Cette thèse est consacrée à une analyse synoptique de la légitimité des hôpitaux publics tunisiens. Cette légitimité de l’hôpital étant construite en interne et en externe par le personnel qui y travaille et les patients qui le fréquentent, nous l’avons soumise à une catégorisation spatiale en légitimité « intra-organisationnelle » et en légitimité « extra-organisationnelle ». Au niveau intra-organisationnel, les hôpitaux publics tunisiens, ayant fait l’objet d’une réforme débutée depuis un peu plus de deux décennies, l’étude de leur légitimité ne pouvait se faire à l’insu de cet évènement. Par ailleurs, étant donné le caractère professionnel des hôpitaux publics et leur organisation en plusieurs services spécialisés, nous avons procédé à une scission de leur légitimité en légitimité « professionnelle » et en légitimité de « service ». Ces « sous-légitimités » agrégées ensemble ont permis de reconstituer la légitimité globale de l’hôpital. L’analyse de la légitimité « intra organisationnelle » s’est faite au moyen d’une analyse qualitative par étude de cas dans deux EPS tunisiens. Pour le cas de la légitimité de la réforme hospitalière et des mécanismes qui lui ont servi de support, nous avons postulé l’existence d’une relation de causalité circulaire entre institutionnalisation et légitimation, la deuxième étant un préalable à la première. Les analyses menées sur l’ensemble des mécanismes de la réforme ont conclu à une faible institutionnalisation, laissant augurer d’une faible légitimation. Pour le cas des légitimités au niveau professionnel et de service, les résultats ont affiché une grande diversité des légitimités en jeu entre les services hospitaliers et une plus grande homogénéité au sein des mêmes groupes professionnels. Ces résultats attestent du caractère discriminant de l’appartenance au service et professionnelle pour juger de la légitimité de l’hôpital. Au niveau extra-organisationnel, la légitimité de l’hôpital renvoie à celle développée par les patients en externe. Nous avons considéré deux catégories de patients : des patients appelés « classiques » qui s’adressent à l’hôpital pour l’obtention de soins et des patients personnel de l’hôpital, qui en leur qualité de citoyens peuvent s’y présenter pour se soigner. C’est ainsi que nous avons distingué entre légitimité extra-organisationnelle « profane » et entre légitimité extra-organisationnelle « expertale ». Ces deux sous-légitimités relèvent d’une légitimité « expérientielle ». Les patients « profanes » et « experts » vont juger de la légitimité de l’hôpital en s’appuyant sur leur expérience personnelle. Ces deux catégories de légitimité, soumises à une classification hiérarchique ascendante, ont affiché des divergences considérables, les patients étant plus portés vers des aspects moraux pour juger de la légitimité contrairement au personnel, qui maintient intact son ancrage professionnel, en accordant plus d’importance aux aspects techniques et financiers. / This dissertation aims to analyze synoptically the legitimacy of Tunisian public hospitals. This hospital’s legitimacy is constructed internally and externally by both the employees and the patients, has been submitted to a spatial categorization in “intra-organizational legitimacy” and “extra- organizational legitimacy”. At intra-organizational level, Tunisian public hospitals have been subject of a reform that started a little over two decades; the study of their legitimacy could not be done without the knowledge of this event. In addition, given the professional characteristic of the public hospitals and their organization in several specialized services, we conducted a split of their legitimacy in “professional legitimacy” and “service’s legitimacy”. These sub legitimacies aggregated together helped restore the overall legitimacy of the hospital. The analysis of “intra organizational” was made using a qualitative analysis, by case studies in two Tunisian public hospitals. In the case of the reform’s legitimacy and the mechanisms that have served as support, we postulated the existence of a circular causality between institutionalization and legitimization, the second is a prerequisite to the first. The analysis conducted on all the mechanisms of reform have concluded to a weak institutionalization revealing a weak legitimacy. In the case of “professional legitimacy” and “service’s legitimacy”, the results showed a wide range of legitimacy at stake between and hospital services and a greater homogeneity within the same professional groups. These results attest to the discriminatory nature of the professional and service membership to judge the hospital’s legitimacy. At extra-organizational level, the hospital’s legitimacy refers to that developed by the patients. We considered two categories of patients: patients called “classic” that go to the hospital to obtain medical care and others hospital staff patients, who in their capacity as citizens may present themselves for treatment. Thus we distinguished between “profane extra-organizational legitimacy” and “expertal extra organizational legitimacy”. These two sub-legitimacies refer to “experiential legitimacy”. Both profane and expert patients will judge hospital’s legitimacy based on their personal experience. These two categories of extra-organizational legitimacy submitted to a hierarchical cluster analysis, showed significant differences, patients are more likely to judge legitimacy based on moral aspects, unlike staff who maintain intact their professional anchor paying more attention to technical and financial aspects.

