Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-12-01T11:36:52Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Kamila Lima do Nascimento_Dissertacao.pdf: 2896826 bytes, checksum: aa987a070abf0effa7e783c8b26bc43a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T11:36:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Kamila Lima do Nascimento_Dissertacao.pdf: 2896826 bytes, checksum: aa987a070abf0effa7e783c8b26bc43a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-09 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul - FAPERGS / O problema da democracia é um dos mais antigos da política e continua a ser central nos dias atuais. Nosso trabalho intenta ser uma contribuição para esta discussão através da análise do desenvolvimento da noção de democracia radical e plural na obra do filósofo argentino Ernesto Laclau, em sua fase pós-estruturalista, que compreende o intervalo entre 1985 e 2014, ano da sua morte. A abordagem teórica do autor vem ganhando destaque no campo das discussões teóricas sobre a democracia e motivado a construção de diversos outros conceitos que tomam por base a radicalidade e a pluralidade propostas em seu projeto. Entretanto, em geral os autores partem da noção construída por Laclau 30 anos atrás como se esta fosse uma fotografia final e desconsideram o seu movimento durante todos esses anos. Nosso trabalho intenta justamente esclarecer os sentidos da noção de democracia radical e plural e mostrar seu desenvolvimento na obra do autor, pois acreditamos que sua compreensão adequada é central para sua utilização no campo de pesquisa. / The problem of democracy is one of the oldest problems in politics and continues to be central today. Our work tries to give a contribution to this discussion by examining the development of the concept of radical and plural democracy in the work of the Argentine philosopher Ernesto Laclau, in his post-structuralist moment, covering the range from 1985 to 2014, the year of his death. The theoretical approach of the author is gaining prominence in the field of theoretical discussions on democracy and motivates the construction of several other concepts based on the radical and the plurality proposals in your project. However, in general, the authors begin with the notion constructed by Laclau 30 years ago as if it were the last photograph, disregarding its movement over the years. Our work tries to clarify precisely the meanings of the notion of radical democracy and to show its development in his works, as we believe its proper understanding as central to its use in the search field.

Before the regulation of opium as a “narcotic” in Sweden in 1923, opium was not regulated for its intoxicating properties and was freely available. But not in any kind of shop. Opium was legally available only through the pharmacies. This thesis explores how this free availability of a narcotic was understood by its traders, the pharmacists. The title of this thesis – The Value of Poison – indicates how opium could be conceptualized both as a safe, everyday remedy essential to keep freely available and as a drug of intoxication. As a poison it could be articulated as a matter of primarily pharmacological, not moral or medical, concern. This also gave the pharmacists, with their special knowledge of pharmaka (drugs, poisons), an autonomous space of knowledge free from the ever more intruding “medical gaze”. But, in order to articulate this kind of understanding of opium, another kind of knowledge was needed to be acknowledged: that of the user. In this articulation a “sensus communis” was tied in with a broader cultural knowledge of drugs. Problems with opium were focused on the danger of acute poisoning, not recreational intoxication. Concepts that could have problematized this kind of use were rearticulated as problems either of illegitimate trade, unregulated markets and advertising or of draconian regulation by greedy or sloppy doctors. These rather opposite elements were made equivalent through the articulation of ignorance in both cases, thus further emphasizing the special knowledge of the pharmacist. The thesis locates a process of contradiction that contributes to the eventual diminishing of the discourse of poison towards the end of the period. The pharmaceutical knowledge that guaranteed the discourse was based on a “pharmaceutical gaze” on pharmaka. It pierced through the drug to identify its constituent parts. In this process it was promised that the different effects of opium would be separated. “Narcotic” could be a by-product, to be discarded or controlled, without dispensing of other therapeutic effects. With this ever deeper knowledge of opium, knowledge in the pharmacies was made insufficient for the full understanding or opium, and so too was that of the traditional user. The era of opium as a poison was over. / Före den första särlagstiftningen om narkotika i Sverige 1923 reglerades inte opiumets rusgivande egenskaper. Drogen var fritt tillgänglig i handeln. Men inte i vilken butik som helst. Opium kunde bara köpas lagligt på landets apotek. Den här avhandlingen undersöker hur denna fria tillgänglighet av narkotika förstods av droghandlarna själva, apotekarna. Titeln pekar på hur opium på en och samma gång kunde tänkas som en säker husmedicin vars tillgänglighet var avgörande för folkhälsan och som en rusgivande drog. Som ”gift” artikulerades det som en i första hand farmakologisk angelägenhet, inte en moralisk eller medicinsk. När de talade på detta sätt upprättade apotekarna, genom sin särskilda kunskap om farmaka, ett eget rum för sitt vetande, fritt från läkarnas allt mer genomträngande ”kliniska blick”. Men för att kunna artikulera denna förståelse av opium krävdes också att en annan typ av kunskap vidkändes: brukarens. Genom denna artikulation knöts brukarnas ”sensus communis” samman med en bredare kulturell kunskap om droger. De av opiumets problem som lyftes fram handlade om akut förgiftning, inte rekreationellt rusbruk. De begrepp som hade varit möjliga att användas för att problematisera denna senare form av bruk reartikulerades: antingen förpassades de till den olagliga handeln, de oreglerade marknaderna och reklamen, eller också till de drakoniska regleringarna som giriga och slarviga läkare stod bakom. Apotekarna artikulerade dessa båda helt motstående element som ekvivalenta genom en brist på kunskap, vilket i sin tur ytterligare stärkte deras egen kunskapsmakt. Avhandlingen lokaliserar även en processande motsägelse som sker när giftets diskurs tynar bort vid slutet av den undersökta perioden. Den farmaceutiska kunskap som underbyggde diskursen vilade på en ”farmaceutisk blick” på farmaka. Denna genomborrade drogämnet för att avslöja dess beståndsdelar. Genom denna process utlovades att opiumets olika effekter skulle kunna skiljas från varandra. ”Narkotikan” kunde ses som en bieffekt, som kunde kastas åt sidan eller kontrolleras separat, utan att opiumets kvarvarande terapeutiska effekter minskade. Denna allt djupare kunskap medförde att de enskilda apotekarnas eget vetande på apoteken inte räckte till för att fullt ut förstå opium, och därmed bröts även samartikulationen med brukarnas kunskap. Tidseran när opium var ett gift tog därmed slut under mellankrigsperioden.

