The thesis is focused on UN-authorized multinational miltary operations and their involvement in armed conflict as a possible party to it. The aim of the research is to define the notion of "armed conflict" and "party to armed conflict" as well as to investigate under what circumstances  multinational military operations, including peace operations, may become party to an armed conflict, both de facto and de jure.

Le mandat est un contrat torturé. Figé dans une définition imprécise et plongé dans une diversification non maitrisée, il est aujourd’hui malaisé de déterminer ce qu’il est. Le contexte familial est symptomatique de cette crise d’identité. Le mandat est un outil particulièrement sollicité par les membres de la famille, dans le but d’organiser leurs relations ou d’anticiper des événements (la vulnérabilité ou la mort) susceptibles de générer certaines difficultés. En tant que contrat, il est peu contraignant à mettre en œuvre et s’acclimate facilement des particularités de ce contexte. Cependant, s’il est en principe l’œuvre consentie de deux personnes, le mandant et le mandataire, cet environnement a révélé qu’il pouvait aussi être imposé par un membre de la famille ou une autorité extérieure, telle que la loi ou le juge. Alors, le mandat se trouve directement altéré dans certains de ses caractères essentiels : sa source (la volonté) ou son effet (la représentation). Ces manifestations originales mettent la notion à l’épreuve et elles invitent à la repenser.La particularité du contexte familial lui imprime assurément une coloration particulière. L’idée est alors séduisante de créer un mandat familial, singularisé, pour se départir d’une définition légale insaisissable et façonner la notion à partir de ses différentes applications. Une telle démarche nuirait pourtant à ce contrat en nourrissant le phénomène d’hyperspécialisation dont il est l’objet. C’est pour cette raison qu’une autre voie doit être empruntée, celle de la redéfinition. Ce n’est qu’une fois doté d’une définition claire et précise que ce contrat pourra, à l’avenir, s’épanouir dans une pluralité de domaines, sans qu’il n’ait à subir, pour cela, de dénaturation. Reconstruit sur de solides critères, indispensables à sa bonne qualification et à la nécessaire requalification de ses usurpations, le mandat s’affranchira de sa fongibilité actuelle et des nombreuses confusions qui en altèrent la compréhension. / The mandate is a tormented contract. Fixed in a broad definition and shot through an uncontrolled diversification, it is currently hard to determine what a mandate is. The family context is symptomatic of this identity crisis. The mandate is a tool which is particularly used by the members of the family, as it is suitable for organizing the family relationships, as well as for anticipating events, such as vulnerability or death, that may create some difficulties. As a contract, it is not excessively burdensome to implement, and it deals easily with the particular features of the context. If it is normally the result of the will of two persons, the principal and the agent, nevertheless, the family context revealed that the mandate could be imposed by a family member or an external authority, such as the law or the judge. The mandate is thus directly corrupted in its essential characteristics : its source (the will) or its effects (the representation). Those original phenomena test the mandate and prompt to rethink the notion. The particularities of the family context give it a very specific ring. Therefore, it is an appealing idea to create a singled out family mandate, in order to divest from an elusive legal definition, and to shape the notion using its various applications. However, such an approach would be damaging the contract, feeding the hyperspecialization to which it is subjected. That is why another course must be taken : the mandate must be redefined. Once given a clear and precise definition, the mandate will be able to fulfill itself in many areas, without suffering any distorsion. Rebuilt on solid criteria, allowing to sort out good classifications from usurpations, the mandate will be liberated from its current fungibility and from the numerous confusions which are now detrimental to its correct understanding.

