WMD (weapons of mass destruction) proliferation and nuclear terrorism are the gravest dangers that the world faces. The international society established counter proliferation regimes and export control systems to prevent the proliferators from acquiring WMD and the related commodities that can be used in producing the weapons. However, there are limitations in export control systems. The trade security and facilitation should be both considered, while the proliferators attempt to establish procurement networks to circumvent export control systems and globalization has introduced challenges from the emergence of increasing number of global corpora¬tions and increasing volume of dual-use trade. By using the data mining tool of link analysis, the thesis attempts to develop a methodology to increase the coerciveness and accuracy of detecting problematic shipments from ordinary export activities in order to improve the export control management. From the research, it suggests that data mining is a feasible solution to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of export control. It can be used for discovering entities with not only explicit but also implicit proliferation concerns from a large quantity of datasets and increase the cost and difficulties of circumventing export control so that the proliferation activities are to be contained or hindered. Based on the findings, the thesis established an export control management model with data-mining solutions.

中共一直沒有放棄以武力作為解決「臺灣問題」的選項，「統一臺灣」是中共建軍備戰主要目標之一，而國軍自然是共軍的主要假想敵。但是在1996年美國派遣兩支航母戰鬥群干預臺海軍事危機後，使中共體認美軍才是解決「臺灣問題」的最強大對手，開始深入思考如何阻止擁有高科技優勢的美軍介入臺海軍事衝突。防止美軍在中國大陸周邊地區進行作戰行動，是目前中共軍事現代化的主要發展方向，美國官學界將其稱為「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略，一時之間已成為研究中共軍事發展者之主要觀察指標。 中共「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略的主要著眼，在於建構能防止美國運用軍力涉入中國大陸周邊事務的能力，中共相信即使強大如美軍也不可能擁有全方位的優勢，其「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略主要依據地理環境、地緣戰略、美軍作戰特性及弱點等要素，並憑藉共軍數量與質量俱增的現代化武器，希望在西太平洋地區可能的軍事衝突中壓制美軍的作戰行動，或迫使美軍由較遠的基地發起軍事行動，並且阻止美軍後續的兵力增援，這可能使美軍在西太平洋作戰中遭到中共擊敗，或是迫使美國付出其不願意承擔的重大代價，此將導致中共可以達成其軍事和政治目標，同時也阻止美國全部或部分的軍事和政治目標。 中共軍力在「反介入與區域拒止」軍事戰略的帶動下快速成長，使美軍在西太平洋地區面臨重大挑戰和風險，並使美國區域盟邦有遭受侵略或被迫接受強制手段之虞，美軍為因應中共的挑戰，已確立「空海一體戰」的新型作戰概念，並著手發展相關能力。「空海一體戰」係以美軍現有軍力優勢為基礎，再經由西太平洋軍力部署的重組、海空作戰力量的整合、新型武器裝備的研發，並且加強與盟邦的軍事合作，希望建構一個多層次立體作戰體系，俾遏制中共的軍事擴張。在中、美兩強「反介入與區域拒止」和「空海一體戰」軍事戰略的競逐下，臺灣的自處之道和所應扮演的角色，亦為吾人應予深思的課題。 / The People’s Republic of China has never given up the use of military force as an option to solve the “Taiwan issue”, and the “unification with Taiwan” has also been one of the PLA’s objectives in its military buildup, which naturally makes the ROC military as the PLA’s hypothetical enemy. However, after the US sending two of its aircraft carrier battle groups to intervene a military crisis across the Taiwan Strait in 1996, the PRC started to realize that US military is its strongest opponent in solving the Taiwan issue and began to think how to deny the high-tech US military force from stepping into a military confrontation across the Taiwan strait. The prevention of US military operation in surrounding areas of China has been leading the modernization of China’s military, and officials and academia in the US have been calling this phenomenon “anti-access and area-denial” strategy which all of a sudden becomes an observation index when studying the PRC’s military development. The main focus of China’s “anti-access and area-denial” strategy is to develop the capability of preventing the US military from intervening affairs taking place in surrounding areas of China. China believes that no matter how powerful the US military is, it is unable to gain a comprehensive advantage in this region. By the PLA’s increasing modernized weapons, the anti-access and area-denial strategy, based on the geographic environment, geostrategy, and characteristics and weakness of the US military, aims to suppress US military activities in possible military conflicts in the western Pacific region, or to compel the US military to launch its force from bases further away and to stop its reinforcement. The success of this strategy will make the US military be defeated by the PLA or force the US to pay a price that it is unwilling to afford, and then China is able to achieve its military and political objectives and at the same time stops the US, entirely or partially, from achieving its military and political objectives. The anti-access and area-denial strategy has led to a rapid military development in China, which poses a great challenge and risk to the US military in the western Pacific region and makes allies of the US in this region in the fear of being invaded or coerced. In responding to China’s challenges, the US military has developed a new operational concept -- “AirSea Battle” and begins the development relating to this new concept. The “AirSea Battle” concept, building on current US military supremacy and the integration of air-sea combat powers as well as the reorganization of US force in the western Pacific region and the development of new weapons, looks to enhance the military cooperation between the US and its allies to establish a multilevel operation system which is able to contain Chinese military expansion. Amid the competition between China’s “anti-access and area-denial” strategy and US “AirSea Battle” concept, Taiwan’s responses and the role that Taiwan should play is a subject that we must deliberate thoroughly.

