The paper presents the development methodology of a hydrostatic pump/motor for use in Parker Hannifin’s advanced series hydraulic hybrid transmissions for medium and heavy duty commercial vehicles. With Parker’s established bent-axis pump/motor technology for heavy duty mobile applications as a basis, it describes the main stages of further development and qualification for demanding automotive main drive transmissions. Parker’s APQP based, customer focused product development model was employed for this development which resulted in the variable bent-axis pump/motor C24 for open circuit hydrostatic transmissions. Positive customer results from a large fleet of in-service refuse collection trucks and parcel delivery vans with Parker advanced hydraulic hybrid drive systems using C24 pumps/motors serve as evidence of Parker’s product development model effectiveness. High reliability, good fuel economy, increased productivity and long brake life of the vehicles can directly be traced back to the streamlined, front-loaded and iterative development model.

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縣市警察分局為警察勤務規劃及執行機構，而分局長則直接負責督導所屬分駐（派出）所員警勤業務規劃、執行及治安維護工作，責重事繁，服勤時間長，是否會影響身心健康、休閒參與、家庭生活及社會治安維護工作是值得深入探討的課題。 本研究使用三角交叉檢視法，首先以台灣省各縣市警察局所轄131個分局分局長為對象，有效問卷129份，接著以 13位分局長為對象，進行深入訪談，研究發現如下： 一、分局長主要工作負荷為，人情請託、關說使其耗費心力頗大、同仁處事能力差讓其憂心、社會對治安期許讓其負擔很大、工作比其他同階職務人員重及協辦業務項目太多負擔很大等五項。 二、分局長主要工作壓力包括，上級督導而有心理負擔、員警的風紀問題感覺憂心、員警內部管理問題感覺憂心、警察機關無法配合社會脈動調整服勤方式擔心、外界請託關說而感覺困擾、無法獲得社會大眾尊重而感覺沮喪、警察形象不佳而感覺苦惱、工作時間過長而覺得身心具疲、員警所受的專業訓練無法勝任實務工作而困擾、警用裝備不佳而憂心、工作太忙無法照顧家庭而有愧疚及工作時間太長而感到身體不適等十二項。 三、分局長對於工作重視但不滿意有，職務陞遷機會、薪資與工作量相較合理性、下班後安排休閒生活、下班後的家庭生活、警察的陞遷制度、警察的福利制度及現任職務的等階等七項。 四、分局長主要休閒活動參與有，家庭型活動4種（1.閱讀書報、雜誌、2.看電視、電影、DVD 、3.聽音樂、廣播、4.休息）、運動型活動2種（1.健行、爬山、2.慢跑、散步）、社交型活動2種（1.與同事聚餐、2.品茗）等8種。 本研究根據研究發現建議如下： 一、現行警察教育訓練由於訓練管制與評量機制不彰、訓練規劃不當等導致基層員警執勤（法）能力不足。建議落實並強化各項學、術教育訓練，學科方面，將訓練區分為基層、中階及高階並分別辦理，課程與教材方面，以政策課程、新修正法令或實務為優先；至於術科方面，以鍛鍊體魄、執勤技能及各種武器射擊技術為主，以強化執勤能力。 二、按行政機關執行職務自可依據職權執行稽查、取締、干預之行政行為，如過度依賴警察職務協助，極易弱化本身執行公權力之功能。建議警察回歸主要治安及交通工作，減少行政機關一般職務協助，可強化治安任務遂行，降低警察工作負荷。 三、警察代表國家行使公權力，外界常以高道德標準來要求，如發生違法違紀事件，將嚴重影響警譽，更戕害執法威信。建議應從學校養成教育及平時之教育訓練著手，並持續從法令制度，工作執行與內部管理等三方面配合，方可收實質成效。 四、警察組織基層員警眾多，職位結構畸形，中、高階警察職務員額比例過低，職務等階未盡合宜。建議調高警監職務比例，調整警察職務結構，解決長期以來不合理情況，暢通陞遷管道。 五、警察人事制度常因警政首長更迭而改變，讓人有因人設事之感，建議在「賦予機關首長用人權限」及「保障警察人員陞遷權益」內涵建立合理陞遷制度，明訂職務陞遷順序表，維持「警察人員陞遷辦法」穩定性，公正、公平、公開拔擢優秀人才。 六、薪資結構應與工作量及職責繁重程度相配合，警察職責繁重，且工作具有辛勞性及危險性，與調查人員相較有過之而無不及，惟專業加給較低，建議警察人員專業加給宜比照調查人員支給，並提高分局長俸點或等階，以強化警察陣容，提昇士氣。 七、分局長主要休閒活動為，閱讀書報、雜誌、看電視、電影、DVD 、聽音樂、廣播、休息、健行、爬山、慢跑、散步、與同事聚餐、品茗等8種。建議警察機關可藉由辦理健行、爬山、慢跑、散步等各項活動，以增進員警、夫妻及親子間感情，促進身體健康。 八、警察預算係由各縣市政府編列，地方民意代表在預算審查上握有絕對權力，因此影響治安任務遂行，建議警政預算應由中央統一編列（包括超勤加班費），可免除地方民意代表關說及挾審查警政預算行使特權干擾，阻礙地方治安維護工作。 關鍵詞：工作負荷、工作壓力、工作滿足、休閒參與