Försvarsmakten är en av Sveriges största myndigheter och ungefär en tredjedel av alla medarbetare är civila. Myndigheten har som strategisk inriktning att tillväxa och andelen civila chefer ökar. Denna studie utforskar dynamiken, förutsättningar och friktioner för samverkan, mellan militära och civila chefer inom den militära professionen, för att skapa en djupare förståelse för deras påverkan på den operativa effekten. Många civila chefer jobbar med att stödja och effektivisera arbetet i myndigheten och har samma befogenheter som militära chefer när det kommer till verksamhetsledning. I en friktionsfri miljö fungerar samverkan mellan civila och militära chefer, och synergieffekterna gynnar organisationen. Trots ett kollegialt förhållningssätt har civila och militära chefer olika utgångspunkter för sina normer och värderingar. Vid en beredskapshöjning ökar kraven på personalen i Försvarsmakten, och den civila personalen övergår till militär personal. De civila cheferna har då lagligt stöd att fatta beslut om våldsanvändning, även om det kan vara direkt olämpligt. Förutsättningarna mellan civila och militära chefer blir då mer och mer diffusa och är därav inte längre lika tydliga. Försvarsmaktens befattningsstruktur och mandatförhållanden behöver ses över. Det måste finnas förutsättningar för uppdragstaktik, och fördelningen mellan kärnverksamhet och stödjande verksamhet behöver utredas. De civila cheferna måste ges möjlighet att förstå den militära kontexten och spänningarna mellan professionerna inom den militära professionen måste omhändertas. Kärnan av studien är en empirisk kartläggning som inhämtats genom intervjuer och är en kvalitativ studie med en induktiv ansats där analysen är inspirerad av Grounded Theory. / The Swedish Armed Forces is one of Sweden's largest government agencies. Approximately one third of all employees are civilians and its strategic focus is currently to grow and the proportion of civilian managers is increasing. This study explores the dynamics, conditions and frictions for collaboration, between military and civilian leadership within the military profession, in order to create a deeper understanding of their impact on operational outcome. One of the main duties for civilian managers is to support and increase the efficiency of the work for the Swedish Armed Forces. When it comes to operational management civilians have the same authority as the officers in a frictionless environment. The organization benefits of the collaboration between civilian and military leadership, when the operational is running smoothly. Despite a collegial approach, civilian and military managers have different point of views regarding their norms and values. At a contingency escalation, the demands on the personnel in the Swedish Armed Forces elevate. The civilian personnel will switch to military personnel and the civil managers then have legal support to make decisions about the use of force, although this may be directly inappropriate. The basic presumptions between civilian and military leadership are becoming more diffuse and less clear. The staff structure and mandate conditions need to be reviewed. There must be prerequisites for mission-type tactics, and the distribution between core and support activities needs to be investigated. The civilian managers must be given the opportunity to understand the military context and the tensions between the professions in the military profession must be dealt with. The core of this thesis is an empirical mapping of data, which were obtained through interviews. The study is based on a qualitative research method with an inductive approach where the final analysis is inspired by Grounded Theory.

Background: In Sweden Emergency departments are mainly staffed by registered nurses. Currently there are no requirement for specialist competence within emergency care and there are known difficulties in specialist recruitment and retention. One explanation may be that skills are not used and that job descriptions are unclear. Purpose: The purpose was to highlight experiences of applying specialist nurse’s competence in the emergency department after completing specialist training in emergency care. Method: A qualitative semi- structured interview study has been used with an inductive approach. Eleven specialist nurses in emergency care were recruited through a strategic and snowball selection. The interviews were analysed according to qualitative content analysis. Result: The specialist nurses who participated in the study agreed that a change must take place with regards to work task and development after graduation. Majority of the respondents returned to perform same tasks as before their training. The interviews resulted in several proposals in how the specialist nurse’s work area could develop. Conclusion: Without clear guidelines this may lead to conflicts and inconsistencies in care and practice. Clear guidance would improve staff engagement and increase productivity. New national guidelines could help focus on professional development. / Bakgrund: Sveriges akutmottagningar bemannas idag främst av grundutbildade sjuksköterskor. Något krav på specialistkompetens inom akutsjukvård föreligger ej. Akutmottagningar har svårt att rekrytera och bibehålla specialistsjuksköterskor. En förklaring kan vara att kompetens inte nyttjas på rätt sätt och att arbetsbeskrivningen är otydlig. Syfte: Syftet med studien var att belysa erfarenheter av tillvaratagande av specialistsjuksköterskans kompetens vid akutmottagningen efter genomgången specialistutbildning inom akutsjukvård. Metod: En kvalitativ semistrukturerad intervjustudie med induktiv ansats har använts där elva specialistsjuksköterskor inom akutsjukvård rekryterades genom ett strategiskt- och snöbollsurval. Intervjuerna analyserades med kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultat: Majoriteten av informanterna återgick till samma arbetsuppgifter som de hade innan utbildningen. Specialist-sjuksköterskorna som deltog i studien var eniga om att det bör ske en förändring avseende arbetsuppgifter och kompetensutveckling efter erlagd examen. Intervjuerna resulterad i flera förslag gällande hur specialistsjuksköterskan arbetsområde skulle kunna utvecklas. Slutsats: Otydliga riktlinjer och avsaknad av arbetsrutiner skapar ofta osäkerhet och otydlighet i arbetsgruppen vilket kan leda till konflikter. Det finns en förhoppning om att de nya nationella riktlinjerna som håller på att utformas kommer att tillvarata kompetensen på ett likvärdigt sätt som för andra specialistsjuksköterskor. Det kan leda till ökad status och locka flera till att gå utbildningen.