中國服務業近年來成長迅速，服務貿易額占世界比重亦愈來愈高，且截至2012年10月為止，中國已與香港、澳門、東協、新加坡、紐西蘭、智利、巴基斯坦、秘魯及哥斯大黎加等國家和地區簽署雙邊服務貿易協定，積極對外開放服務業市場。目前臺灣正與中國進行ECFA服務貿易協定的協商談判，因此深化研究中國服務業對外開放的戰略，以及分析中國至今已簽署之所有服務貿易協定的承諾內容與開放程度，是臺灣當前重要經貿課題之一。 本文使用文獻分析法探究中國服務業對外開放的戰略與政策，同時採用Marchetti and Roy（2008）的量化分析法，計算中國目前所有服務貿易協定之開放程度，並探討中國各大部門之開放情形，得到許多重要結論。首先，本文認為中國在服務業對外開放的戰略面和政策面實為相互呼應，於2001年加入WTO之後即全面擴大服務業的對外開放，並且日益重視服務貿易的發展，特別是新興服務貿易。其次，儘管中國於雙邊簽署許多服務貿易協定，但除了對香港（和澳門）新增約10.7%的開放程度之外，其餘國家平均僅新增2.6%的開放程度，可見中國實質開放程度並不高。另外，本文亦發現中國在採礦相關、醫院和旅遊等服務部門，會視部門類型之不同，決定不同之開放對象。最後，文末整理臺灣應於ECFA服務貿易談判盡力爭取開放之部門，並提出若干談判策略建議。 / In recent years, China has made remarkable progress in developing its service industry, and its proportion of trade in services in the world has risen significantly. Until October 2012, China has already signed nine bilateral agreements on trade in services with Hong Kong, Macao, ASEAN, Singapore, New Zealand, Chile, Pakistan, Peru and Costa Rica, showing its activeness and resolution to open up the services market. Taiwan is also negotiating with China about the negotiation of trade in services. Therefore, to understand China’s opening-up strategy and analyze both the content of commitments and the degree of openness in all agreements on trade in services China have signed, have become one of the major economic issues for Taiwan’s government. This thesis used literature analysis method to explore China’s opening-up strategies and policies in its service industry, and applied the quantitative method based on Marchetti and Roy(2008) to calculate the degree of openness in all agreements on trade in services China have signed. Meanwhile, the current situation of China’s service sectors was examined separately. There are three principal findings. First of all, China’s opening-up strategy in service industry is very consistent to its policies. Since China joined the WTO in 2001, it has not only significantly opened up its services market, but also made more efforts into the development of trade in services, especially the emerging sectors. Second, although China has signed many bilateral agreements on trade in services, the real degree of openness is not high. Except Hong Kong (and Macau), which gets approximately 10.7 percentages more in the degree of openness stipulated in the WTO agreement, the rest of countries only get 2.6 percentages more degree of the openness in average. Third, for particular purposes, China would give different treatment to different countries in service industries like services incidental to mining, hospital services, and touristic services. Finally, this thesis lists some service sectors, which Taiwan should strive for China’s opening-up on the negotiation of Trade in Services, and provides some suggestions for negotiation strategy.