In this essay I try to find out how the local political climate in the Swedish Municipal Örebro looks like through the eyes of Michel Foucault. I’ve been focusing on the concept power, knowledge and politic. I’ve been applying the discourse theory on the study and the founder of that theory is Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, the discoursetheory is a refinement of Foucaults thoughts about discourse. The object of study is the Mayor of Örebro, Staffan Werme and the position connected to that post. I’ve used the method “shadowing”, and I’ve been following the Mayor in every physical room that he appears in for nearly two weeks. The aim is too see which subject-position that the Mayor ascribes to in those different rooms, and also how the concept of power is used.

[pt] Esta dissertação propõe uma leitura da especificidade do laço social na atualidade, assim como propõe uma maneira como, a partir deste laço, poderia ser decantada uma política contemporânea. Para esta costura, uma leitura do sociólogo Zygmunt Bauman fornece balizas para delimitarmos o estado atual do laço social. Em seguida, algumas das perspectivas de Sigmund Freud, com relação ao social e aos modos de organização grupal, especialmente quanto ao lugar que estes dão ao líder, são contrapostas à descrição de Bauman. Jorge Alemán e Ernesto Laclau trazem, então, elementos para a aplicação de conceitos desenvolvidos por Jacques Lacan, a partir de Freud, ao momento político atual, especialmente no que concerne às concepções de solidão comum, significante vazio e ato instituinte. Por fim, os conceitos lacanianos de nó borromeano e sinthome são examinados para localizar em que se apoiam os conceitos de Alemán e Laclau, com referência ao ensino de Lacan. Amarra-se, assim, nossa dissertação, propondo alguma orientação dentro do campo demarcado. / [en] This dissertation proposes a reading of the specificity of the social tie in the present time, as well as proposes a way where, from this tie, a contemporary politics could be decanted. For this seam, a reading by sociologist Zygmunt Bauman provides reading beacons for delimiting the current state of the social tie. Next, some of Freud s perspectives on the social and modes of group organization, especially as to the place they give to the leader, are opposed to Bauman s description. Jorge Alemán and Ernesto Laclau bring elements for the application of concepts developed by Jacques Lacan from Freud s work to the present political moment, especially in what concerns his conceptions of common solitude, empty signifier and institute act. Finally, the Lacanian concepts of the Borromean node and sinthome are examined with the objective of locating in which the concepts of Alemán and Laclau are supported in the teaching of Lacan. Thus, our dissertation is tied, proposing some orientation within the demarcated field.

The thesis topic is the cooperation between the Czech and German far-right. The author focuses on the cooperation of Czech and German extreme-right parties from 1989 to 2019. The thesis aims not only to describe the contacts of the respective parties but also to explore the logic of the relations between the Czech and German extreme right. Adopting the theoretical framework of the Discursive theory of Essex school, the author proceeds to a detailed analysis of the discourses of Czech extreme-right parties about Germans and Germany; she traces back the transformations of the original anti-German discourses and the origins of these changes. Against the background of these processes, she explores the transformations of the "conditions of possibility" that make Czech-German cooperation "conceivable" for both Czech and German extreme-right parties. The author explores the changes in the discursive conditions that allow Czech-German friendship to be "rationalised" and justified despite the contradictory positions on the issues of the Czech-German past. The author analyses the anti-German discourse of the SPR-RSČ in the 1990s and examines the circumstances of the SPR-RSČ's alleged contacts with the German Die Republikaner. Further parts of the thesis are devoted to the relations between Dělnická strana...