Ce travail est une réflexion sur la place et le rôle institutionnels du Parlement au Niger ; au-delà de la simple présentation de ses fonctions législative et de contrôle du gouvernement, qui, au demeurant, ont été amplement étudiées, mais intégrées dans une approche dynamique et globale de la question. La première partie traite de l’apport du Parlement dans l’institutionnalisation de l’État nigérien. Il y a, d’abord, le rôle historique de l’Assemblée nationale dans la formation des institutions étatiques du Niger et l’accession du pays à la souveraineté internationale, en 1960. Il y a, ensuite, le fait que les structures de l’institution parlementaire donnent véritablement forme et corps à l’État nigérien. La seconde partie traite de l’apport du Parlement dans la démocratisation de l’État nigérien. Il y a, d’une part, son rôle de modérateur de pouvoir exécutif, en veillant à ce que ce dernier n’abuse pas du pouvoir d’État dans l’exercice de ses fonctions. Être en mesure d’arrêter le pouvoir exécutif, en renversant le gouvernement et/ou en provoquant la destitution du Président de la République. Il y a, d’autre part, la participation des citoyens à l’exercice du pouvoir d’État, à travers le mécanisme d’élaboration de la loi par le Parlement, représentant le peuple souverain. / This study is deals with the institutional place and role of the Nigerian Parliament. It is more than a mere presentation of its legislative and supervisory functions of government, which, have not only been extensively studied, but approached in a dynamic and comprehensive manner.This scientific work is divided into two parts. Part one deals with the Parliament’s contribution to the institutionalization of the State of Niger. It first presents the historical role of the National Assembly in establishing state institutions of Niger and attaining international sovereignty in 1960 before describing how the structures of the parliamentary institution really give shape and body to the government of Niger. Part two deals with the Parliament’s contribution in democratizating the State of Niger. It plays the role of executive power moderator as it ensures that there is no abuse of State power in the exercise of its duties by ousting the government and/or impeaching the President of the Republic. Moreover, citizens can have a say in the exercise of State power through the legislation-drafting mechanism of the Parliament which represents the sovereign people.

A travers cette thèse, notre objectif de départ a été de comprendre en quoi l'atteinte des objectifs sociaux des PPP dépend des mesures prises par les gestionnaires publics dans le cadre de l'exercice de leurs rôles et responsabilités en matière de contrôle.C'est pourquoi il a été question pour nous de comprendre comment les pouvoirs publics au travers des dispositifs institutionnels et contractuels ont exercé ce rôle de contrôle sur le partenaire privé. Sur la base d'une telle orientation, il a été souscrit aux méthodes qualitatives notamment à l'étude de cas pour appréhender le contrôle dans les PPP. Sur l'institutionnalisation des axes comme la prise en compte de toutes les parties prenantes, les différences d'objectifs, les rôles et responsabilités, l'absence de hiérarchie ont été tour à tour analysés. Ce qui a permis d'en faire des préalables des PPP. S'agissant de la contractualisation, il a fallu s'intéresser aux modèles de contrôle qui étaient basés sur la nécessité d'apporter des corrections au système, et sur ceux qui créent les conditions d'imputabilité. En conclusion de ce point, il apparaitra que les contrats devraient s'appuyer sur des éléments de performance. Enfin, sur le traitement des divergences entre partenaires les différences d'objectifs, de valeurs et de caractéristiques, l'opportunisme des partenaires surtout privés, la nécessité d'une alliance et d'une coopération, le pragmatisme des partenaires ont été mis en avant. Autrement dit dans les PPP, il est nécessaire de procéder au management de telles divergences. / Through this PhD thesis, our initial objective was to understand the control exercised by the government on their private partners in the Public-Private Partnerships. This was necessitated by the differences in objectives of the partner institutions and their different characteristics.This is why it has been the question for us to understand how the authorities through the institutional and contractual arrangements exercised this role of control over the private partner.On the basis of such an approach, it was subscribed to qualitative methods including case study to understand the control on the PPP.On the institutionalization, axis such as the inclusion of all the stakeholders, the differences in objectives, the roles and responsibilities, the lack of hierarchy were alternately analyzed. This allowing to make them prerequisites to PPPs.With respect to contracting, we had to look at the control models which were based on the need to correct the system and on those which create the conditions of accountability. To conclude this point, it will appear that contracts should be based on elements of performance.Finally, on the treatment of the differences between partners, the differences in goals, values and characteristics, the opportunism of partners especially the private ones, the need for an alliance and cooperation, the pragmatism of partners have been highlighted. In other words in the PPP, it is necessary to manage such differences.

