En Afrique subsaharienne francophone, au cours de ces deux dernières décennies, le nombre et l’intensité des crises et conflits restent un sujet de vive préoccupation exigeant une réponse globale. Ces différends ont souvent pour cause profonde la violation des droits de l’homme et l’avènement du processus démocratique débouchant sur des transitions chaotiques, notamment en République démocratique du Congo, au Tchad, en Côte d’Ivoire et au Togo.L’OIF, un acteur à vocation culturelle doté dorénavant d’instruments et de mécanismes de prévention et de sortie de crises, s’impose à côté de l’ONU et autres organisations internationales et régionales comme une institution culturelle de démocratie et de sécurité.Outre son rôle prépondérant en matière de contribution au processus démocratique, les actions de la Francophonie se déroulent en complémentarité avec celles des autres organisations impliquées dans la prévention, la gestion et la résolution des conflits.A l’heure des enjeux sécuritaires entre Etats, et en dépit de ses moyens limités, il s’avère nécessaire de construire autour de cet espace géoculturel à dimension politique, une identité stratégique sécuritaire en vue de juguler les menaces et risques majeurs et jouer pleinement son rôle de puissance d’influence. / In francophone Sub-Saharan Africa conflicts and crises have increased in number and intensity over the two last decades and remained a major issue demanding a global response. They are often mainly caused by the breach of human rights and the coming of democratic process leading chaotic transitions, such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Ivory Coast and Togo.The international organisation of “ francophonie” – whose role consists in promoting culture and whose new tools and mechanisms aim at preventing and solving crises – play a major part among the UN and other international and regional organisations as a cultural institution for democracy and security. Apart from its prevailing part played in terms of contribution to the democratic process, the actions of the organisation complement those of other organisations involved in preventing, managing, and solving conflicts.At this time of security challenge among countries and despite limited means, working out – within this geo cultural area that has a political dimension – a secure strategic identity, turns out to be necessary in order to curb major threats and risks and fully play the role of influential power.

The world-system today promotes inequalities between and within states through the maintenance and strengthening of uneven and hierarchical global relations established by colonialism. The reinforcement of colonial structures has unfolded into neocolonial relations in the post-colonial world, explaining the underdevelopment and marginalization of former colonies in the world-system today, and why many African countries largely experience internal instability on several fronts, revealing how individuals from these states tend to experience some sort of human insecurity. This scenario is permissive to the development of the new wars – representing a different perspective on the patterns of violence and war of contemporaneity – and the new global war economy and its parallel economy. It is from this context that the commodification of migrants happens, challenging and often defying migrants’ access to human rights andhuman security. The present study is therefore primarily a theoretical research and an empirical investigation on the commodification of migrants in contemporary Libya, sustained by four main theoretical frameworks and the analysis of selected secondary materials from international organizations and NGOs. This study aims at addressing the different forms of commodification of migrants in Libya today and who are the actors that control these markets and benefit from the commodification of human life. This analysis evidences the contradiction between the bleak reality of migrants in contemporary Libya and the applicability of the normative concepts of human securityand migrants’ rights.