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We are living in times of change. Except when it comes to the Swedish housing shortage, which is ever ongoing, year after year. Housing is a matter of importance to many and the shortage is therefore an engaging subject within different societal debates as well as within politics. Often, it is also the most vulnerable groups in society who are experiencing most difficulties due to the shortage: homeless, young, immigrants, unemployed, sick, elderly, low paid workers and students. The shortage is however affecting other aspects of society, like local, regional and national development. Still, the shortage has been allowed to continue and even though problems in the past have been dealt with, the situation of today seems difficult to solve. The aim with this study is to examine the Swedish parties in parliament’s current housing policies regarding the Swedish housing shortage, as an attempt to create an understanding about how politics try to deal with the situation. To fulfil this purpose, three research questions where formulated, namely: • What differences are there between the parties’ goals, problem analyses and measures regarding the Swedish housing shortage? • How could the parties’ measures be grouped so that different aspects of the measures could be analysed? • Which measures and groups of measures seem to create the largest unity within todays´ parliament? Through a desk-top study of documents produced by the parties in parliament and comparative thematic analysis of findings within, goals, problem analyses and measures regarding the Swedish housing shortage have been identified. 116 measures were then compared according to six overarching concepts: Measure-popularity measured in number of parties, Measure-popularity measured in percentage of seats in parliament, Measure-themes measured in number of parties, Measure-themes measured in percentage of seats in parliament, Centralizing and decentralizing measures measured in number of parties as well as Centralizing and decentralizing measures measured in percentage of seats parliament. These findings are then discussed according to what differences can be found between each party’s goals, problem analyses and measures as well as which measures and groups of measures seem to create the largest unity within todays´ parliament. The strongest conclusions this study can draw is that it seems to be a wider unity regarding decentralizing measures, which are demanding deregulations, ‘changes in the right of individual appeal of exploitation’, ‘increased possibilities to build closer to waterlines’, ‘abolishing the municipal planning monopoly’, ‘abolished taxation on moving to a new home’, ‘changed public authorities’ roles’, ‘market regulated rents’, ‘changed national interests’ as well as ‘encouragement of subletting’. One centralizing measure induces a wider unity in todays’ parliament, which is the ‘state investment support towards construction of rentals’. Keywords: Sweden, housing, shortage, production, policies, parliament, parties, goals, problem-analyses, measures, centralizing, decentralizing, mandate English title: The Swedish parliamentary parties’ goals, problem analyses and measures regarding the housing shortage – Before the general election 2018 to the Corona pandemic 2020 / Vi lever i en tid av förändring. Förutom när det kommer till bostadsbristen, där förändras situationen föga år efter år. Bostadsfrågor berör mångas privatliv och bostadsbristen är således ett engagerande ämne inom såväl samhällsdebatter som politik. Ofta är det även de mest utsatta i samhället som missgynnas mest av bristen: hemlösa, unga, invandrare, arbetslösa, sjuka, gamla, låginkomsttagare och studenter. Men bostadsbristen påverkar även andra samhällsgrupper samt aspekter så som lokal, regional och nationell utveckling i stort. Ändå har