境因素之影響形塑而成。 面對俄羅斯國內的經濟窘境，普欽認為，唯有與美國進行戰略和解，才能儘快加入世界貿易組織、增加歐美的投資和援助、減輕外債負擔、從而促進經濟發展。另一方面，普欽的強勢領導地位以及務實的政治手腕，使得普欽得以操控國內政治生態的互動，主導俄羅斯國家安全概念的重新定位；從而，得以順利推動全方位對外政策路線，與美國進行戰略和解，藉以擺脫葉里欽後期所建立的俄中戰略協作夥伴關係所導致之戰略羈絆的制約。 / The purpose of this study is aimed at exploring Russia’s policy toward the United States under Bladimir Putin, 2000-2003. The strategic triangle politics approach and the Kremlin politics approach are applied in this study. After the Soviet Union’s collapse, Russia’s line of foreign policy had been shifted from the one-sided pro-Western Atlanticism in the early stage of Boris Yel’tsin’s administration toward the East-West balanced strategy, attempting to draw China on the same front against the United States, in the latter stage of Yel’tsin’s regime. After Putin had come to power, Russia’s line of foreign policy was reoriented as a comprehensive one, engaging in strategic reconciliation and strategic cooperation with the U.S. and, consequently, getting rid of the strategic entanglement resulted from the establishment of the partnership of strategic coordination between China and Russia. Against this background, this study attempts to investigate the internal and external factors that drive this shift in Russia’s line of foreign policy under Putin. The hypothesis of this study is as follows: Shadowed by Yel’tsin’s legacy of foreign policy and forged under Putin’s strong leadership, Russia’s policy toward the United States under Putin has been shaped by the interaction of Kremlin politics, engaged by Russian decision-making elites, who appeal to Russia’s national security and national interests in their policy debates, referring to Russia’s external and internal factors, such as the interaction of strategic triangle politics, the US policies and conduct, Russia’s economic developments, and domestic political ecological changes in Russia. This hypothesis can be further developed into the following logically consequential sub-propositions: 1•The formulation of Russia’s policy toward the United States under Putin has been driven by Russia’s external factors, such as the interaction of strategic triangle politics and the US policies and conduct. In the spring of 1999, on the eve of Putin’s coming to power, the breakout of War in Kosovo and the pronunciation of NATO’s new Strategic Concept had created serious concerns for Russians about their national security. And in April 2001, the collision of US-Chinese military aircrafts above the South China Sea had deepen the Sino-US fissures. Consequently, the development of these events had pushed closer the Partnership of Russo-Chinese Strategic Coordination. As a result, the creation of Chinese-initiated Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in June 2001 and the conclusion of the Treaty of Good-Neighborhood, Friendship and Cooperation between China and Russia in the following month were only a logical outcome. However, accompanying the growth of China’s influence in the area of Caspian Sea, the voice of “China threat” has received more and more attention in the circle of Russia’s national security decision-makers. These developments, in turn, had forced Russia to search for strategic reconciliation with the United States in order to prevent China from becoming a threat. On the other hand, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rapid rise of China’s influence, the United States no longer treat Russia as a strategic rival; instead, they shift their efforts to prevent China from becoming a threat. In the wake of the terrorist attack on 11 September 2001, in order to meet the needs for engaging campaigns against terrorism and for deconcentrating the sources of petroleum, President Bush has readjusted US policy toward Russian. As a consequence, these shifts in US policy provide Putin with a golden opportunity to engage in strategic reconciliation with the United States and thus get rid of strategic entanglements derived from the establishment of partnership of strategic coordination with China. 2•The formulation of Russia’s policy toward the United States under Putin has been driven by Russia’s internal factors, such as the economic development and the political ecological changes in Russia. In the face of Russia’s economic predicament, in Putin’s opinion, the only way to promote economic development is the strategic reconciliation with the United States, which will accelerate the process for Russia to obtain the access to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and in turn to gain the access to investments and financial assistance from the West and to lessen the burden of foreign loans. In addition, with his strong leadership and his pragmatic political skills, Putin has been able to maneuver the interaction of domestic political econlogies in favor of the reorientation of Russia’s concept of national security. As a result, Putin has been able to forge a comprehensive line of foreign policy and, accordingly, to conduct strategic reconciliation with the United States. Consequently, he has been able to get rid of the strategic entanglements derived from the establishment of partnership of strategic Coordination with China in the latter stage of Yel’tsin’s regime.

