本論文之主旨即在系統析述民國二十（一九三一）年冬在瑞金所建立之「江西蘇維埃 」諸般狀況，由而採討其所產生之影響。 本論文全十章，分三部綜論其建立，作為及崩潰。 本論文第編含三章，分別析述其建立背景、建立經過、及建立後之組織型態。 第二編論蘇維埃政權之主要作為，四、五兩章即分析其土地鬥爭及軍事鬥爭之實質。 第六章探討中共政權如何克服財政困難，如稅制、幣券、公債、及征糧工作等諸般作 為。第七章論「肅反」工作，蓋中共承受了俄共肅反鬥爭特質，對於黨內黨外固然經 常以「肅清反革命」排斥異己，即政務之推行亦以「紅色恐怖」為依恃，此種肅反工 作實為中共政權之主要特質。 第八章析論該時期中共重要黨務活動及黨內派系鬥爭。在江西時期，中共黨內派系之 爭，以留俄派與毛澤東集團為兩大陣營，幾乎無「時」不鬥，無「事」不鬥，爭端尤 其集中於「富農路線」、與「游擊主義」，至於反「羅明路線」鬥爭乃是具有代表性 的著名事例。 第三編論蘇維埃政權之崩潰，其中第九章說明崩潰經過，第十章分析其崩潰原因。第 五次圍勦歷時一年，國軍採用新戰略，配合經濟封鎖，政治動員及農村復興諸般方略 ，以雷霆萬鈞之勢向贛南步步進逼，國民政府是以組織民眾、動員民力、改善民生作 為最高作戰策略，由於國軍在軍事上的勝利，同時誘發了蘇區民眾長時期潛在的反共 意識轉而化為行動，乃更加速了共黨政權的潰敗，其間雖歷「閩變」，仍未能挽回紅 色政權之厄運，至民國二十三年（一九三四）年十月，紅朝乃終告全面崩潰。

從1968年的《中俄尼布楚條約》到2004年的《中俄國界東段補充協定》，中俄邊界爭議談判歷時三百多年，在這漫長的期間內彼此的國界線也曾數度遷移。本文探討兩國國界複雜多變的形成過程，來歸納出造成雙方邊界變動的結構性因素為何。 一般習慣將中俄國界區分為東、中、西三段，這其實是經過長期的歷史演變而來的概念，早期的邊界條約並非一定是依此方式分段簽訂。若依此地理分法，雖可詳細了解各段邊界的演變經過，但部分涵蓋範圍較廣的條約將被迫拆散或是重複討論，失去了完整性。因此本論文以歷史事件的順序為章節安排，如此一方面可顧及條約的完整性，二方面也較易釐清各階段的歷史脈絡。 此外，本論文的研究重點強調在各重要邊界條約的談判經過，藉著中俄雙方互相角力的過程，來剖析出兩國國界線擴張與限縮的關鍵因素，最後並以條件的滿足來解釋中俄國界得以確定。 / From “The Treaty of Nerchinsk”(1689) to “The Supplementary Agreement on the Eastern Section of the China-Russia Boundary Line”(2004), negotiations on the Chinese-Russian border disputes lasted more than 300 years. In this prolonged period the demarcation line of boundaries changed several times. This thesis explores the structural factors of the complex forming process of Sino-Russian borderlines. Actually, the conventional concept of the three border sections of east, central, and west between China and Russia comes from the long-term historical evolution. The early boundary treaties were not necessarily signed by both sides section by section. If we use the geographical taxonomy as the thesis’s analytical structure, we may understand each border section’s formation in details, but we will not capture the whole picture of Sino-Russian border negotiations because some broad-scoped treaties which comprised not just one specific border section have to be divided into sections or resulted into overlapped discussion accordingly. Alternatively, the organization of this study takes historical events chronologically to maintain the border treaties’ wholeness in their precise historical contexts. Moreover, this thesis emphasizes the negotiation processes of important boundary treaties between China and Russia in terms of comparative power strength, which decided the expansion or shrinkage of each other’s boundary and the final settlement of Sino-Russian border dispute.