<p>This thesis examines the social theory of Lacanian philosopher Slavoj Žižek. It focuses on Žižek’s work between 1989 and 2006, and offers an interpretation based on a reading of three central concepts: the Other, fantasy, and the act. All these concepts occupy the intersection between Lacan’s three orders (Imaginary, Real, Symbolic), which in Žižek’s theory means that they express a tension shared by all social order. The first chapter approaches Žižek’s conception of “the social” through an introduction of the Lacanian concept of "the Other." Attention is paid to how (a) the Other is constitutively split between its role as a Symbolic network of signifiers, and its enigmatic (Real and Imaginary) capacity to support this Symbolic network; (b) a similar split marks several of Žižek’s Lacanian and Hegelian concepts. Moreover, the chapter contrasts Žižekian sociality with those of Giddens, Luhmann and Althusser. The second chapter gives an account of the topological place of fantasy in Žižek’s theory. Relating Žižek’s theory to Critical Theory, deconstruction and Deleuzian philosophy, fantasy is presented as a concept countering new forms of “bad infinity” (Hegel) in modern social theory. The third chapter links Žižek’s theory of the act to the theories of Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau, and Alain Badiou. Commenting on Rex Butler’s brilliant reading of Žižek, the thesis argues that Butler’s definition of the act is too negative. Instead, the thesis proposes a definition which emphasises the act's productive dimension, insisting on how the act ultimately involves the transformation from masculine to feminine enjoyment. The last chapter critically observes the different treatments Lacan and Derrida receive in Žižek’s text. The argument concludes that the Žižekian text relapses into a "masculine logic of exception", insofar as it leaves Derrida’s phallus untouched, while treating Lacan as the only one lacking phallus.</p>

This thesis examines the social theory of Lacanian philosopher Slavoj Žižek. It focuses on Žižek’s work between 1989 and 2006, and offers an interpretation based on a reading of three central concepts: the Other, fantasy, and the act. All these concepts occupy the intersection between Lacan’s three orders (Imaginary, Real, Symbolic), which in Žižek’s theory means that they express a tension shared by all social order. The first chapter approaches Žižek’s conception of “the social” through an introduction of the Lacanian concept of "the Other." Attention is paid to how (a) the Other is constitutively split between its role as a Symbolic network of signifiers, and its enigmatic (Real and Imaginary) capacity to support this Symbolic network; (b) a similar split marks several of Žižek’s Lacanian and Hegelian concepts. Moreover, the chapter contrasts Žižekian sociality with those of Giddens, Luhmann and Althusser. The second chapter gives an account of the topological place of fantasy in Žižek’s theory. Relating Žižek’s theory to Critical Theory, deconstruction and Deleuzian philosophy, fantasy is presented as a concept countering new forms of “bad infinity” (Hegel) in modern social theory. The third chapter links Žižek’s theory of the act to the theories of Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau, and Alain Badiou. Commenting on Rex Butler’s brilliant reading of Žižek, the thesis argues that Butler’s definition of the act is too negative. Instead, the thesis proposes a definition which emphasises the act's productive dimension, insisting on how the act ultimately involves the transformation from masculine to feminine enjoyment. The last chapter critically observes the different treatments Lacan and Derrida receive in Žižek’s text. The argument concludes that the Žižekian text relapses into a "masculine logic of exception", insofar as it leaves Derrida’s phallus untouched, while treating Lacan as the only one lacking phallus.