As mudanças na contabilidade aplicada ao setor público no Brasil, a partir da edição da Portaria n. 184, de 25 de agosto de 2008, têm ocupado grande espaço nas discussões, tanto no meio acadêmico quanto nas atividades dos órgãos e entidades responsáveis pela contabilidade. Tais mudanças, pela perspectiva das entidades a que se aplicam e observadas por meio dos pressupostos da teoria institucional e da teoria da dependência de recursos, podem ser abordadas como mudanças institucionais demandadas pelo ambiente externo organizacional. Oliver (1991) propõe um modelo com base em ambas as teorias supramencionadas para identificação da resposta estratégica de uma organização em decorrência das pressões ou regras institucionais que variam de conformidade à alta resistência, a saber: (i) aquiescer, (ii) negociar, (iii) esquivar, (iv) desafiar e (v) manipular. Nessa perspectiva, a presente pesquisa teve como objetivo geral compreender as respostas estratégicas de estados brasileiros às mudanças institucionais baseadas na adoção das normas brasileiras de contabilidade oriundas do processo de convergência às International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSAS), sob a perspectiva da teoria institucional e da dependência de recursos. Utilizou-se a estratégia de pesquisa de estudo de casos múltiplos para identificar a resposta estratégica dos entes analisados em relação às mudanças institucionais, abordadas por meio dos 10 fatores preditivos de Oliver (1991) agrupados em cinco fatores institucionais, quais sejam: (i) causa: legitimação e eficiência; (ii) agente: multiplicidade e dependência; (iii) conteúdo: consistência e restrição; (iv) controle: coerção e difusão; e (v) contexto: incerteza e interconectividade. Assim sendo, as unidades de análise estudadas correspondem aos poderes executivos dos estados de São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro e Minas Gerais e as evidências foram obtidas mediante entrevistas, tanto com respondentes que atuam em tais entes estaduais como entrevistados externos aos estados, e documentos. Verificou-se, por meio da triangulação dos dados, que os três estados apresentam a aquiescência como resposta estratégica às mudanças institucionais baseadas na adoção das normas brasileiras de contabilidade oriundas do processo de convergência às IPSAS. Porém, constatou-se que, enquanto no estado de São Paulo cinco variáveis, entre as 10 utilizadas, indicaram a probabilidade de aquiescer, seis variáveis apontaram evidências referentes a tal resposta para o estado do Rio de Janeiro e sete para Minas Gerais. Concluiu-se, dessa maneira, que, apesar de os três entes estaduais apresentarem a mesma resposta estratégica, há maior probabilidade de resistência no estado de São Paulo, seguida pelo estado do Rio de Janeiro e, na sequência, por Minas Gerais, sendo que tais diferenças entre os entes estão atreladas às variáveis multiplicidade e consistência. Acredita-se que os apontamentos realizados na presente pesquisa sejam relevantes para compreensão dos fatores críticos que aumentam a probabilidade de conformidade ou de resistência às mudanças institucionais baseadas na adoção das normas brasileiras de contabilidade oriundas do processo de convergência às IPSAS. / The changes in public sector accounting in Brazil, since the publication of the MF Order N. 184, of 25 August 2008, have been taking a large agenda with discussions both in the academic environment and in the activities of the entities responsible for accounting. Such changes, from the perspective of applied entities and observed through the assumptions of institutional theory and resource dependence theory, can be approached as institutional changes or processes demanded by the external pressures. Oliver (1991) proposes a model based on both of the aforementioned theories to identify the strategic response of an organization as a result of external pressures or rules that vary from compliance to high resistance, namely: (i) acquiescence, (ii) compromise, (iii) avoidance, (iv) defiance, and (v) manipulation. In this perspective, the present research had as general purpose to understand the strategic responses of Brazilian states to institutional changes based on the adoption of Brazilian accounting standards from the convergence process to International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSAS), from the institutional and resource dependence perspective. The multiple case study research strategy was used to identify the strategic response of the entities addressed in relation to institutional changes and were addressed through Oliver\'s 10 predictors factors, grouped into five institutional factors: (i) cause: legitimacy and efficiency; (ii) constituents: multiplicity and dependence; (iii) content: consistency and constraint; (iv) control: coercion and diffusion; and (v) context: uncertainty and interconnectedness. Thus, the analyzed units correspond of the states of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Minas