Le droit international semble appréhender la question du déplacement forcé de population en Afrique à travers deux approches conceptuelles. La première qui se situe dans le contexte de la Guerre froide, est qualifiée de réactive dans la mesure où elle se borne à cerner le problème qu'en termes d'exil et de protection internationale des réfugiés. En tant que tel, ce régime traditionnel de protection internationale des réfugiés ne permet pas de cerner toute la problématique du déplacement forcé en Afrique. Face à ces limites, et sous la poussée d'un faisceau de facteurs favorisée par la fin de la Guerre froide, la nécessité d'une réévaluation en profondeur de l'approche traditionnelle du déplacement forcé de population en Afrique s'impose aujourd'hui. L'étude vise donc à examiner cette évolution au sein du droit international public. Si la nouvelle approche de la problématique du déplacement forcé en Afrique se veut désormais proactive et axée sur la prévention, celle-ci recèle pour autant des contradictions sécuritaires évidentes dans la pratique internationale. Ce basculement de la question du déplacement forcé sur le champ mouvant de la sécurité suscite des interrogations quant à sa mise en œuvre par la pratique internationale, d'autant plus qu'elle a tendance à privilégier des stratégies d'endiguement de populations vulnérables à l'intérieur de leur pays plutôt que de favoriser leur protection in situ. Pour parer à ce risque de dérive sécuritaire, seule l'adoption d'une démarche axée dans une perspective de sécurité humaine dénuée de toute préoccupation de considérations stratégiques, pourrait constituer une réponse efficace au fléau du déplacement forcé en Afrique. / The international law seems to deal with the issue of forced displacement in Africa through two conceptual approaches. The first which stems from the Cold War is deemed reactive since the issue of forced displacement is limited to exile and international protection of refugees. This traditional system of the refugees' international protection does not allow a full understanding of forced displacement in Africa as such. In light of these shortcomings, and following a growing series of factors fostered by the end of the Cold War, the need for a thorough reassessment of the traditional approach of forced displacement in Africa is becoming an essential issue today. The new paradigm is now proactive and focused on prevention. The research therefore aims to examine this evolution in regards to international public law. Although this new approach to the issue of forced displacement in Africa is proactive, it contains some obvious contradictions in terms of security from an international law practice point of view. The shift of the issue of forced displacement to the matter of security raises concerns about its implementation by international law practice, especially as it tends to favor containment strategies of vulnerable populations within their country rather than promoting their protection in situ. In order to face the risk of a security shortfall, the solution should rely on a human security driven approach regardless of any strategic preoccupation. This attitude could form an efficient answer to the plague of forced displacement in Africa.

MA (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / South Africa attracts a variety of migrants, largely from the Southern African region. It has become the largest recipient of foreign nationals in Africa. South Africa’s porous borders linked to its neighbouring countries contribute to the influx of foreign nationals. Mozambique has been the largest supplier of workers in mining and agricultural sectors of South Africa. However, along the way and upon arrival, migrants are surrounded by treacherous conditions. This is because both documented and undocumented migrants are susceptible to xenophobic sentiments, violence and discrimination. Therefore, in search for security, migration initiates a new risk of insecurity. This study employed the qualitative approach to explore the causes of migration and experiences of Mozambican migrants in Johannesburg, South Africa. Research findings reveal that migrants come to South Africa for different reasons, not limited to economic factors. Some migrants come to South Africa for education and to seek refuge. Foreign nationals’ experiences vary from one person to another, as the findings show that some migrants get the privilege to start a thriving business and employ the locals. Therefore, migrants also contribute to the South African economy. / NRF