本篇論文企圖探討史蒂芬‧佛瑞爾斯 ( Stephen Frears ) 的電影《美麗壞東西》( Dirty Pretty Things ) 中的公民權與人權之議題。片中描述從奈及利亞非法入境的奧奎 (Okwe) 與來自土耳其申請政治庇護的桑娜 (Senay) 因其游移的身分，遭逢英國政府監控與資本主義社會剝削，並揭露倫敦城市中非法難民販賣器官以求生存的黑暗面。本篇論文著重分析政治庇護者的矛盾身分如何擾亂民族國家的監視、暴露僅以公民權利保障境內人民的缺失，並主張唯有透過跨種族、階級，與性別的聯合 ( solidarity ) 才能對抗國家機制裡的矛盾與全球資本主義的剝削。論文第二章以德希達 ( Jacques Derrida ) 的制約款待 ( conditional hospitality )，與傅柯 ( Michel Foucault ) 的監視 ( Panopticon ) 概念，探討片中監控 ( surveillance ) 機制的形成。第三章引進布斯克與夏弗 (Alison Brysk and Gershon Shafir ) 提出公民權 (citizenship) 與人權 ( human rights ) 的差距，來揭發片中政治庇護者與外籍勞工在地主國 ( host countries ) 因為缺乏公民權而導致人權被忽視的困境。第四章從傅柯 ( Michel Foucault ) 的反抗 ( resistance ) 與拉克勞 ( Ernesto Laclau ) 與穆芙 ( Chantal Mouffe ) 的激進多元民主 ( radical plural democracy ) 的概念，探討以跨種族、階級，與性別的聯合 ( solidarity ) 來對抗國家制度本身的裂縫與經濟全球化的無情剝削。最後總結在全球化時代，唯有檢視國家制度的缺失，並揚棄封閉排他的意識形態，才能體現種族與文化的差異與多元性，並促進跨界聯合之實現。 / This thesis aims to explore the issue of citizenship and human rights in Stephen Frears’s Dirty Pretty Things. Dirty Pretty Things describes the British government’s surveillance on asylum seekers, such as Okwe, an illegal refugee from Nigeria, and Senay, the Turkish asylum applicant, and unveils illegal refugees’ organ trade in exchange for passports in London. The thesis attempts to decipher how the ambivalent status of asylum seekers disturbs the surveillance of nation-states, exposes the defect of the citizenship gap and argues only through solidarity among different ethnicity, class and gender, could the subordinated fight against deficiencies in the mechanism of nation-states and exploitation of global capitalism. Through the perspectives of Derrida’s conditional hospitality and Foucault’s Panopticon, Chapter Two examines the surveillance of nation-states on asylum seekers in Dirty Pretty Things. In Chapter Three, I adopt Brysk and Shafir’s analysis to explore the citizenship gap between citizenship and human rights in the film, which reflects the difficulty in handling the cases of legal and illegal asylum seekers in nation-states on the basis of citizenship in the era of globalization. In Chapter Four, I will utilize the perceptive of Foucault’s resistance and Laclau and Mouffe’s radical plural democracy to suggest how counter strategies and solidarity could rebel against fissures in nation-states’ apparatuses and reveal a new possibility of alliance beyond borders in the era of globalization. The last chapter concludes by summing up the gaps in the system of nation-states and rejecting any enclosed ideology so as to articulate multiplicities and differences beyond limitations of ethnicity, class and gender across borders in the era of globalization.

Working at the intersection of narrative studies and political theory, this thesis performs an original critical intervention in Gulliver’s Travels studies to establish the work as an intertextual response to the hegemonic articulations of European travel writing produced between the 15th and 18th centuries under the discourse of Discovery. My argument proceeds through two movements. First, an archeology of studies on Gulliver’s Travels that identifies key developments and points of significance in analyses of the satire’s intertextual relationship with travel writing. Second, a discursive analysis of the role of Discovery generally, and travel writing specifically, in constructing European hegemony within a newly global context. Together these movements allow me to locate Gulliver’s Travels firmly within the discourse of Discovery and to specify the politics of the text and the poetics of its operations. For this analysis I adopt a conceptualization of hegemony elaborated by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985), which defines discourse as a structured totality of elements of signification, wherein the meaning and identify of each element is constituted by articulatory practices competing to fix the differences and equivalences between it and others within the discourse. An hegemonic discourse is one that successfully limits the possibility of novel articulations according to a particular governing logic. In the Age of Discovery, this governing logic, I argue, is a socio-spatial logic that constructed the “European” subject through its difference from the “Non-European,” the “civilized” subject through its difference from the “savage,” and the “free land” of the “savage” peoples through its difference from the occupied lands of the “civilized.” To conduct the concomitant critical analysis of Gulliver’s Travels, I draw upon Jacques Rancière’s conception of the “distribution of the sensible,” which refers both to the partitions determined in sensory experience that anticipate the distributions of parts and wholes, the orders of visibility and invisibility, and the relationships of address or comportment beneath every community; and to the specific practices that partake of these distributions to establish the “common sense” about the objects that make up the common world, the ways in which it is organized, and the capacities of the people within it. This enables me to establish travel writing as an articulatory practice that utilized a narrative modality to “reveal” the globe in a Eurocentric image dependent upon the logic of Discovery: a discursively constructed paradigm that I identify as what others have labeled “travel realism,” which organized the globe into a single field of discursivity predicated upon the “civilizational” and “rational” superiority of Europeans over their non-European Others. Gulliver’s Travels, I conclude, intervenes in this distribution of the sensible by utilizing the satirical form as a recomposing logic to upend the paradigm of travel realism and break away from the “sense” that it makes of the bodies, beings, and lands it re-presents. / Graduate