Exploring age structure in Mediterranean cultures illuminates the social dynamics of intergenerational relationships that became more visible in late first and early second century early Christian texts, and especially in 1 Timothy 5. This was a time of crisis when those with a living memory of the foundations of the movement were almost gone, and the community was scrutinized by outsiders. Since we have relatively few clues related to aging and age structure in the extant texts, a model of generational stability and social change based on ethnographic data helps us to imagine culturally sensitive possibilities that we can then test out as we reread the texts in their Roman cultural context. In his fictive story of Paul and Timothy, the author of the heterographical (pseudepigraphical) letter of 1 Timothy establishes an ideal intergenerational relationship between “Paul” as an older man and “Timothy” as his adult “child.” When the fictive Paul directs Timothy to speak kindly to older people (5:1-2), he introduces a section on age-related issues. Behaviour that was causing concern for public reputation included adult children shirking filial duty (5:4, 8), young widows gadding about in public (5:11-15), and younger men accusing their elders (5:19). These behaviours threatened the reputation and honour of the community and may have been encouraged by the opposing faction. The author’s solution was to reject the opposing teachings and enforce behaviour that reflected proper age structure: adult children should fulfill their filial responsibilities and care for widowed mothers and grandmothers (5:4); young widows should be guided and supported by middle-aged women who were responsible for them in the age hierarchy among women (5:16); middle-aged women should imitate the exemplary behaviour of the enlisted widows who were over 60 years old; and young men were to be rebuked in front of everyone for their disrespect toward elders (5:20). In the face of social change, the author advocates for behaviour reflective of the traditional age structure of Roman society.