從近代戰爭史來看，歷史的篇幅總是少不了俄國的存在，作為20世紀兩大領導集團之一的強權國家，國防武力的發展總是佔據最重要的部份，因為唯有國力的強大以及有效的軍事嚇阻力量，才能帶領國家免於遭受他國的惡意侵犯。傳統的戰爭型態在萊特兄弟成功發明具有動力推進能力的飛行器之後迅速改觀，俄國在這場人類科技發展的盛事中，可以說從一開始就參與至今，而空軍的創立，更是具有動燭先機的遠見，不但與世界上其他擁有空軍的國家歷史一樣悠久，更在第二次世界大戰以後與美國佔據了飛行歷史以及航天科技的天平兩端。俄國空軍的發展，讓我們看到俄國人是如何在困難的經濟狀態下以土法煉鋼的方式發展幾乎等同於甚至是超越西方世界的航太科技。本篇論文的內容，就是要將俄國空軍發展的歷史淵源以階段性的方式分別描述於各章節之中，並且也將俄國空軍在發展過程中所遇到的困難以及轉變作真實的敘述，以期能在國內付之闕如的相關資料當中作出微薄的貢獻。

水作為人類最基本的必需品，本應是人人共用的自然之物。但隨著近代社會的工業化及城市化發展，水資源愈見有限，人們對水的認識也逐漸改變：水被賦予許多新的涵義，並與現代技術結合而成為一種商品。在中國，從1850年到1950年間，使用商品水漸漸成為富裕、衛生、文明、摩登的象徵。本論文主要探討在這百年間用水的演化如何在蘇州城中體現出來。 / 在中國現代供水進程中，上海公共租界最先建立起具有標誌性的自來水廠。而後法租界、華界也爭相仿效建立。但在上海整個城市中，自來水的用水方式沒有得到統一。租界內漂亮的洋房在屋內即有供水，而租界內華人居住的弄堂與租界之外的華界地區仍使用水夫挑水。這種差異帶出了西人和華人的區別，同時還是富人和窮人生活方式的區別。 / 在本研究重點研究的蘇州城內，清末至民國時期，地方精英一直試圖建立現代象徵的自來水，卻未能成功。最終，城內少數富裕商戶合資開掘自流井，然後將井水接連水管入屋，創建了蘇州模式的自來水。這與整個城市供水為目標的自來水廠相差甚遠，但由於民國時期蘇州城內勢力分散，沒有力量創辦統一的供水模式，只有少數的富裕人家可以使用自流井，大多數的居民，仍然大量依靠淺水井和河水。 / Water, as an essential ingredient for life, is supposed to be freely used. However, in the age of industrialization and urbanization, with fear of water shortage and environmental degradation, people imposed new ideas on this natural resource, and transformed water from public good into a tradable commodity by using new technology. In China from 1850 to 1950, commoditized water supply made people feel affluent, healthy, civilized, and modern. This thesis examines the transformation of water use in the city of Suzhou. / The establishment of the first water supply company in the Shanghai International Settlement in the late nineteenth century was a significant milestone of China's modern water supply. Soon after that the French Concession and the Chinese Zone attempted to follow the practice. The services of water supply were yet never unified in Shanghai. While better-off households in the Foreign Concession enjoyed indoor tap water supply, many others, especially those who lived in the Chinese walled city, bought water directly in streets installed with water taps. The way to consume water reflected living standard. / During late Qing period and China’s Republican period, the local elites of Suzhou City also attempted to set up modern water supply, but failed with insufficient capital. Eventually, a few wealthy merchants formed a small company of water supply. Instead of using steam engines to pump water from river, the company opened artesian wells, and built water pipes to transport water to households. This created the Suzhou model of water supply. However, because of competing local forces, this modern water supply in Suzhou was of a small scale. Only a few rich people could afford to consume the water, a majority of the Suzhou population still relied on ordinary shallow wells and rivers to have their daily water. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳文妍. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2016. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 178-190). / Abstracts also in English. / Chen Wenyan.