摘 要 一、釣魚臺列嶼是位於基隆東北方，琉球群島主島沖繩島的西南方，先島諸島(宮古、八重山群島)北方的一群礁岩島嶼，由釣魚嶼、黃尾嶼、赤尾嶼、以及南、北小島等五個小島，及數十礁岩所組成。地質上是臺灣島的大屯及觀音山火山邁向東西延伸入海底的突出部分，與彭佳嶼、棉花嶼、花瓶嶼，同處於中國東海(East China Sea)大陸礁層邊緣是其凸出部分，和琉球群島的宮古、八重山、沖繩各群島間，有深邃的琉球海溝相隔。1971年美國片面將其軍事占領之琉球併同釣魚臺列嶼之行政管轄權交給日本，激起世界各地華人的保釣運動，亦使得在釣魚臺列嶼主權及其水域爭端不斷，迄今仍為東亞的爭議熱點之一。 二、只要提到釣魚臺列嶼，在中華民國到就會聯想：「保釣運動」、「石油探勘」、「漁事糾紛」、「主權歸屬」、「漁權談判」，甚至「臺灣統獨問題」、「美日安保涵蓋」等爭議性的問題；日本則迄今仍強硬表示：在釣魚臺問題上「並不存在『需要解決所有權』的問題」；而美國總是一再以「對釣魚臺列嶼主權爭端各方不表立場」表現其中立的態度；若不能正本清源詳究其初始，釣魚臺問題將隨著時光荏苒，與人云亦云的偏頗見解而逐漸模糊了問題的焦點。 三、美國建國以來藉19世紀中葉的「門羅主義」在西半球發跡，並在太平洋西岸的滿清中國以「門戶開放」政策平衡各列強，分享在滿清中國豐厚的經貿利益；並在太平洋與加勒比海用武力掠取殖民屬地，其貪婪擴張與歐洲列強無分軒輊，只是規模較小；20世紀之初為了開通巴拿馬運河，用武力在哥倫比亞支持分離主義，以交換運河開鑿權利。 四、1912年主張「驅除韃虜，恢復中華，創立合眾政府」的同盟會建立中華民國後，美國為了防止其原在滿清中國之利益受損，遲至1913年袁世凱就任大總統方才承認中華民國政府。自1910年代中期崛起的東亞強權日本，於1915年提出「21條要求」，美國視之為日本的「門羅主義」極為不滿；1922年美國以「華盛頓會議」，《四國公約》、《五國公約》、《九國公約》三個公約，要求中華民國、日本及列強，承認美國的「門戶開放」政策，並與日本及列強相互承認在中華民國之既得利益，並維持美國在太平洋的屬地與交通線的安全；但1930年代初期，日本在「門戶開放」政策的架構下，繼續拓展日本在中華民國的利益。 五、美國吸取「日俄戰爭」，俄羅斯敗於日本的教訓，不願意單獨面對的東亞強權日本；1930年代末期至1940年代初期歐戰期間，美國利用援助已經戰亂多年的中華民國，在中華民國廣袤的領土，用中華民國軍人與百姓的性命，拖住日本精銳部隊，以保護美國在太平洋的屬地及資產；直到日本1941年因法國「維琪政府」垮台，德國讓日本進入中南半島使用海空軍基地，直接威脅美國屬地菲律賓，以及荷屬東印度的美國油田，美國才認真對日經濟制裁；此前，美國與日本始終維持經貿關係，供應日本對中華民國侵略所需的戰略物資，並在交易中賺取日本外匯。 六、太平洋戰爭後，美國佔領了包括日本在內，大部分太平洋戰略要地，到簽訂《舊金山對日和約》，前後歷經七年，美國在東亞做了些什麼﹖美國摧毀日本所有工業、軍事、政治系統，使日本無力再影響美國在亞洲的利益；一方面，美國當時即已經產生，要永久佔領這些戰略要地的構想，其中包括美國遠東指揮部直轄的「琉球民政府」所管轄的區域在內；另一方面，美國為求繼續維護其在中華民國的「門戶開放」政策，阻止「共產國際」勢力擴張，在亞洲，不擇手段的干涉其他主權國家內政，培植狹隘且悲情的地方民族主義，為美國戰略利益服務；製造了分裂的兩岸，與分裂的兩韓；並且隻手籌劃變調的《舊金山對日和約》；讓已完全受美國控制的日本，成為其西太平洋軍事戰略前緣的起點，並以「保持臺灣繼續由親美政府主政」之設計關鍵，作為美國西太平洋戰略前緣的緩衝與屏障。 七、1960年代，以民主陣營領導者自居的美國，繼續致力分裂南北越，卻因力不從心，乃悄悄轉變政策，以解決越南問題作為利益交換條件，最先與中華人民共和國和解，使越南在十數年戰亂後，而仍淪陷於共黨的世界；並在《舊金山對日和約》的架構下，用「歸還琉球剩餘主權」、「臺灣地位未定論」，布局危險的東亞權利平衡，使美國在東亞地區，能維持其「保護者」的形象左右逢源，繼續使用西太平洋軍事戰略要地上的基地，而日本、南/北韓、中華民國、中華人民共和國相互牽制。1979年美國更進一步與中華人民共和國關係正常化，卻以《台灣關係法》戰略模糊為手段，做對美國有利之操作，落實海峽兩岸分離分治之局。 八、1990年冷戰結束，蘇聯瓦解，美國冷戰的議題不存在了，卻改利用「中國威脅論」為議題，支持美國繼續在西太平洋軍事存在的理由；中華民國在美國的影響下，1990年代初期迄2000年的10年間，政治生態發生了徹底的變化，對兩岸問題的處理，亦可以明顯看出藍(國民黨)綠(民進黨)陣營執政壁壘分明的氛圍，卻有倚靠美日安保體系的共同點；但中華民國漁民在釣魚臺列嶼問題上，卻因為藍色陣營初期倚靠美日安保體系，以及綠色陣營執政刻意討好日本支持獨立主張，反而不斷受到日本的歧視，與美國的忽視，已達幾乎無法生存，而要自力救濟的地步。 九、本文屏除過去反共宣傳的意識形態、狹隘且悲情之臺灣地方民族主義窠臼，由美國西太平洋戰略利益檢視釣魚台列嶼問題，反思中華民國之國家利益及未來，認為中華民國在既有憲法的規範下，與中華人民共和國，尋求兩岸的共同利益，解決釣漁臺列嶼問題；安全的確是中華民國生存的關鍵，但若能正確認知歷史，記取歷史教訓；就長遠觀之，中華民國的安全關鍵核心在於「兩岸和解」，而不在於美國設計的「美日安保體系」、「一法，三公報」(《臺灣關係法》、《上海公報》、《建交公報》、《八一七公報》)，以及「六項保證」架構，這些僅是美國長久以來，維持其西太平洋軍事戰略利益的操作的工具，對海峽兩岸和解毫無遠景可期。