The Bush administration was at the transition period of the world order: from cold war toward post-cold war era. During this period, many significant international events happened, which caused the structural change of international polictis. The purpose of this thesis is aimed at analysising the foreign policy desision making from 1989 to 1992. Through the building of decision making model, the author try to argure that the policy making pattern and process in this period has its features, and these factors influence the shape of American foreign policy.In this thesis, the author builded up the decision making model of Bush era. In order to test the model, the author put 8 cases to test the model. These cases are: the reunification of Germany; Beyond Containment; Tainanman Square case; the invasion of Panama; Gulf crisis; New World Order; the collapse of USSR; and Yogoslavia case.At the end, the author conclude that the foreign policy decision making is highly concentric, and personal factors influence much on the foreign policy decision making. The rule " Presidential dominant" still exist. Due to President Bush's foreign policy experience, the decision making was mainly made in the white house.

本研究以宜家家居(IKEA)為研究對象，在台灣的社會文化脈絡下，探究其中包含的消費文化意涵。研究分為兩大部分，第一部分是整理宜家的消費特色；第二部分則是深入訪談不同社經背景的消費者對宜家的看法，並以布迪厄的概念工具對研究結果進行分析，最後針對兩部分的研究結果提出批判性的結論。 　　第一部分的研究乃是參照文獻與訪談宜家人員的結果，描述宜家的消費特色，以及宜家的台灣分店有何不同之處，藉此說明宜家此一消費場域的情況。第二部分則是以質性的深入訪談法，訪問十六位背景各異的台灣消費者，再以紮根理論精神的資料分析程序將訪問結果譯碼，並配合布迪厄的日常生活言行理論，分析出影響消費者對宜家觀感的慣習及資本因素為何。研究者除了以消費行為與文化意義兩個面向對宜家的消費現象提出討論之外，也提出個人的批判性關懷做為結論。 　　最後，研究結論認為，在本土文化力量薄弱的情況下，台灣的消費者未能發展出適合的認同，而隨著感性消費的趨勢起舞。在感性消費所訴諸的生活型態是仿自中產階級的情況下，台灣普遍存在著「跛腳的布爾喬亞人」-只有羨想，但缺乏行動。而這樣的情結，也穩固了既有中產階級的優勢社會結構。 　　另外，研究者也指出，關於夢想社會和感性消費的相關論述，有可能是一種為現存資本體制與國家合法性服務的再生產論述，身為知識分子，必須有所意識的看待這些來自於國外或國家體系提供的資訊。

911事件發生後，國際體系權力格局受到衝擊，國家在國際社會中所扮演的角色與彼此之間的互動關係出現了轉變，尤其是中國與美國的國際角色與雙方關係的變化，同時，國際安全環境因持續不斷的恐怖活動的衝擊，而充滿著不安的氛圍。不僅美國與中國積極進行反恐行動，包含歐盟、俄羅斯、澳洲、東南亞及南亞國家，都投入了不少財力、人力與物力在這個領域之內，同時，全球性及區域性國際組織皆制訂一系列的反恐國際規範來因應國際恐怖主義勢力的發展，及提供各國進行反恐行動的依據、規範。 美國以「布希主義」（Bush Doctrine）作為其反恐戰略的基礎，強調軍事打擊手段、先發制人（preemption）、單邊主義（unilateralism），而中國則是以「新安全觀」作為其反恐戰略的理論基礎，強調以多元的手段打擊恐怖主義勢力，及推動國際社會進行「安全合作」以尋求「共同安全」。在中、美雙方都有反恐的現實需求下，進行了包含政治、經濟、法律與情報等四個方面的廣泛合作。