本論文探討芬蘭中立政策。首先說明中立意涵以界定芬蘭中立政策的特質。芬蘭中立政策一直是安定與經濟並重，一面與蘇聯/俄羅斯維持良好關係，一面爭取進入西方市場，確保經濟利益。因此，芬蘭所採取的政策為平衡策略。二次大戰後以中立政策為優先，實為考慮到國家利益與國家生存。後冷戰時期，蘇聯瓦解，限制芬蘭與西歐整合的因素不再，芬蘭因經濟需要，選擇加入歐洲聯盟。成為歐盟會員後，芬蘭必須重新調整中立政策，以因應歐盟的共同外交暨安全政策。共同外交暨安全政策要求歐盟會員國必須接受歐盟制定的共同外交政策，甚而共同防衛。這是測試芬蘭等中立國對歐盟承諾的最大極限。芬蘭的外交政策因而逐漸不談中立，但仍維持中立的核心-軍事不結盟與可信的防衛。芬蘭採行不結盟政策，避免參與集體防衛的行動，嚴格區分防衛與危機處理任務，不參與軍事層面的活動。芬蘭利用北約組織架構進行國際合作，參與非軍事行動，增加本身危機處理能力。此外，在西歐聯盟的機制下，也提倡危機處理與維持和平任務，謹慎選擇參與的行動。本論文的結論為芬蘭的中立政策保有其彈性與靈活性，以符合東西集團的要求，隨著國際情勢的轉變與國內的要求，調整中立政策。冷戰時期芬蘭在安全需要與經濟需要間取得平衡；後冷戰時期，因國內經濟考量加入歐盟，不再採取中立政策，外交政策調整為不結盟政策，不參與軍事聯盟，因此沒有加入西歐聯盟與北約組織。但並不意謂芬蘭將來不會放棄不結盟政策，仍舊保有政策的彈性，若情勢變遷，芬蘭可能會選擇加入軍事聯盟，捍衛本身的安全需求。

本篇論文旨在探究列寧與史達林統治期間，蘇聯電影之濫觴與發展。文中首先詳論蘇聯電影形成之時代背景與特殊使命，說明電影傳入俄國之初，正值布黨握權未久，民心浮動之際，列寧與史達林如何善用電影高可塑性及易於大量複製之特色，進行政策宣導與掃盲教育，不僅積極為共黨樹立領導威信，更塑造政權繼承之合法性。 1917年十月革命之後，蘇聯共黨首重電影工業之管理，從1919年列寧將電影工業收歸國有起，至1953年史達林去世為止，蘇聯電影機構與管理階層不斷改組，權力集中。與其他各國娛樂商業影片相較，蘇聯電影濃厚之政治色彩與實用功能，風格自異。 蘇聯電影在歷經戰時共產主義、新經濟政策、社會主義寫實主義、二次世界大戰等不同階段的政策洗禮後，除呈現一系列歌功頌德的樣板影片外，亦在重重監檢制度與狹窄創作空間下迸發令人驚嘆的藝術成就，如庫列雪夫、愛森斯坦、普多夫金、杜甫仁科等大師的電影蒙太奇理論，又如他們結合政治現實與藝術理想之社會寫實創作。蘇聯電影不僅成功整合政治宣傳，鼓舞民心士氣，更於拍攝技巧和視覺美學上，創造出彌足珍貴的藝術語言，為本論文提供豐富且堅實之藝術佐證。 / This dissertation mainly discussed the development of Soviet Cinema under Soviet Socialist ideology during Lenin & Stalin period from 1917 to 1953. First came into its historical background and special mission: cinema came into Russia in early 20th century while Revolutionaries just grabbed power, Lenin and Stalin wisely used the characteristics of high plasticity and massive reproduction in films to propagandize their political policy and to educate the overwhelmingly illiterate peasant masses. Not only did Soviet Cinema build reputation for Soviet Communists, it also helped to legalize the regime of Bolsheviks. After the 1917 Revolution, Bolsheviks first pay their attention to the management of film industry. From 1919 Lenin took over the whole Soviet film industry and made it nationalized to 1953 Stalin passed away, Soviet film department had been gone through process of constant reshuffles and power centralization. To compare with the entertaining and commercial film industry in other countries, Soviet Cinema is unique for its strong political color as well as its pronounced pragmatic function. After baptizing itself through the policy changes during the different political Stages in Wartime Communism, New Economic Policy, Socialist Realism, plus Second World War, in addition to a series of complimentary stereotype films, Soviet Cinema, under layer upon layer censorship and cramped creative room, still spurted its astonishing artistic achievements to the world: the Montage film theory developed by Kuleshev, Eisenstien, Pudovkin and Dovzhenko, the masterpieces of social and realistic creation which demonstrate sophisticate combination of political reality and artistic idealism. Soviet cinema played a successful role in integrating the political propaganda with encouraging the massed; furthermore, it also create the precious artistic languages in the shooting skills and visual aesthetics, all these apply the rich and profound artistic evidences for this dissertation.