自1970年代開始，美國國防部為了因應長期軍事規劃不足之處，而發展出一套名為「淨評估」(Net Assessment)的分析技術，最初是針對當時的蘇聯以及華沙公約組織，以進行軍事能力的評估分析，然而，隨著歷史的演變，軍事作為主要保障國家安全的要素固然不變，但有更多的領域逐漸受到人們的重視，所以淨評估觀念發展至今，已大為擴張，舉凡科技、政治、經濟、社會、意識形態，甚至疾病等足以影響到整個國家興衰的因素，都應是淨評估分析的目標。1990年之後國際能源短缺問題甚為嚴重，許多衝突雖未以爭奪能源為名，但究其根本，仍是為了各國日益短缺的生存命脈，因此能源的競逐似乎已成未來國與國間最為激烈的導火線，而就台灣來說，對外能源的依賴度達到98%以上，在亞太局勢愈趨險峻、台海衝突一觸及發的當下，如何擬定一套能源戰略，實為迫在眉睫，本文便以淨評估的角度，對台灣能源戰略環境進行全面性的診斷與機會探索，試圖回答以下的問題：(一)目前台灣在能源戰略環境中所面臨之態勢；(二)在如是能源戰略環境下的演變趨勢與預測。 / Since the 1970s, in order to cope with the defective plan of military for a long time, US DOD develops one set of analytical technology － Net Assessment. At first, it used to the Former Soviet Union and WTO assessment analysis of carrying on military ability. Doubtless, an essential factor of the military affairs is the guarantee national security. However, more fields are paid attention to by people gradually. The concept of the Net Assessment, therefore, is society, ideology, even the diseases are enough to influence the rise and fall of the nation, there are all targets that the Net Assessment should analyze. The international energy shortage is a very serious problem after the 1990s. Although many conflicts between the countries are not fighting for the energy, to get bottom of an affair, for lifeblood in short day by day in each country. Therefore the energy competition seems to be the direct cause of the fight/ conflict between countries in future. As to Taiwan, Dependence on imported energy is up to 98%. At the moment the relationship in the Asia Pacific is more and more tense. Besides, the conflict of the Taiwan Straits can be happened any time. How to draft a set of energy strategy is an extremely urgent mission. The author used the Net Assessment point to write this article. Focus on comprehensive diagnosis and chance to explore to Taiwan energy's strategic environment; moreover, try to find out the following questions. First, the posture Taiwan faces in the energy strategy environment at present. Second, the trend of evolvement and prediction is under the energy strategy environment.