Gerais, on the executive sphere, and the evidence was obtained through documents and interviews with respondents who work in such state entities and respondents from outside the states. It was verified through the triangulation of data that the three states present acquiescence as a strategic response to the institutional changes based on the adoption of Brazilian accounting standards from convergence process to IPSAS. However, it was found that while in the state of São Paulo five variables, among the 10 used, indicated the probability of acquiesce, six variables indicated evidence regarding this response to the state of Rio de Janeiro and seven to the state of Minas Gerais. It was concluded, then, although the three state entities present the same strategic response, there is a greater probability of resistance in the state of São Paulo, followed by the state of Rio de Janeiro and, subsequently, the state of Minas Gerais. Such differences between the entities are tied to the multiplicity and consistency variables. It is believed that the notes made in the present study are relevant to the understanding of the critical factors that increase the likelihood of compliance or resistance to institutional changes based on the adoption of Brazilian accounting standards from convergence process to IPSAS.

O objeto de estudo desta tese é o desenvolvimento da Geografia como matéria escolar no Brasil e em Cuba, desde seu surgimento até os dias atuais. O objetivo principal é a ampliação do debate e da reflexão sobre as funções e sobre a utilidade da Geografia escolar atual, assim como sobre nossas práticas como professores da disciplina. Para atingir tal objetivo, analisamos, dentro de um enfoque comparativo, os percursos da Geografia nos dois países em questão, dando prioridade aos aspectos relacionados à história do pensamento geográfico, assim como à sua institucionalização, aos fatores que a influenciaram, às transformações sofridas ao longo do tempo, aos seus objetivos principais e à sua configuração nos diferentes períodos históricos abarcados pelo estudo. Nesse sentido, abordamos de forma particularizada os principais elementos que identificamos como responsáveis pela constituição da estrutura conceitual da disciplina, atrelando-os aos contextos espaciais e históricos específicos e aos processos singulares de formação territorial de cada país. Para tanto, desenvolvemos estudos relacionados aos fatores internos e externos à disciplina, articulando-os aos processos de construção e afirmação da Geografia escolar. A abordagem comparativa permite a ampliação da visão sobre temas pertinentes à Geografia como ciência e como disciplina escolar, especialmente aqueles relacionados aos seus objetivos, à seleção e organização dos conteúdos, à metodologia e à formação docente. Nessa perspectiva, apresentamos, também, os principais aspectos relacionados à organização dos sistemas de ensino nacionais dos dois países, assim como a inserção da Geografia nessa estrutura maior. A partir dessa base, nos debruçamos sobre a análise de temas que consideramos fundamentais para repensarmos o futuro da Geografia escolar, como a construção da identidade nacional e a doutrinação patriótica, os livros didáticos, os programas oficiais da disciplina e a formação de professores. Como resultado final, considerando-se que os sistemas de ensino, a escola e o próprio currículo são construções sociais e, por isso, sujeitos a constantes transformações, esperamos ter contribuído para um tipo de reflexão que possa ser útil para repensarmos os rumos da Geografia escolar de cada um dos países. / This thesis\' object of study is the development of Geography as a school discipline in Brazil and Cuba, from it\'s beginning to these days. The main objective is to widen the debate and reflection about the functions and usefulness of nowadays school Geography, as well as about our practices as teachers of this discipline. In order to reach the objective we analise, within a comparative approach, the route of the Geography in both countries, priorazing the aspects related to the history of geographical thinking, furthermore, the ones related to its institutionalization, the factors that influenced it, the transformations it undertook through time, its main objectives and its configuration in the different historical periods included in this work. With that focus, we tackle in a particularized way the main elements identified as responsibles for building the conceptual structure of the discipline, linking them to the specific spatial and historic contexts and to each country\'s own territorial formation processes. In order to achieve that, we develop discipline\'s internal and external factors related studies articulating them with school Geography\'s construction and reassertion processes. The comparative approach allows to broaden the vision on issues that concern Geography as a science and as a school discipline, especially those related to its objectives, to the selection and organization