bostadsbristen tillåtits pågå länge och fastän historiska problem har kunnat hanteras verkar situationen idag vara svårlöst. Syftet med detta arbete är att studera de svenska riksdagspartiernas aktuella bostadspolitik angående den svenska bostadsbristen, i ett försök att skapa en förståelse kring hur politiken hanterar och söker lösa denna. För att besvara syftet formulerades följande frågeställningar: • Vilka skillnader finns mellan riksdagspartiernas mål, problembilder respektive förslag till åtgärder? • Hur skulle riksdagspartiernas åtgärder kunna grupperas så att olika aspekter av dessa kan analyseras? • Vilka åtgärder och grupper av åtgärder verkar skapa störst gehör i dagens riksdag? Genom dokumentstudier av riksdagspartiernas egenproducerade dokument och tematisk och komparativ analys av dessa fynd har riksdagspartiernas mål, problembilder och åtgärder angående den svenska bostadsbristen kunnat identifieras. 116 åtgärder jämfördes sedan enligt sex övergripande koncept: Åtgärdspopularitet i antal partier, Åtgärdspopularitet i procent av mandat, Åtgärdsteman i antal partier, Åtgärdsteman i procent av mandat, Centraliserande och decentraliserande åtgärder i antal partier samt Centraliserade och decentraliserande åtgärder i procent av mandat. Studiens fynd diskuteras till sist enligt: vilka är de största skillnaderna som går att påvisa mellan partiernas mål, problembilder respektive åtgärder samt vilka åtgärder och grupper av åtgärder som verkar skapa störst gehör i dagens riksdag. Det som denna studie tydligast kan påvisa är att det verkar finnas större gehör för decentraliserande åtgärder, som bland annat förespråkar regelförenklingar, förändrad individuell överklaganderätt, upphävt generellt strandskydd, privat initiativrätt, borttagen flyttskatt, förändrade myndighetsansvar, marknadshyror, förändrade riksintressen samt gynnad uthyrning i andrahand. En centraliserande åtgärd skapar bredare gehör i riksdagen, vilket är investeringsstöd till nyproducerade hyresrätter. Nyckelord: bostadsbrist, Sverige, bostadsbyggande, bostadspolitik, riksdagspartierna, mål, problembilder, åtgärder, centraliserande, decentraliserande, mandat

The starting point of this study is a letter to the Swedish Research Council which maintained the difficulty to reconcile chemistry with open access. Previous studies show that when other sciences is increasing in both the deposition rate and selection of OA journals, there is a lull in chemistry. The purpose of the master thesis is to gain an understanding of chemists reluctance to open access in the light of the implementation of Chalmers' mandating open access policy and through field theoretical perspectives understand why. The survey is conducted with a qualitative approach and the empirical data consist of interview material from nine interviews that took place at Chalmers Department of Chemistry and Chemical Engineering. The interviews show that chemists believe that the idea of open access is certainly sympathetic but incompatible with the chemical sciences. It is believed that the discipline´s traditions, practice and publishing culture as well as opportunities for career differs from other sciences, including what open access is concerned. This uniqueness has not been taken into account in the implementation of OA policies of funding agencies and universities, according to the informants. Evaluations of other universities implementations of open acces policies have identified success factors like support, legal advice and hands-on help in self-archiving. According to the results of this thesis, functionality and infrastructure appears to be less significant if university management and funders does not establish an atmosphere of alliance and thus undermines confidence in the policy and its proponents. The study confirms the importance of the researchers feel invited and involved in the process of change.