冷戰結束後，中共在亞太地區及全球安全戰略格局中的地位逐漸上升。時空際會，當今國際秩序與全球化正值發展階段，因而出現一個有利於中共改善與周邊國家關係的國際環境，並提供一個穩定周邊良好的機遇。邁入21世紀之初，中共在第四代領導人集體審時度勢下，調整了對外政策，以「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」為重要的外交戰略，在外交理念上堅持以互相信任為基礎，長期穩定為前提，睦鄰友好為保障，全面合作是紐帶，共同發展繁榮為目標，致力於大國及周邊國家的合作友好關係建立。 中共在「十六大」政治報告後，將「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」列為對外關係的重要戰略。除運用元首出訪、經貿交流、軍事交流等外交作為，與美、俄、日、歐盟及印度等主要大國及周邊重要國家建立友好關係與傳統外交外，並積極參與或主導有關政治、經濟、軍事等具全球性議題的雙邊或多邊組織，以展現其對國際社會善盡義務，藉以塑造為體系中「負責任大國」與「睦鄰、安鄰、富鄰」友好鄰國之形象。 　 2003年中共胡溫領導人掌權後，在遂行「大國外交」、「睦鄰外交」時，係採取「韜光養晦、有所作為」具體行動，並倡議「新安全觀」、「和平發展」、「和諧世界」、「國際關係民主化」的外交理念，並強調「不對抗、不結盟、不針對三者」主張，逐步融入國際體系，積極從事國家經濟建設，以期與主要大國與周邊國家建構「平等、協作、互信、互利」的合作夥伴關係，目的就在創造一個安全、穩定的國際與周邊環境。 中共總體外交戰略是在謀求國家利益發展戰略，進而轉向與世界謀求共同發展與安全戰略。此一戰略轉變，是以經濟利益與區域安全為基點，以積極參與國際事務、加強國際合作為途徑，以拓展國家戰略利益、發揮負責任大國作用為目標。自胡溫掌政後即積極與世界各主要大國與鄰近重要國家建立戰略性協作夥伴關係，目前與中共建立戰略夥伴關係的國家共有30個國家，從中共積極推動「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」之戰略與手段觀察，事實上我們不難發現其為何一直在積極維護和創造有利於現代化的國際與周邊環境，並企圖拓展國家戰略利益的範圍和空間，不斷地擴大在國際間地位與影響力之目的所在。 關鍵字：大國外交、睦鄰外交戰略、新安全觀、和平崛起、和諧世界 / After the cold war, China is gradually gaining a raising status of military strategic position in the Asia-Pacific region as well as in global layout. International order and Globalization is at its developing phase, thus forming a advantageous circumstance for Chinese government to enhance its foreign affair status with surrounding countries also providing a chance to stabilize regional diplomatic pressure. In the beginning of 21st centry, 4th generation leaders of Chinese government carefully evaluated situations and adjusted their diplomatic policies, focusing their diplomatic strategies on foreign affair with powerful nations and surrounding countries, insisting their foreign policy to be based on trust with views of long-term balance. With the objectives of mutual growth, china is dedicated to build amicable relation with powerful and surrounding countries by bonding full collaboration and assured partnership. After the 16th Congress political report, china listed “Big-Power Diplomacy” and “Good-Neighborly Diplomacy” as their major foreign affair strategy. Besides building friendly relation and applying traditional foreign tactics with major nations such as USA, Russia, Japan, EU, and India, China’s foreign tactics also includes financial and military collaboration, visiting friendly soil by country leader(s), etc. China also actively leads and/or joins associtions/organizations with concern of global issues regarding political, economical, and military importance, in attempt to demonstrate the image of a powerful nation and to establish the good-neighborly figure in the international society. China’s overall foreign affair strategy is focused on gaining national benefits and later seeks global growth collaboration and international security. This change of strategy is based on considerations of economical benefits and regional security, achieved by actively attending international events, with clear objectives of expanding maximum strategical gain and developing the representation of an accountable