中東地處歐亞非交界，是地緣戰略不可忽略的地方，亦是全球的能源生產重地，世界強權皆欲在此佔有一席之地，其中伊拉克含括兩河流域，為中東地區中心位置，石油儲量全球第二，戰略地點更顯重要，但宗教派系紛爭及強權覬覦的影響，伊拉克經常呈現紛亂狀態。 911事件後，美國將伊拉克列為邪惡軸心國家之一，認定其與恐怖組織掛勾，危害國際社會，決定再次出兵撻伐，並計劃以「美式民主」將伊拉克改造成中東的民主表率，期能在該地區推動民主風潮，但事實與結果卻是美國深陷伊拉克戰爭泥沼，為此付出極大代價，並被國際社會批判。 美國對伊拉克發動戰爭共經歷小布希總統及歐巴馬總統共3個任期，兩人政黨背景不同，執政理念存在差異，執政期間亦經歷各種國內外不同事件之影響，繼而產生不同的伊拉克政策；分析比較兩位總統在對伊拉克戰爭期間的做法，有助探討美國在不同政黨及總統外交政策的延續情況。 經過探討小布希總統與歐巴馬總統採取的伊拉克政策、對極端分子的態度及國內外重大事件等對美國伊拉克政策的影響，顯示美國不會因政黨及總統改變而轉變其外交政策，其政策是延續性的，政策的最高原則仍是將國家利益與安全放在第一位。 / The Middle East which is located at the junction of the three continents of Europe, Asia and Africa, is important for both geography and energy. That is the reason why all powerful countries wanted to occupy it. Iraq which includes Mesopotamia is in the central location of Middle East and takes the second leading in the world’s oil output. However, Iraq is usually in a unstable situation because of religious tribal disputes and keen competition of many powerful countries. After the 911attacks, the United States identified Iraq as the key of the evil countries and also a terrorist organization. The U.S. sent troops to attack Iraq and planned to transform Iraq into a democratic example of the Middle East with "American democracy". However, the U.S. paid a great price, and faced lots of criticism from the international community. The United States launched a war against Iraq across the term of office from President George W. Bush to President Barack Obama. Because the two presidents of different political parties and leading styles were influenced with various internal and external events, they also held different policies to Iraq. To analyze and compare the measures took by these two presidents in the Iraq war will help us to explore the situation of the U. S. foreign policies during the two political parties. After analyzing the foreign policies of President George W. Bush and President Obama towards Iraq and terrorist, we can know that the U.S. did not change its foreign policy through the two presidents of different political parties. The policy practiced by U.S. is continuous and consistent. The U.S. always put the nation’s interests and safety in the first place.

【中 文 摘 要】 博物館功能主要為「展示、教育、研究、典藏」，其中「展示」為博物館與大眾接觸最直接的方式。在現代科技發展中，「展示」的觀念與形式也有所改變，互動式展示日受重視，虛擬呈現的比例亦逐漸加重。 本研究以「國立海洋生物博物館」之BOT專案「世界水域館」《深海水域》電子展示設計為主題，以實務個案為例，探討自然博物館如何規劃與製作深海水域的生態展演，與如何利用〝虛擬實境〞、〝人工智慧〞與〝即時運算〞等尖端技術，架構出「世界第一」無水水族館的展示模式。 往昔自然生態展示以活體展示為主，即複製生態空間讓水中生物悠遊水族箱內。但為了超越時空，讓全球代表生態皆能集中於特定展示館內，遂有電子展示的觀念與製作，以擬仿物取代真實，創造尚‧布希亞的「超真實」世界。 本研究於製程的影音紀錄與相關人員的訪談中，歸納、整理出發展生態電子展示設計的因素與理想，探討製作上的困難之處，同時也以研究者觀點對展示設計過程提出檢討與建議。 深海水域生態在陸地上展示係屬跨越時空的創舉，本個案不但為台灣首例，在世界上亦為先驅。創新嘗試，成果雖不如預期，但以整個專案的具體呈現而言，實為相關領域之前鋒。本研究認為，整理與探討本個案，對未來電子展示設計與製作皆有參考價值；同時，由本個案所建置的生態電子展示平台，亦為台灣博物館界提供國際化的新思維，對博物館未來的展示設計奠定了新的基礎，創造一個新的開始。 / Abstract The main functions of museums are demonstration/exhibition, education, research and collection/preservation. “Exhibition” provides the most direct link between a museum and the public. As modern science and technology continue to develop, the concepts and formats of “exhibition” have also evolved. Interactive exhibits become more valued, and virtual simulation approaches have also increased in proportion. The focus of this research study is the electronic display design for the Waters of the World – BOT (Build-Operate-Transfer) Project, pioneered by the National Museum of Marine Biology & Aquarium. This study uses this project as a case study to explore how a Nature museum planned and produced an exhibit of The Deep Sea waters ecology, and with the use of the most advanced technology such as VR (Virtual Reality), AI (Artificial Intelligence), and the “real-time operation,” etc., how the museum built the world’s first protocol for a water-less aquarium. In the past, ecological exhibits mainly constituted real living creatures, by duplicating the ecological environment necessary for underwater creatures to survive in an aquarium. But, in order to go beyond the limitation of space and time, and to facilitate the presentation of global ecology within a specific exhibition space, the electronic display concept and production has thus been introduced. It is to imitate reality and create a world of hyper-reality, as depicted by Jean Baudrillard. Relying on historical video and audio records, and actual interviews with key people on the project, this research study summarized factors and objectives of the original design, and discussed difficulties encountered in the production process. In addition, the study also provided input and recommendations concerning the design process. The exhibition of The Deep Sea waters ecology on land is a pioneering act, second to none. The case is not only a 1st in Taiwan, but also a 1st of its kind in the world. Although the new attempt has not exactly achieved the expected outcomes, it did initiate a pioneering work within ecology demo field. The researcher believes that the case study is a valuable reference for future electronic display design and production. In the meantime, the ecological electronic-platform created by this project provides an international perspective, and establishes a new milestone for further development in the future.