Résumé: Le rapport entre la morale et la politique est un des plus vieux problèmes et des plus durables que s’est posé la philosophie morale, la philosophie politique, et plus récemment la philosophie du droit. Pour certains, la Morale, au sens large, doit guider les actions humaines dans toutes les sphères d’activité et les individus devraient ainsi, au mieux de leur capacité, chercher à se conformer à ses exigences. Dans ce cas, il ne peut y avoir de dilemme moral entre les exigences normatives issues de l’univers politique et les exigences, prétendument universelles, de la Morale. En contrepartie, d’autres suggèrent que l’on peut être justifié d’enfreindre, à certains moments, les exigences que l’on considère comme morales dans la vie « ordinaire » étant donné le caractère adversatif de la politique. Le dilemme se présente, ainsi, comme une tension entre deux normativités qui suggèrent une distinction entre ce qui relève du public et ce qui relève du privé. C’est en voulant répondre à ce dernier problème que s’est développé une littérature qui porte au cœur de sa conception le problème de la justification morale d’une action politique qui est moralement condamnable. Dans son ensemble, ce mémoire s’intéresse à analyser comment la littérature portant sur le problème des mains sales traite la question du couple conceptuel public – privé. Nous soutenons, qu’en retenant la possibilité d’une réelle distinction entre ces deux univers à normativités différentes, l’hypothèse qu’il y a effectivement une tension entre le domaine privé et le domaine public, qui ne peut totalement se soumettre aux exigences de la morale étant donné les particularités de l’action politique. Ceci étant dit, nous désirons nuancer une telle prise de position qui fait écho aux écrits de Machiavel. Ainsi, nous soutiendrons que cette distance entre le public et le privé est bien réelle, cependant, elle ne se présente pas aussi radicalement. Plutôt, elle se présente comme une distinction qui est liée à l’enjeu de l’évaluation, du jugement moral, faite par les individus qui sont hors de la politique et de ceux étant à l’intérieur de la politique. / Abstract: The relationship between Morality and the political reflection is one of the oldest problems and of the most long-lasting that arose in moral philosophy, political philosophy, and more recently in philosophy of law. For some, Morality, in its broader sense, has to guide human actions in all the spheres of activity and individuals should so, at the best of their capacities, try to conform to its requirements. Which amount to say that it cannot have a moral dilemma between the normative requirements from the political realm and the requirements, supposedly universal, of Morality. In return, others suggest that it can be justified to violate requirements which we consider, in « ordinary life », as moral, given that the purpose of the so immoral, political, action is exactly the preservation and the development of morality. Here, the dilemma appears as a tension between two normativities who suggest a distinction between what is a matter of the public and what is a private matter. In the attempt to address this problem a vast literature has developed and it carries at the heart of its conception a debate which seems difficult to solve: the problem of the moral justification of a political action which is morally reprehensible. In overall, this master thesis is interested to analyze how the literature, concerning the « problem of dirty hands », handle the question of the abstract couple « public and private ». We support, by retaining the possibility of a real distinction between these two normative realms, the hypothesis that there is an actual tension between the private domain and the public domain, which cannot totally submit itself to the requirements of the morality, given the peculiarities of the political actions. Having said that, we wish to temper such a stand, which echoes Machiavelli’s papers. We shall argue that this tension between the public and the private is real; however, it does not appear so radically. Rather, it appears as a distinction which bound to the stake of the evaluative approach, in the moral judgement, between individuals who are outside the realm of politics and those being inside its realm.

This dissertation investigates how personal military service, which during the immensely popular Crimean War of 1854-6 was regarded as the business only of an abstract and lowly soldier-class, had by the eve of the Great War taken on the aspect of a clear and universal citizenly duty in London press discourse. It utilises text-searchable digitised newspaper archives to exhaustively review the whole body of relevant press debate in thirteen key London periodicals, identifying key shifts and trends in press conceptions of civilian military obligation over the six decades between the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 and the eve of the Great War in 1914. The analytical narrative that emerges highlights the importance of key events, including the Crimean War, Indian Mutiny, wars of Prussian expansionism, and Boer War, in promoting and shaping the coherent conception of citizenly duty towards military service that would go on to underpin not only the mass enlistments of 1914 but also the acceptance of conscription in 1916. It suggests also the important role of broader cultural and political trends – in particular, the advent of militarist Imperialism, the growing legitimacy of the state, the shift towards a more collectivist ‘social democratic’ liberalism, and the emergence of ‘contractual’ theories of citizenship – in facilitating a reconciliation between the military imperative towards mass civilian military participation and existing liberal values and ideologies. This dissertation reveals that the societal consensus on the duty to enlist in 1914 was by no means a foregone cultural conclusion, nor indeed the relic of an earlier heroic age, but rather the dynamic product of evolution and contestation over six decades. The present study not only provides vital context to our understanding of the ‘rush to the colours’ of 1914, but also represents the first historical investigation of an important and much-neglected aspect of the relationship between war and society.

Both Chaucer and the Gawain-poet use the Matters of Troy and Thebes as material for a critique of courtly life, applying these literary matters to the events and actions in and around Ricardian England. They use these classical matters to express concerns about the effectiveness of the court of Richard II. Chaucer uses his earlier works as a testing ground to develop his views about the value of duty over courtly pursuits, ideas discussed more completely in Troilus and Criseyde. The Gawain-poet uses the Matter of Troy coupled with the court of King Arthur to engage in a critique of courtly concerns. The critiques presented by both poets show a tendency toward duty over courtly concerns.