country. Governor Hu and governor Wen had been actively building strategic partnership with major nations and vicinal countries. At present, there are 30 countries having strategic partnership with Chinese government. Examining china’s strategic means and diplomatic tactics, one can obviously notice how china is aggressively maintain and further create the circumstance which is most beneficial for extending its national strategic space and range, thus accomplish its goal of raised international influence. Key word：Big-power Diplomacy、Good-Neighborly Diplomacy、New Security View、Peaceful Rise、Harmonize the world

隨著中共經濟蓬勃發展，對石油需求急遽增加，迄2014年底石油對外依存度已超過60%，石油已成為制約中共發展的重要因素；如何在經濟發展中維持穩定的石油供應來源、提高石油使用效率、優化能源結構及強化石油戰略儲備，均為中共石油戰略規劃的重要考量。其中，中共石油戰略係以「走出去」為核心戰略規劃，並透過發展政治、外交、軍事及經濟等外交，推動與國際政經情勢密不可分的油氣合作，積極開發多元化管道油源、分散對外石油運輸管道，以保障石油供應安全；此舉不但牽動國際強權石油競合關係，更進一步重組全球油氣結構；另一方面，中共石油外交作為衝擊美、日等強權在產油國之利益。此外，各油產國如中東、非洲及中亞地區，各自因內部政經、族群及宗教等情勢動盪，對中共石油外交作為形成諸多挑戰；故此，本論文係從中共地緣戰略考量為出發點，探討中共面臨詭譎多變的國際情勢下，如何在中東、非洲、中亞等油產區推動油氣合作及外交，並兼論與俄羅斯的油氣合作關係；而近年來中共發展「一帶一路」戰略規劃，加速周邊油氣外交，並將發展重心轉移至歐亞地區，在東亞地區形成中國與俄羅斯及美、日兩大勢力抗衡，亦改變了國際石油版圖。 / Along with China’s rapid growth of economic development, its demand for oil has dramatically risen up. As of 2014, China’s oil import dependency ratio has exceeded 60%, indicating oil has already become a critical ingredient in China’s development. How to maintain stable oil supply, increase the efficiency of oil consumption, improve the energy structure, and enhance the oil strategic reserve are among China’s key considerations on oil strategic planning. China’s oil strategy centers on “going globally,” pushing forward the oil-gas cooperation overseas by developing political, diplomatic, military and economic relationships. To safeguard the security of its oil supply, China has proactively exploited multiple oil resources and constructed various oil transportation channels. China’s behavior not only poses impact on the competition and collaboration among powerful nations but also reshapes the global oil-gas structure; on the other hand, China’s “oil diplomacy” has also threatened the interests among great powers, such as the United States and Japan in oil producing areas. Furthermore, the domestic political, economic, ethnic and religious turmoil in oil producing areas, such as the Middle-East, Africa and Central Asia, also poses tremendous challenges to China’s oil diplomatic strategy. Therefore, with China’s geographic strategy in mind, the thesis investigates how China promotes oil-gas diplomacy and cooperation with those oil producing countries under such a capricious international environment. In addition, the thesis also probes into the Sino-Russia oil collaboration relation. In recent years, China has developed “One Belt and One Road” strategy, which expedites peripheral oil-gas diplomacy and switches its emphasis to Eurasia area. In East Asia, China and Russia’s oil cooperation has formed a new camp, which takes on the U.S. and Japan’s collaboration and also changes the distribution of the global energy power.