印尼位處於歐亞大陸東南側島鍊,其國土是由一連串的島嶼所構成,總面積達一百九十二萬平方公里,人口約有一億九千六百六十多萬人o長久以來印尼在國際上的重要性與地位似乎與其眾多人口不成比例,這是因印尼自從一九四五年從荷蘭殖民統治獨立以來,便是堅持第三世界不結盟政策的態度有關o但是不可否認的是,印尼在東南亞地區的重要性是極為顯著的,從政治面來看,印尼是東南亞最重要的區域性國際組織[東南亞國家協會]的一員,從東協的成立與發展的進程,印尼都扮演了積極的角色o從經濟面來看,人口將近二億的印尼是東南亞地區不可忽視的潛在重要市場,儘管印尼現階段的經濟發展水準仍遠落後新加坡,馬來西亞和泰國等鄰近國家,但就其潛力而言,印尼顯然擁有更豐富的資源o近年來我國政府推行[南向政策],積極加強與東南亞國家的聯繫,國人對於東南亞國家漸有所認知,然大部分僅限於經濟層面的介紹,相關政治,外交的介紹則是缺少,這對於積極發展國際空間的我國而言,更需要進一步地了解東南亞林鄰近國家o 一般而言,東南亞地區在國人的認知中除了是熱帶國家,旅遊勝地之外,另一方面仍殘存過去的印象以為東南亞地區大多是戰亂頻仍的國家,這實在是資訊欠缺所致o此外國內的國際關係研究大多偏向西歐,美國等已開發國家,或者是彼岸的大陸研究,相對之下第三世界開發中國家的研究則略嫌單薄,而東南亞地區多為開發中國家o今日在亞太世紀來臨之際,亞太地區的政治,經濟,社會都會成為研究焦點,而我國倡導成立[亞太營運中心],更需要對週邊國家進行深入研究,印尼作為東南亞地區大國,其重要性可見一斑o 本文嘗試對於印尼的外交政策做一番回顧,提供 進一步的認識,而最重要的研究目的在試圖解釋印尼此一人口眾多,土地廣邈的國家為何在獨立後採行獨立與積極的外交政策? 蘇卡諾時期與蘇哈托時期外交政策的轉折原因何在?印尼本身具有許多優勢條件,可以成為東南亞大國,但又為何在蘇哈托執政初期不願介入區域事務,其轉變因素為何?一九九零年代初期,印尼在外交政策上又做了一些修正,開始積極參與國際組織的活動,尤其是不結盟運組織與聯合國,促成的原因為何?這些都是筆者在本文中嘗試解釋的重要議題o / Republic of Indonesia is situated to the south-east side of the Euro-Asia Continent. The whole territory consists of a series of islands and small islets which is about 1,919,443 square kilometers. Its total population isabout 196,600,000. For a long time, the international status of Indonesia isnot consistent with its large population. This is because Indonesia has laidemphasis on Third World Non-Aligement approach in its foreign policy since it declared independ ence off Netherlands in 1945. However, there is no denying that the importance of Indonesia in the South-East region is obvious. In the political arena, In donesia has been the largest country in the Association of South-East Asian Nations(ASEAN) and played a constructive and active role since its inauguration in 1967. In the economic arena, with it's approximately 2 billion people, Indonesia is the potential market for international trade. Although the economic development of Indonesia is still far behind Singapore, Malaysia and Thiland, its neighboring countries, its abudant natural resources are of no rivalry. In these years, our government has embarked on a "Southward Policy" and actively enhanced the relations with southeast Asian nations. Therefore, we have furtherknowledge of these nations. However, these knowledge are limited to economicaffairs without mentioning the political and diplomatic affairs. For our country, who is striving for developing our international status, we need moreinfromation about these countries. Besides, the international studies in Taiwanplace more emphasis on West Europe, America ,the developed countries, and Chinses Mainland. By contrary, studies on the Third World developing countriesare few and lacking. Today, the Asia-Pacific century is coming and the political, economic and social affairs in the region will be the focus ofresearching. Taiwan plans to lead the "Asian Pacific Operational Center", whichplan needs more studies on our neighboring countries. Indonesia is the largestcountry in the southeast Asia, and its importance is clear. This thesis is trying retrospect the history of Indonesia's foreign policy and providing furthur knowledge. What is most is to explain why indonesia, such a populousand large country, chose to act independently and actively right after itsindependence off Netherlands? What is the reason that causes the change offoreing policy between Sukarno and So eharto regime? Indonesia itself hasfull reason to be the leader in the southeast Asia. why did it choose to lessinvolved in the regional affairs in the beginning of Soeharto regime? The Author is trying to explain these issues in this thesis.