L’importante médiatisation de la « crise méditerranéenne » de 2015 a attiré l’attention de la communauté internationale sur les conséquences tragiques des crises migratoires et sur l’inertie des États européens. Néanmoins, en 2018, le gouvernement italien instaurait le Décret Salvini, une politique migratoire restrictive visant, entre autres, à réduire l’entrée et la présence de migrants et de réfugiés irréguliers sur son territoire. Les effets des politiques migratoires restrictives sur les flux migratoires sont grandement documentés. Or, la littérature portant sur les effets de ces politiques sur les migrations clandestines et sur la sécurité des réfugiés et des migrants demeure embryonnaire. Cette littérature soutient que ces politiques favorisent le recours à des canaux d’entrée illégaux, entraînent l’enfoncement dans l’irrégularité des réfugiés et des migrants, accentuent leur précarité et les rend plus vulnérables à diverses formes d’exploitations. À cet égard, en se basant sur une approche de sécurité humaine, la présente recherche s’intéresse aux effets du Décret Salvini sur la vulnérabilité des réfugiés et des migrants à la traite des personnes en Italie. Une analyse de données quantitatives et qualitatives est effectuée afin de tracer un portrait de l’enjeu migratoire en Italie et d’observer les impacts du Décret-loi. L’analyse établit que l’adoption du Décret Salvini a rendu plus vulnérables les réfugiés et les migrants à la traite des personnes en Italie. Cette vulnérabilité est principalement due à la conversion du Système de protection pour demandeurs d’asile et réfugiés (SPRAR) en Système de protection pour titulaires de protection internationale et mineurs étrangers non accompagnés (SIPROIMI). / The significant media coverage of the “Mediterranean crisis” of 2015 has drawn the attention of the international community to the tragic consequences of migration crises and to the inertia of European states. Nonetheless, in 2018, the Italian government introduced the Salvini Decree, a restrictive migration policy aimed, among other things, at reducing the entry and presence of irregular migrants and refugees on its territory. The effects of restrictive migration policies on migratory flows are widely documented. However, the literature on the effects of these policies on irregular migration and on the safety of migrants and refugees remains embryonic. This literature argues that these policies favour the use of illegal entry channels, lead to the deepening of migrants and refugees into irregularity, increase their precariousness and make them more vulnerable to various forms of exploitation. In this regard, this research is based on a human security approach and examines the effects of the Salvini Decree on the vulnerability of refugees and migrants to human trafficking in Italy. Quantitative and qualitative data is here analyzed to better assess the migratory situation in Italy since 2013 as well as the impacts of the Decree-Law. The analysis establishes that the implementation of the Salvini Decree led to an increase of the vulnerability of migrants and refugees to Human trafficking in Italy. This is mainly due to the conversion of the Protection System for Asylum Seekers and Refugees (SPRAR) into the Protection System for International Protection Holders and Foreign Unaccompanied Minors (SIPROIMI).

yes / Arms embargoes are one of the principal tools of states in seeking to prevent, limit and bring an end to armed conflict and human rights abuses. Despite the frequency with which arms embargoes have been imposed, there are significant problems with their implementation. Pressure is therefore growing for the international governmental community to act in order to ensure that the political commitment embodied by the imposition of arms embargoes is matched by the commitment to ensure their rigorous enforcement and to achieve enhanced human security on the ground. Increasing the effectiveness of arms embargoes is a specific aim of the United Nations Programme of Action for Preventing and Combating the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects1 which specifically calls upon states "To take appropriate measures, including all legal or administrative means, against any activity that violates a United Nations Security Council arms embargo in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations".2 Accordingly, within the context of the implementation of the UN PoA, the overall aim of this paper is to explore ways in which the international community can act in order to strengthen the impact of arms embargoes and enhance human security. It will begin by examining the purposes, processes and effects relating to arms embargoes, with particular attention to those agreed at international (UN) level, and by highlighting issues of concern in each regard. An overview of the main issues and challenges facing implementation of arms embargoes will include the elaboration of three case-study examples showing the impact of UN arms embargoes on the availability of arms and on human security and a further five that illustrate the dilemmas faced by states in seeking to implement arms embargoes. Priority areas for attention in any international effort to strengthen the effectiveness of arms embargoes will be followed by more extensive proposals for enhancing international embargo regimes within the context of implementing the UN PoA. Whilst it is recognised that the UN PoA contains measures that relate only to the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons (SALW), if implemented fully, many of these would serve to strengthen the international apparatus of control, information exchange and provision of assistance relating to arms proliferation and misuse as a whole. In turn, this would greatly enhance the implementation of UN arms embargoes. Therefore, as well as providing an opportunity for reviewing progress on implementing the PoA, the first Biennial Meeting of States in July 2003 is clearly a major opportunity for states to address a number of the pressing challenges facing states in the implementation of UN embargoes.