The purpose of this study is to determine whether goal congruence exists among administrative, supervisory and direct service personnel within public leisure service organizations and among public leisure service organizations of different sizes,. The source of data for the study was a Goal Study Questionnaire distributed to 344 employees of selected leisure service organizations. The results indicated that goal congruence was not established either among duty levels within public leisure service organizations or among public leisure service organizations of different sizes.

Les situations d'après-guerre demandent plus qu'une déclaration officielle pour retrouver la stabilité et l'entente sociales. Les réflexions philosophiques portant sur les moyens d'atteindre une réconciliation sont nombreuses, mais il y a encore peu de recherches portant sur l'impact de l'art pour ressouder les liens sociaux et guérir les membres constituant la société. Après avoir démontré la légitimité d'une réflexion portant sur le rôle que pourrait tenir le théâtre pour la réconciliation et l'établissement de normes, nous justifions pourquoi les notions de récit, de performance publique, de travail de création et de transmission d'émotion deviennent des critères de validation du théâtre pour la réconciliation. Par l'usage du théâtre, les intervenants pourront ainsi mieux accompagner les victimes dans leur deuil et les aider à créer de nouveaux liens profitant au développement d'un contrat social sain pour la refonte de l’État. / Post-war situations ask more than an official declaration to find social stability and mutual understanding. The philosophic reflections concerning the means to reach reconciliation are numerous, but there is more research to be done concerning the impact of art to strengthen the social links and cure the members constituting society. Having demonstrated the legitimacy of a reflection concerning the role of theater in reconciliation and in the establishment of standards, we prove why the notions of narrative, public performance, creation process and transmission of emotion become criteria of validation of theater as a way towards reconciliation. By the use of theater, the community workers can better accompany the victims in their mourning and help them create new ties benefiting the development of a healthy social contract for the redesign of the State.

Avec l’adoption le 4 octobre 2011 par l’Assemblée nationale du Québec du projet de loi 89 intitulé «Loi modifiant la Loi sur la qualité de l’environnement afin d’en renforcer le respect», le législateur est venu renforcer le régime de droit pénal en augmentant la sévérité des peines pour les infractions à Loi sur la qualité de l’environnement. Il a aussi élargi les pouvoirs d’intervention du ministre en lien avec les autorisations qu’il émet. Cependant, la principale réforme apportée par le projet de loi 89 qui touche aux mécanismes même de protection de l’environnement, est la création de toute pièce d’un régime de sanctions dites administratives pécuniaires, parallèlement au régime de sanctions déjà existantes. La première interrogation, soulevée à l’égard des sanctions administratives pécuniaires, et la plus fondamentale, était celle de savoir si le contrevenant devait bénéficier des protections constitutionnelles énoncées à l’article 11 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, tel un inculpé face à une procédure pénale. Puisque nous concluons que ces sanctions relèvent uniquement du droit administratif, nous avons cherché à déterminer quel serait le contenu du devoir d’agir équitablement de l’Administration lors du processus d’émission et de contestation de la sanction administrative pécuniaire. / On October 4, 2011, the Quebec government passed a bill entitled: «An Act to amend the Environment Quality Act in order to reinforce compliance ». Among other amendments, said bill increased the severity of penal sanctions set forth in the Environment Quality Act and broadened the scope of the Government and the Minister’s powers regarding administrative authorizations. However, the major change introduced by the bill is the power for a designated person to impose monetary administrative penalties on persons and municipalities that fail to comply with the Act or the regulations, concurrently with the penal, administrative and civil remedies. The present work sets forth the issue of the legality of the new amendments with the following question: is the person facing a monetary administrative penalty charged with an offence and, therefore, could they raise the constitutional protection of section 11 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms as a person facing criminal or penal proceedings? Secondly, since we concluded that the monetary administrative penalty is an administrative sanction, how does the duty to act fairly translate during the imposition, review process and contestation before the Administrative Tribunal of Québec of the penalty?