能源是經濟和社會發展的重要基礎和戰略資源。近百年中，能源安全不斷的被各國列為首要問題。隨著中國改革開放，國家經濟不斷成長，成為世界經濟大國，其能源的需求量日趨增加，從自給自足到至今依賴進口，使中國將能源外交列為外交戰略的主要目標，藉由走出去得戰略，積極到海外尋找能源。在這種情況下，能源外交顯然將成為繼大國外交與周邊外交後，中國外交政策的第三個重要環節。 開發中國家具有豐富的能源，再加上中國以開發中國家自居，因此開發中國家在中國的外交政策上，佔有重要地位，且可配合中國國家經濟發展。中國藉由其與開發中國家建立並維持良好的外交關係，以為中國尋找迫切需要的能源。 中國積極透過多邊組織或是雙邊接觸，向非洲、拉丁美洲尋找油源。中國能源問題不僅關係著中國的經濟發展，在擴展能源佈局全球的同時，也引起國際的注意，意涵著這是國際能源戰略問題，更是國際外交爭議性議題。 中國為化解能源進口來源過於集中的風險，於是拉美及非洲成為中國石油進口的戰略來源地。中國將觸角伸向拉美及非洲地區，其中對委內瑞拉及蘇丹這兩個國家最為積極，近期拉美的左傾化浪潮，委內瑞拉查韋斯政權與美國對抗，以及蘇丹有關達富爾的人權問題，使得中國的能源外交被國際社會說成與美國分庭抗禮及罔顧人權，造成中國受國際社會的譴責。 本文研究發現，中國與開發中國家能源外交有助於提升中國國際影響力，「能源競爭」與「權力競爭」是中國對非洲及拉丁美洲的能源外交目的。中國的能源外交對各地區之目的有所不同，不一定都是以獲取能源為主要目的，有時權力競爭反而佔據相當的份量，即中國能源外交之目的有時為了能源競爭，此時著重於取得能源；但有時卻不是為了能源競爭，能源本身不是目的，而只是工具，其真正目的是權力競爭。 / Energy is an important strategic resource and the critical basis of economic and social development. During the last hundred years, energy security has been identified as primary problem. With its successful open-door reform, China became the world economic giant of the constantly growing up of the national economy. With the increasing needs of oil energy day by day, China was transferred from an oil self-sufficient country to an oil import one. Now, one goal of the diplomatic strategy is the energy diplomacy. With the strategy of “going out” looking for the energy abroad, China is searching for oil resource actively. In this situation, the diplomacy of energy will obviously become the third important aspect of the China’s foreign policy, in addition to major power diplomacy and diplomacy with neighboring countries. Developing countries with the abundant energy, plus China itself poses as a developing country, developing countries occupies an important position in Chinese foreign policy in general, China's national economic development in particular. For the purpose of acquisition of oil energy, China has to maintain actively good diplomatic relations for developing countries. So China looks for the oil source to Africa, Latin America through both multilateral organizations and bilateral relations. The question of the Chinese energy is not merely only concerning the economic development of China, but also its global strategy of energy acquisition. So that it has attracted international concerns and became a controversial issue of international diplomacy. China has made every effort to reduce the risk that the import of energy resources overly concentrates, and, consequently, Latin America and Africa become the strategic source of China's petroleum imports. China stretches the feeler to Latin America and Africa, among them the most positive to these are two countries, i.e., Venezuela and Sudan. The left-leaning political tide in Latin America recently, the regime of Chavez in Venezuela confronting with U.S.A., and the human rights issue of Sudan, China’s energy diplomacy is to be condemned by the international community, because of deliberately confrontation with the United States and ignorance of human rights. This study discovers that the energy diplomacy will be helpful for China’s influences in the international arena and its major purpose is for either energy or power in Africa and Latin America. The Chinese diplomacy of energy varies in terms of geographic factor. Sometimes, Chinese energy diplomacy is for energy acquisition so as to resolve its development needs, sometimes for power and energy is only an instrument.