of contents and to metodology and teacher\'s training. In that perspective, we also introduce the main aspects relating to both countries\' national teaching systems organization, and the insertion of Geography in that structure. On that base, we choose to analyse matters we consider fundamental for us to rethink the future of school Geography such as the building of national identity and patriotic indoctrination, educational books, official programs for the discipline and teacher\'s training. As a final result, taking into consideration that teaching systems, the school and the curricula itself, are social constructions, and therefore subject to constant transformations, we hope that we have made a contribution to a type of reflection usefull for rethinkig the direction of school Geography in each of these two countries.

O presente trabalho argumenta, primordialmente, que a Organização das Nações Unidas e, antes dela, a Liga das Nações seriam traduções, na prática, de ideias modernas para a construção da paz. Na tradição do pensamento ocidental em que essas ideias se inscrevem, destacam-se o sistema da teoria da paz no pensamento kantiano, sobretudo, as ideias reunidas no projeto de paz perpétua de Kant. O trabalho se assenta sobre o pressuposto de que há uma correlação do projeto desenvolvido por Kant e o direito internacional contemporâneo, da qual seriam mostras as Organizações Internacionais. Já por força desse pressuposto, o seu tema seria relevante por estar inscrito na gênese do direito internacional. / This dissertation argues, basically, that the UN and the League of Nations, before it, translate into practice modern ideas to the construction of peace. In the tradition of the modern thought, in which these ideas are inscribed, it highlights the Kantian system of the theory of peace, above all, the ideas collected in the project of perpetual peace of Kant. The dissertation presupposes that there is a correlation between the project elaborated by Kant and contemporary international law, of whom the international organizations would be clear signs. Already by force of this understanding, its theme would be inscribed in the genesis of international law.

Este trabalho reconstitui e examina a trajetória intelectual de João Cruz Costa, um dos primeiros professores da Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras da Universidade de São Paulo (FFCL/USP) após o encerramento da missão francesa no curso de Filosofia da referida instituição. O objetivo principal da tese reside, assim, no exame do itinerário e da produção intelectual cruzcostianas de modo a apurar as redes de sociabilidade do referido autor e, ainda, refletir acerca do processo de formação e sedimentação da linguagem filosófica uspiana. Voltada para as condições sociais e institucionais que enquadraram a trajetória de João Cruz Costa por quase trinta anos (1937 1965) na antiga Faculdade de Filosofia, a presente tese encontra-se dividida em duas partes: a primeira está articulada de maneira a pôr em diálogo a biografia de Cruz Costa e o cenário político-cultural do período, dadas as relações existentes entre o grupo uspiano ao qual pertencia o autor e a tradição modernista de São Paulo. Já a segunda, sedimenta-se nas relações de João Cruz Costa cultivadas com intelectuais latino-americanos que fizeram parte de uma rede intelectual formada em torno de Leopoldo Zea. Considerando-se as formas pelas quais a mesma se fez conhecida e ganhou adeptos em território ibero-americano, procurei estabelecer relações de todo esse movimento com o Brasil através da atuação exclusiva de Cruz Costa, atentando para o impacto e as consequências de tal aproximação em seu círculo de sociabilidade intramuros na Faculdade de Filosofia da Universidade de São Paulo. / The present work aims to trace back and examine the trajectoryof João Cruz Costa, who was a Philosophy Professor at the beginnings of the FFLCH-USP, right after the end of the French mission that was responsible for establishing the Faculty of Philosophy at the Universidade de São Paulo. Hiswritings and also his itineraryis examined in order to constrain his social network andto discuss the origin and consolidation of an USPian philosophical language. This thesis focuses the social and institutional framework of João Cruz Costa along three decades (1937-1965) atthe Universidade de São Paulo. The work is divided in two parts: the first one relates the biography of João Cruz Costa to the political and cultural scenario of his time, considering the role of the USpian group of intellectuals and the modernist tradition of São Paulo; the second part describes the relation of João Cruz Costa with a Latin-American network of intellectuals lead by Leopoldo Zea, which was particularly widespread in Ibero-American countries. João Cruz Costa was the only Brazilian philosopher connected to this network, and the present work analyzes the consequences of this connection inside the Faculty of Philosophy at the Universidade de São Paulo.

Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment permettent-elles de comprendre la nature et les modalités de négociation du pouvoir de l’État au Mozambique ? Ce questionnement s’insère dans les débats des trente dernières années sur les phénomènes d’institutionnalisation démocratique au cours de la troisième vague de démocratisation. Dans ce débat, la responsabilité politique est vue comme l’instrument capable et nécessaire pour changer les régimes autoritaires, c’est-à-dire capable d’en finir avec les « résidus » autoritaires dans les nouvelles démocraties. À partir du dialogue avec la littérature, cette recherche appréhende la mise en place de la responsabilité politique comme un processus qui met en relief la dynamique transformative, comme espace de rencontres et de négociations entre plusieurs arènes et autorités qui composent la maille des régimes politiques. L’idée démocratique au Mozambique a permis et permet de mettre en articulation diverses expériences qui ont été capables de reformuler ou d’accélérer le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique. Ces expériences doivent être analysées dans leur historicité mais incorporent des éléments de la modernité motivés par la compétition politique entre le pouvoir du Frelimo, la Renamo et aujourd’hui le MDM. La contribution de cette thèse est de penser l’institutionnalisation démocratique comme un processus transformatif et la responsabilité politique comme intrinsèquement soudée aux rapports de pouvoir dominants. Il s’agit de partir des expériences des acteurs dans le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique au travers des rapports qu’ils établissent entre eux. En d’autres termes, il s’agit de ne pas en rester à une analyse macro-politique, mais de conjuguer tous les niveaux de pouvoir, en les regardant principalement à partir du bas. Cette recherche est fondée sur un travail de terrain dans deux districts, celui de Chibuto (sud) où le Frelimo est largement soutenu et celui de Gondola (centre) dans lequel la Renamo a l’ascendant politique. / What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian “residue” from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support.

L’exclusion sociale est aujourd’hui l’une des questions sociales majeures de nos sociétés, qu’elles soient développées ou en voie de développement.En France, le régime de l’aide et de l’action sociales a connu, au fil des temps, une évolution importante, aux niveaux juridique, administrative et financière, au terme de laquelle ce pays a pu assurer à toutes les personnes en situation d’exclusion une aide sociale destinée à répondre à leurs besoins primordiaux, et une action sociale visant à leur permettre d’améliorer ladite situation.Au Liban, l’aide et l’action sociales, règlementées par quelques textes éparpillés, demeurent jusqu’ici en grande partie l’oeuvre des associations caritatives et institutions religieuses, en l’absence de plan social adopté par l’État dans ce domaine.La présentation de l’expérience française, très riche en la matière, permet d’offrir de nouvelles perspectives en vue de la mise en place au Liban d’un régime socio-juridique d’aides et d’actions en faveur notamment de la famille, de l’enfance, des personnes handicapées, des personnes âgées dépendantes et d’autres. Grâce à l’institutionnalisation d’un droit de l’aide et de l’action sociales, le Liban pourrait ainsi évoluer vers un « État social », c’est-à-dire un État qui reconnaît et garantit des droits sociaux à chacun et à tous. / Social exclusion is today one of the major social issues of our societies, whether developed or developing. In France, the system of social assistance and social action has, over time, undergone a significant evolution, at the juridical, administrative and financial levels, which has enabled it to ensure to all persons in situations of exclusion, social assistance to answer their primordial basic needs ; and social action to help them overcome the situation. In Lebanon, aid and social action, regulated by a few scattered texts, have so far largely been the work of charitable associations and religious institutions, in the absence of a social plan adopted by the State in this domain. The presentation of the French experience, very rich in the material and field, allow to offer new perspectives for the establishment in Lebanon of a socio-juridical regime and rule of aids and actions for the family, childhood, the disabled, dependent elderly, and others. Through the institutionalization of a social aid and social action law, Lebanon could evolve as a "Social State" that recognizes and guarantees social rights for everyone and for all.