近十年來，中共海軍力量的發展如同其經濟成長情形一樣快速起飛，很自然成為西方矚目焦點，特別是建立遠洋艦隊的企圖，更引起外界高度關注。依中共海軍規劃，希望在2050年具備並達到遂行遠洋作戰的能力和目標。 冷戰結束後，中共被視為崛起的新興區域強權。「中國威脅論」也一度甚囂塵上。雖然中共極力反駁，但是一個經濟高度發展、致力於富國強兵的中共，不可避免的為亞太地區的安全帶來極大的陰影。中共對於亞太地區的影響力，除了經濟因素外，終究還是以軍事力量最為明顯，使得對中共軍事力量備感壓力的亞太各國，對中共以國防現代化來突顯國力，更加的敏感。在經濟建設成果日盛的情況下，中共為擴大其沿海地區經濟的發展，及符合大國身份所推動國防現代化，都將影響亞太地區的安全。 隨著綜合國力的提升，中共以更具實力與自信處理有關核心利益的爭端。面對中共政治、經濟、軍事的全面崛起，身為全球霸權的美國謀求確保東亞區域秩序的穩定。但儘管美國在2009年7月宣布重返亞洲，中共和鄰國在領土主權問題上依舊衝突不斷。 中共之擴張已使東亞國家充滿不安全感，亞太國家仍陷入一場軍備競賽之中，並進一步鼓勵同盟體之出現及刺激日本加強軍備以求自保。不管亞太地區是進入軍備競賽之權力平衡體系，或是其他國家聯合對抗中共之態勢，對亞太地區建構中之多邊安全體系都是一種打擊。 / In the past decade, the development of PRC’s navy power has grown as fast as its economical trowth. Naturally, such rapid growth attracts the attention of western countries. PRC’s attempt to build a far sea fleet is especially highly concerned by international community. According to PRC’s own plan, it hopes to achieve the previous goals in 2050. After cold war, China has been determined a newly-rising-power country, and has started trying to conquer all the power left in the Asia Pacific area after the seperation of USSR, and along with their motivation, the rumar of the “China Threaten Theory” has once spreaded out in the world. Thought China has rejected this kind of rumar, but it is still a well-known economic and army developed country and unavoidably, affects the Pan Asia area. Generaly, economics of China is the influence to the Pan Asia area, but actually, the quick army-building is the main effect; as a matter of fact, this influence (modernized China military) has become a big pressure to Pan Asia countries. In order to follow the quick progression of economics in China, it is also trying to build the coastal area and modernize its national defense. This motivation will badly affect the safty of Pan Asia countries. As China’s comprehensive national power rises with its rapid economic growth, it becomes more capable of protecting its core interests. As a global hegemon, the U.S. strives to wecure regional stability in East Asia. Although the U.S. proposed “the U.S. Retrun to Asia” strategy in July 2009, confrontation in the South China Sea between China and other claimants still continues. This thesis discusses the impact of the U.S. return to Asia on China’s South China Sea policy. East Asia counties are new feel not safe at all due to China’s military development,and the Pan Asia countries are still playing in a game of purchasing military equipments, and moreover, China even tell Janpan to purchase more gears for their own good. It doesn’t matter what kind of system that Pan Asia countries are in , either the military competition, or united with other countries to fight China, it all will become an impact to the vivid safty system that Pan Asia countries have built.

隨著全球電子商務的蓬勃發展，為在資訊流通與資料保護之間取得平衡，跨境資訊流動議題在國際經貿整合中往往也成為各國談判的焦點之一。其中，TPP中各國更進一步地處理「當地設立伺服器」議題，並提案將以「必要性測試」作為各國施行該措施之前提，本文遂就該測試在相關措施下之運作進行探討，並針對我國未來制度上與國際接軌之方向提出建議。 本文透過文獻分析法，歸納出必要性測試的評估過程中有「替代性措施對政策目標之貢獻程度」、「政策目標或價值之重要性」、「對國際貿易之限制性」幾個重要因素，另外在針對澳洲措施的分析中，有司法管轄權、技術、國際間合作狀況與行政成本，需納入考量之因素。然而，我國法制中尚未有更具體的管制措施，而經貿協議中僅止於承認彼此之資訊流通管制規範。未來或可參考澳洲之做法，同時由前歸納之因素評估該作法之必要性。 / The issue of trans-border data flow has been treated as one of those significant trade liberalization topics while global electronic commerce continues to surge and countries are striving to build common ground on the balance between data flow as well as data protection. Among these efforts of trade integration, “necessity test” was proposed when the members within TPP go further to negotiate whether the regulation of “localization data center” should be banned or not. In this article, we will conduct analysis toward how will the test work with potentially disputing measures and provide suggestions for Taiwan’s legislation to be geared to international treaties and standards. Through documentary analysis, factors evaluated against possible alternative measures when exercising necessity tests are summed up as contribution made by the compliance measure to the enforcement of the law or regulation at issue, the importance of the common interests or values protected by that law or regulation, and the accompanying impact of the law or regulation on imports or exports. Furthermore, as what has been shown by analyzing the Australian measure, we concluded that jurisdiction, techniques, international cooperation and administrative costs should also be taken into account. However, due to the lack of more practical measures and the topic in Taiwan’s concluded trade agreements is still in its infancy, I suggested that related authority can take the Australia’s measure as an example on basis of the above-mentioned factors.