本文題目為「俄國女性革命家 維拉‧沙蘇里契及其政治思想轉換」，專述沙蘇里契的生平要事與其思想轉換過程。好比她在勞動解放社和俄國社會民主黨在十九世紀末的紛爭，另外在火星報時期列寧和普列漢諾夫之間的紛爭中也可以看出沙蘇里契的樞紐角色。在幾乎二十五年的時間裡，在反政府恐怖主義運動中，她不得已地刺殺了德列波夫之後，她便拋棄了恐怖暴力革命之思想，並在土地與自由社的分裂當中，吸引一些追隨者隨她加入黑土重分社，同樣地她在一八八三年更有助於發掘第一個俄國馬克思主義社會，如此一來，永久地分裂了民粹主義，長久以來換得了一個激進的社會主義觀點。一度在一九○三年，沙蘇里契扮演一個在孟什維克派與布爾什維克派的分裂中重要的角色。 　　不難發現其所每次之轉變，她好爭論的工作之進程也在這些分裂之中，近三十多年的著作，她的影響確實在社會主義的世界裡，令人深切的感受到。 　　本文目的主要在於分析三個問題： 　　一、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契其先後思想更迭之因素； 　　二、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契和列寧之關係轉換與俄國政治型態更替之關係； 　　三、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契晚期思想分析。 　　綜上所述，第一章將以序論為楔子，敘述研究動機、文獻探討、研究目的、研究限制、研究架構。第二章則題為沙蘇里契革命思想之形成，也就是與涅查耶夫相識的形成期。 　　第三章則題為從民粹主義至馬克思主義的思想轉換，也就是銜接沙蘇里契的自我形成與之參與民粹派活動。第四章則題為馬克思主義中的維拉‧沙蘇里契，此段時期為她一生中革命事業與地位之最高峰。第五章題為一九○九年至一九一四年的取消派與維拉‧沙蘇里契。第六章題為十月革命以後的維拉‧沙蘇里契，此時已然為沙蘇里契在政治舞台上最後一段時期。第七章為結論部分，主要呈現研究目的與研究結果相互回應下所產生的維拉‧沙蘇里契之思想原貌與轉變原因，並利用垂直分析，來使讀者清晰本論文之目的與結論，更進一步回應本文之研究目的。 / The topic of this dissertation is “ The Russian female revolutionist- the life of Vera Zasulich and her transformation of political conviction.” The focus of this research is her life and the transformation process of her political conviction. For example, her role in the Liberation of Labour, Social Democratic Labour Party, and her relationship with Plekhanov and Lenin. 　　At first, the focus is an introductory part in a piece of this research. In the second chapter, touching upon her life, she was born into a poor family in 1849. Her father died when she was three years old and as her mother was unable to cope, she sent Vera to live with wealthy relatives in Biakolovo. When Zasulich finished her schooling she moved to St. Petersburg and found work as a clerk. She became involved in radical politics and met Sergi Nechayev, the co-author with Mikhail Bakunin of Catechism of a Revolutionist. Zasulich joined a weaving collective and became active in the movement to educate workers, conducting literacy classes for them in the evenings. 　　In the third chapter, the focus is her transformation from a populist to a Marxist. In 1876, Zasulich found work as a typesetter for an illegal printing press. A member of the Land and Liberty group, when Zasulich heard that one of her fellow comrades, Alexei Bogoliubov, had been badly beaten in prison, she decided to seek revenge. Zasulich went to the local prison and shot Dmitry Trepov, the Governor General of St. Petersburg. She was arrested and charged with attempted murder. During the trial the defence produced evidence of such abuses by the police, and she conducted herself with such dignity, that the jury acquitted her. When the police tried to re-arrest her outside the court, the crowd intervened and allowed her to escape. 　　