Nearly four decades of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Union (EU) relationship have witnessed the importance of ideas and identity alongside the economic interests in shaping the behaviour of the two sides. The study takes interest in understanding the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor with and within Southeast Asia through a reflectivist lens. The thesis is an attempt to provide a new perspective on a relationship commonly assessed from an economic angle. It outlines the opportunity of non-traditional security (NTS) challenges to enhance EU actorness and normative influence in Southeast Asia. Against this backdrop, the study explores the dialogue and cooperative initiatives of two regions, which attach relatively little salience to each other. The study employs a NTS lens and draws upon the case of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the haze in relation to forest governance, the Bali bombings of 2002 and the political conflict in Aceh. The study assumes that these NTS issues can stimulate processes of threat convergence as well as threat ‘othering’. It argues that these processes enhance European engagement in Southeast Asia and contribute to shaping regional stability in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, NTS crises present situations, where norms can become unstable, contested and substituted. This allows us to better examine the EU as a normative actor. To establish an understanding of the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor, the empirical evidence will focus on the threat perceptions, motivations of action and activities of the EU and its member states. For the purpose of differentiating the EU as a normative actor, the study will also include the discussion of the normative objectives and behaviours of the EU and its member states and apply a reflectivist theoretical framework. Hypothetically, NTS crises trigger external assistance and normative influence and thus, they offer an opportunity to establish a more nuanced picture of the EU in the region. At the same time, the study acknowledges that there are a variety of constraints and variables that complicate the EU’s actorness. The thesis seeks to identify and discuss these. So far, scholarly publications have failed to apply the NTS perspective systematically. This thesis provides the first monograph-length treatment of the EU in Southeast Asia through a NTS and reflectivist lens.

冷戰結束後的世界，使人們重新思考安全的定義，傳統的安全觀已無法應付日益嚴重的全球性危機以及許多非軍事領域的問題，安全的涵蓋面向從國防、軍事延伸至經濟、社會、政治、環境等領域，而安全所關注的對象亦從國家擴展至國際及社會、個人層面，新的安全觀逐漸被重視，其中以提升個人及全人類安全與福祉的人類安全，最符合聯合國及國際社會所強調的以人為中心的發展及安全觀。 人類安全概念經聯合國開發計畫署闡述後，受到國際社會之重視與推展，其實踐需結合全球治理與全球公民社會之理念，經由保障及自授權力兩途徑，使人們之自由與安全受到保障，並有能力維護自身與他人權益。國際上，以闡述並推行人類安全為宗旨之國際性組織與委員會相繼成立，聯合國中亦有人類安全信託基金之設置，對概念之研究與計畫之推動均有相當大的貢獻。而在各個國家中，以加拿大和日本推行人類安全成效最為卓著，在提升免於恐懼及免於匱乏的自由上，均有相當大之進展。 台灣身處軍事敏感地區，一方面有全球化下各國非傳統安全問題跨越國界之威脅，一方面亦有自身內部經濟、社會等領域之安全考量，為提升台灣人民之自由、安全與福祉並與國際社會接軌，台灣應以人類安全為基礎，結合非政府組織與公民社會力量，積極參與國際議程設定，與國際社會對話，維護自身生存與權益，負起推動並維護人類永續發展之責。 本論文從歷史發展過程，探討人類安全及相關概念，在安全概念之演變部分，首先探討傳統安全概念、後冷戰時期國際局勢之演變以及非傳統安全問題之顯現，接著介紹聯合國開發計畫署1994年之《人類發展報告》、以人類安全為主題之國際各大會議與國際組織的討論，以及聯合國相關組織與人類安全之關連，並對聯合國所扮演之角色提出建議。 在人類安全概念內涵部分，首先介紹國際組織、加拿大、日本及學者們對人類安全之定義，其次介紹人類安全之指標、人類安全與其他安全概念（如合作安全、綜合安全）之區分，最後則闡述人類安全與人權概念間之關係。 在人類安全的實踐部分，首先介紹人類安全之實踐途徑與方法、全球治理理念與全球公民社會之概念、亞洲國家對人類安全之觀點、在國際上對人類安全的實踐以及人類安全之爭議。 在人類安全與台灣部分，提出台灣所面臨之各類威脅，並引用人類發展指數相關概念介紹台灣發展現況，以及介紹加拿大與日本以人類安全觀點為基礎之外交政策及實踐成果，希望對於台灣人類安全之推動能有所啟發。 / After the end of the Cold War, people started to rethink the definition of safety. The traditional view of security was no longer capable of dealing with serious global crises and other daily non-military problems. The study of Security extends from national defense and military affairs to such fields as Economy, Society, Politics, and Environment among others; its target also expands from that of the state to the international, the social, and the personal. The new view of Security has been given a gradual increase of attention. Among such, Human Security, which is the improvement of the safety and welfare of individuals and the entire mankind, accords with the view of people-centered development and the view of people-centered security that the United Nations and the international community emphasize most. After explaining the concept of Human Security in the United Nations Development Programme, it received the international society’s attention and impetus—the practice of which requires the effort combination of the whole world and the global