二次世界大戰時，美國擊敗日本，使朝鮮半島脫離殖民統治，然而隨後的美蘇冷戰，使得朝鮮半島分裂成南北兩韓，而美國與南韓簽訂條約，成立美韓同盟(U.S.–South Korea Alliance)，成為繼日本之後，美國在亞洲的另一個戰略同盟。冷戰與後冷戰期間，美韓關係雖有波折，但不影響美韓同盟的強度。直到2000年美國小布希就任，其強硬的北韓政策與南韓金大中的陽光政策形成對比，成了美韓關係不協調的開端。而後連任的小布希延續其北韓政策，南韓繼任的盧武鉉將陽光政策擴大實施，推出和平繁榮政策，美韓兩國的北韓政策再度不同調，兩國關係持續跌宕起伏至2008年。本研究試圖以攻勢現實主義分析美國此時期的北韓政策；以新自由制度主義檢視南韓的交往政策，透過理論交鋒研究兩國利益的差異，並檢視外部因素如中國、日本、俄羅斯的影響，進而解釋此時期美韓關係不協調的原因。 / In 1945, the U.S. defeated Japan. The Korean peninsula was liberated from Japanese colonization at the end of World War II. However, the confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union left two Koreas separated by the Demilitarized Zone from the Cold War to the present. In addition, based on the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea, the U.S.–South Korea Alliance was established. During the Cold War and Post Cold War era, the U.S.-South Korea relations faced hard times, but the alliance remained strong. When George W. Bush became the president of the U.S. in the year 2000, his hardline policy toward North Korea collided with South Korea’s Sunshine Policy, which was made by the president Kim Dae-jung. These different policies toward the North caused tensions to the U.S.-South Korea relations. Then the re-elected Bush continued hardline policy against North Korea, but South Korea’s new president—Roh Moo-hyun—decided to inherit the sunshine policy and develop Peace and Prosperity Policy. Washington and Seoul still failed to reach a consensus on how to deal with Pyongyang. The U.S.-South Korea relations continued to fluctuate until 2008. This study tries to analyze the U.S. policy toward North Korea through offensive realism and examine South Korean engagement policy through neoliberal institutionalism from 2000 to 2008. Besides, this thesis also considers exogenous factors such as China, Japan, and Russia, trying to explain the inconstancy of the U.S.-South Korea relations.

本篇論文旨在探討，將尚．布希亞所觀察到的擬仿物應用到詹姆斯．喬伊斯的《都柏林人》之可能性。擬仿物是一種自我指涉、和真實脫離關係的符號，且擬仿物的誕生即代表了真實的死亡。擬仿物的論證有助於解釋《都柏林人》中二元對立的瓦解，例如真實∕想像，民族主義∕帝國主義，精神性∕物質性，加害者∕被害者，過去∕現今等。除此之外，其他和布希亞擬像理論相關的概念如墨比絲環迴繞的否定性、退卻的歷史，和內爆，都能闡釋都柏林中意義的蒸發。從＜會議室裡的常春藤日＞中的民主選舉擬仿物，＜賽車之後＞中的民族認同擬仿物，＜阿拉比＞中的商品擬仿物，＜伊芙琳＞中的父權擬仿物，＜一抹微雲＞中的國界擬仿物，到＜死者＞中的歷史擬仿物，喬伊斯的都柏林人在察覺真實的消失之後，感到震驚或無法反應。儘管喬伊斯典型的結局透露出一絲灰暗，將布希亞應用至喬伊斯，確實提供都柏林人從二元對立的結構中獲得自由的機會。