In the fourth chapter, the focus is the role she played in the Marxist period. In 1883, Zasulich joined with George Plekhanov and Paul Axelrod to form the Liberation of Labour, the first Russian Marxist group. Later she moved to Switzerland where she became active in the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP) and served on the editorial board of Iskra. 　　From the fifth to the seventh chapter, the key point is the latter part of her life. At the Second Congress of the Social Democratic Labour Party in London in 1903, there was a dispute between Vladimir Lenin and Jules Martov, two of SDLP''s leaders. The last part, she returned to Russia during the 1905 Revolution but after its failure ceased to be active in politics. During the First World War Zasulich supported the war effort and opposed the Bolshevik Revolution. Vera Zasulich died in 1919. 　　The objective of this research is to analyze three subjects: 　　1.The causes of her transformation in her political conviction. 　　2.The relationship between Zasulich and Lenin under changing of the Russian political form. 　　3.The thinking of the latter part of Zasulich''s life.

本論文主要目的是想探討蘇聯解體前後女性就業情形的轉變，以及政治經濟上的變化對於俄羅斯女性就業產生的影響。因此，在第二章中，首先回顧蘇聯時期，在各領導人所宣揚的意識型態下，女性在就業市場中的情形。本章主要根據共黨領導人的交替來劃分時期，主要可以分為1917年革命後至1930年代初，史達林統治時期（1930-1953），赫魯雪夫時期（1957-1964）及布里茲涅夫時期（1964-1982），以及戈巴契夫時期（1985-1991）。內容著重於不同時期女性就業的實際情形，並試圖分析影響蘇聯女性就業的背後因素。儘管在蘇聯時期針對女性就業做過不少的統計調查及研究，然而，政府為了宣揚男女平權的成就，往往報喜不報憂。因此在本章中會注重官方說法與實際情形間的差異，輔以西方學者所做的調查加以整理。 在第三章中，鑑於經濟制度改變對於就業市場影響甚鉅，因此有必要瞭解蘇聯解體前後政府所採取的經濟改革。此外，蘇聯時期的勞動市場情形及法令規定也為不可忽略的部分。因此在此章中將針對經濟改革內容、蘇聯時期的勞動市場及法令規定做概略性的介紹，以便接下來與解體後做比較。 在對於經濟改革及蘇聯勞動市場、相關法令有了基本的認知之後，接下來則在第四章中探討俄羅斯女性在新的市場經濟制度的就業市場中的地位，尤其是經濟轉型所帶來的失業問題。 第五章為結論，將前述內容作一整合總結。 / The goal of this thesis is to discuss the transformation from the Soviet Union to the new Russia, and analyze how the changes on the politics and economics influence women employment. In the first chapter, it displays the framework of the thesis. In the chapter two, we try to understand the women’s employment situation in the Soviet Union. It includes five periods: from 1917 revolution to the beginning of 1930s, the Stalin period (1930-1953), the Khrushev period (1964-1982), the Breznev period, and the Gorbachev period (1985-1991). It stresses the real employment situation of the Soviet women, and finds out the background reason. We’re specially cautious of the differences between the official statement and the fact. In the chapter three, it includes the economic reform and the impact on people. The law of the Soviet Union’s labor is also in this chapter. In the chapter four, it is about the status of Russia women in the new labor market, and analyzes what’s the reason influence their work situation.