À quoi sert la prospective ? Telle est la question de cette recherche sur les usages du futur par les régions et les métropoles en France depuis 1955. À quel moment la prospective est-elle mobilisée, par qui et selon quelles modalités ? En comparant seize démarches menées sur quatre territoires (Nantes, Lyon, Pays de la Loire et Rhône-Alpes), la thèse démontre que la prospective est moins utilisée pour agir sur le long terme que pour gouverner les institutions. En croisant la sociologie des institutions avec l’approche discursive des politiques publiques, ce travail développe le concept d’énoncé d’institution pour analyser la fonction de ces démarches. Relancée à intervalles irréguliers mais toujours éphémère, l’activité prospective correspond à une tentative des acteurs pour énoncer l’institution et construire une coalition discursive autour de cette définition. À travers l’élaboration d’un tel énoncé, les porteurs de ces démarches poursuivent trois objectifs : démontrer l’unité de l’institution, en justifier l’utilité et en revendiquer le pilotage. La thèse distingue quatre générations de démarches prospectives, correspondant chacune à un usage spécifique du futur : exister par anticipation à travers la planification à long terme (1955-1983), susciter un besoin d’institution malgré la résistance des notables locaux (1983-1995), affirmer la vocation stratégique de l’institution par la formulation d’un projet transversal (1995-2004) et atténuer les contradictions de l’action publique territoriale par la construction d’un discours politique consensuel (2004-2015). En s’intéressant au travail discursif des acteurs locaux plutôt que d’étudier les réformes nationales et leurs mises en œuvre, ce travail apporte un nouvel éclairage sur l’institutionnalisation des régions et des métropoles. Il révèle l’importance de ces énoncés pour faire tenir l’institution face au poids des dynamiques centrifuges, territoriales et sectorielles. / What are the functions of visioning (prospective)? Such is the guiding question of this dissertation, which examines efforts to envision the future at the regional and metropolitan level in France since 1955. When has foresight been used, by whom and for what ? Comparing sixteen exercises held in two cities (Nantes and Lyon) and two regions (Pays de la Loire and Rhône-Alpes), this work demonstrates that visioning is used less to shape the long term future than to govern current political institutions. Combining sociology of institutions with the discursive approach of public policy, this dissertation develops the concept of institution statement. Ephemeral although regularly revived, foresight activities are attempts to define the institution and to build discursive coalitions to support this definition. With such a statement, stakeholders in foresight activities act in pursuit of three goals: to demonstrate the unity of the institution, to justify its utility and to claim its leadership. The dissertation distinguishes four generations of foresight practices, each of which deals with a specific use of the future: to exist in advance through long term planning (1955-1983) ; to develop a need for an institution in spite of reluctance by the local political elite (1983-1995) ; to affirm the strategic vocation of the institution through the formulation of a project (1995-2004) ; and to alleviate growing contradictions in local public policies (2005-2015).This work contributes to revitalizing the study of the institutionalization of regional and metropolitan governments. Rather than studying national reforms and their implementation, it analyses the discursive work of local actors in order to define the role of these new state spaces. It reveals the importance of such statements in holding the institution in spite of spatial and sectorial centrifugal forces.