civil society, via the ways of protection and empowering, in order to guarantee the freedom and security of mankind, allowing every person to have the ability to safeguard one's own and others' rights and interests. On the international level, international organizations and committees with the purpose of explaining and promoting Human Security have been established in succession. Furthermore, the Trust Fund for Human Security has also been established in the United Nations. Such establishments have exhibited sizable contributions to the research of the concept of Human Security and practice of relevant plans. On the national level, Canada and Japan pursued the issue of Human Security and thus had the most effective and immense progress in promoting the freedom from fear and the freedom from want. Taiwan is located within a military sensitive area. In addition, globalization also contributes to threats on non-traditional security matters across national boundaries of several nations. Furthermore, Taiwan must also possess considerations about its internal safety on the economical, social, and cultural level. In order to improve the freedom, the security, and the welfare of Taiwanese civilians and to integrate Taiwan into the international community, Taiwan should undertake Human Security as its foundation for the combination of non-government organizations (NGO) and civil society forces, so as to actively participate in the international agenda, communicate with the international community, maintain its security and its, rights and interests, and shoulder the responsibility to safeguard the sustainable development of human beings. This thesis looks into the concept of Human Security via historical analysis. In the section regarding the concept of the development of security, this thesis explores into the traditional concepts of security, the development of the international situation during the post-Cold War era, and the appearance of non-traditional security issues. Consecutively, this thesis will introduce the " Human Development Report " of the United Nations Development Programme in 1994; it will also present the discussion of the theme of Human Security by international organizations and other great meetings of the world, Finally, this section closes with the issue on about the relationship between United Nations’ relevant organizations and Human Security, and a suggestion on United Nations’ role. The section of the concept of Human Security introduces the definition of Human Security given by scholars, international organizations, Canada, and Japan. The introduction of the index of Human Security and the explanation of the relationship between the concept of Human Security and the concept of human rights will follow. The following section—the practice of Human Security — introduces the ways and methods to practice Human Security, the concept of global governance and global civil society, Asian’s view on Human Security, the practice of Human Security on the international level, and the disputes of Human Security. In the section about the relationship of Taiwan and Human Security, this thesis puts forward all kinds of threats that Taiwan faces, quoting the relevant concepts of human development index, and recommends Taiwan’s present development situation. It also introduces foreign policy and practice achievement of Canada and Japan which are based on Human Security view, with the hope that those can inspire the promotion and the impetus of Human Security in Taiwan.

Cette thèse cherche d'abord à comprendre, en usant de l'exemple Haïtien, si les Réformes du Secteur de Sécurité menées à bien dans le cadre des interventions internationales dans des pays en crise ou en situation de post-conflit, sont efficaces dans l'accomplissement de leurs objectifs et apportent le meilleur soutien d'une manière durable aux Etats hôtes. Finalement, ce document est aussi une base de réflexion pour trouver de nouvelles solutions et pratiques à la mise en oeuvre de Réformes du Secteur de Sécurité. / First of all, this thesis aims at understanding, while using the example of Haiti, if Security Sector Reforms carried out within international interventions in crisis or post-conflict countries are effective at accomplishing their objectives and providing the best support for sustainable changes to host States. Finally this document's objective is also to serve as a support in finding new solutions and new practices to successfully achieve Security Sector Reforms.