位於歐亞大陸中心的中亞國家，在蘇聯解體後重新回到世界政治舞台，因所處的敏感地理位置及擁有豐富能源優勢，地緣戰略的重要性格外突顯。中亞國家目前尚處於重大轉型期，油氣資源為其對外發展及穩定內部的有利憑藉，該區域各國莫不積極運用天賦條件，期在大國競逐及全球化衝擊中，有效獲取國家利益。 中國因經濟快速成長，進口石油的依賴程度不斷攀升，制約其經濟與綜合國力的發展，並對國家安全形成威脅。面臨石油安全困境，中國站在全球能源領域的制高點，積極拓展油源，緊鄰的中亞地區石油蘊藏豐富，成為中國強化能源合作關係，以維護來源穩定的首要選擇。 本文從「地緣戰略」的觀點，分析中國及中亞的地緣政治及石油安全形勢，並探討中國在該地區能源外交內涵、佈局與實踐，以及所面臨的機遇與挑戰等議題。綜觀之，中國對中亞的石油整體戰略佈局，係以外交為後盾，國營石油企業為主軸，上海合作組織為平台，雙邊及多邊型式並進，藉由地緣優勢建構中亞和諧地區，並透過籌建中國陸路油氣供應路徑，朝向來源多元化，以避免海上運油風險及分散石油供給集中之制約。另以中亞諸國為謀求現實的戰略利益，採行門戶開放及多邊平衡外交策略，使得美國、歐盟及日本等各主要大國力量進入。中國為維護油源穩定安全，積極踐行「走出去」與「多元化」之戰略，其與各大國在中亞的能源競逐仍將持續，同時影響區域及全球政經局勢。 / The importance of geostrategy is obvious for those Central Asian countries, backing the political stage of the world after dissolution of the Soviet Union, in the central mainland of Euro-Asia because of their sensitive geographical location with advantage of abundant energy. At present, those countries are under reforming period and aggressively try to use their innate conditions, especially the resources of gas or petroleum, for development abroad and stabilization domestically to get interests under the impacts of the great nations’ competition and globalization. On the other hand, China is facing on the economy and comprehensive national strength restriction and national security threaten by petroleum importation dependence and economic growth rapidity. Being face the trouble of petroleum security, China, standing on the commanding point of the global energy field, is aggressive to explore energy resources and try to strength energy cooperative relationships with the Central Asian area, neighbor to China and the best choice, having abundant petroleum to support her stable needs. This study is in the point of view, geostrategy, to analyze the trends of geopolitics and petroleum security between China and those Central Asian countries. The purposes including the energy diplomacy content, layout and practice of China in this area, and the opportunity and challenge are being discussed. To sum up, the overall strategic layouts of petroleum in the Central Asian area for China are using diplomacy as backing, public petroleum enterprise as main axis, Shanghai cooperation organization as platform, both and multi sides processings, Central Asian area harmonizing construction by advantage of geography, and multi-resources via building the terrestrial gas supply routes to avoid the restriction of the risk of petroleum shipping and to decentralize the collection of petroleum supply. Owing to the realistic strategic benefits for those Central Asian countries, by open door policy and multi-sides balance diplomatic strategy, some great nations are trying to get in, including the USA, EU and Japan, etc. For assurance of the stable and security of petroleum supply, China is aggressive to conduct the strategies, “Go out” and “Multiplication”, to continue the energy competition with those great nations, and to influence the area and global economic and political situation.