Le référencement est la technique contractuelle d'approvisionnement majeure de "la grande distribution". Apparue dans les années 70, elle partage son nom avec une pratique du "e-commerce" avec laquelle elle n'a, pourtant, aucun rapport. C’est un mode de regroupement de la puissance d'achat, reconnu par un arrêt du Tribunal de Grande Instance de Strasbourg du 29 septembre 1983 comme une relation tripartite, dans laquelle la structure de regroupement (référenceur) en vertu d'un "contrat d'affiliation" ou "de groupement" négocie des conditions de ventes, dans un "contrat de référencement" avec les fournisseurs, dont ses membres (distributeurs) pourront directement se prévaloir pour conclure des contrats "d'achat/vente". Ces différentes phases sont liées, ce qui en fait un "contrat complexe" et "sui generis". Elle se révèle polymorphe, ce qui a donné lieu à de multiples hypothèses fonctionnelles : contrat unilatéral, mandat, contrat de commission, courtage, stipulation pour autrui, et ses effets peuvent impacter l'ordre public économique. A l’étude, règles contractuelles et règles de concurrences interagissent entre elles au détriment d'une nécessaire sécurité juridique, d'où la recherche d'éléments sur lesquels bâtir un régime stable. On les trouve dans la "globalisation des avantages", formant la cause du référencement, et la "commission de gestion", qui forme celle de l’intervention du référenceur. La confrontation de leurs conditions de validité aux hypothèses émises se révélant peu satisfaisante, nécessite de s'orienter vers une approche sociétaire du problème, seule à même de répondre, valablement, à la question de la nature du référencement et de son régime juridique. / Listing agreement is the major contractual supply technique used by mass retailing. It appeared in the 1970s, and shares its name with an e-commerce practice, with which it has no connection. It is a way to consolidate purchasing power, recognised by the Tribunal de Grande Instance in Strasbourg on 29th September 1983 as a tripartite relationship, in which the consolidating structure (index specialist) negotiates the terms and conditions with the suppliers in a indexing contract, using a registration contract or syndicate contract, which its members (distributors) can directly rely on to conclude purchase or sale contracts. These different phases are linked, which makes a “complex contract” and “sui generis”. This technique shows itself to be multipurpose, which gives rise to numerous functional situations such as unilateral contracts; agents; agency fees; brokerages; stipulations for a third party; and it can also have an impact on the public economic order. Through studies one realises that contractual and competition rules interact with each other to the detriment of a necessary judicial structure, thus leading to the research of elements on which a stable regime can be created. One can find these elements in the globalisation of advantages, which is the reason for indexing, and in agency fees, which is the reason for the index specialist’s involvement. The confrontation of conditions of validity with the various situations is unsatisfactory, which makes it necessary to turn towards an institutional approach, the only way to adequately respond to the question of indexing’s nature and legal regime.

Libéré de l'occupation Ottomane en fin de première Guerre Mondiale et placé sous mandat français jusqu'à son indépendance en 1943, le Liban va réussir à trouver une stabilité sécuritaire et économique jusqu'en 1975. En effet le 13 avril 1975, le Liban entre dans une longue période de guerre civile durant laquelle la capitale Beyrouth est divisée en deux parties : Beyrouth Est pour les Chrétiens et Beyrouth Ouest pour les Musulmans. L'Accord du Taëf signé en 1990 va mettre fin à cette guerre civile et place le pays sous une tutelle syrienne qui va durer jusqu'à l'assassinat de l'ancien premier ministre Rafic Hariri en 2005. Au moment où l'emplacement géographique du Liban, qui le place au centre du conflit arabo-israélien, vient s'ajouter aux différences inter/intra-communautaires, nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure le développement et l'extension du football, modeste élément de cette grande histoire, en subissent les effets. Nous nous interrogeons plus précisément, comment ce sport s'est-il développé au Liban, quelles institutions ont été impliquées et la spécificité de la situation libanaise autorise-t-elle d'éventuelles comparaisons avec le développement du football ailleurs dans le monde ? Cette thèse, appuyée sur les archives locales, la presse spécialisée et divers entretiens avec des dirigeants et des joueurs libanais, tente de répondre à ces questions en montrant comment, en premier temps, le football va passer d'un sport universitaire à un sport populaire, puis en traçant l'histoire de l'institutionnalisation du football en 1933 et des années de gloire jusqu'à l'éclatement de la guerre civile en 1975. Et en montrant en dernier lieu comment la période de la guerre civile s'inscrit en réalité dans un temps long qui voit le confessionnalisme, c'est-à-dire le partage des pouvoirs en fonction de la communauté confessionnelle, s'imposer au Liban dans tous les secteurs de la société et en montrant comment le Liban va continuer à subir les conséquences de cette guerre / After being liberated from the Ottoman occupation in the end of the First World War and placed under the French mandate until its independence in 1943, Lebanon succeeded to maintain a certain stability on both economic and security levels until the outbreak of the civil war in 1975, and more specifically on April 13 of this year, when Beirut was divided into two clans: the Eastern clan inhabited by Christians and the Western clan inhabited by Muslims. The Taif Agreement (officially, the Document of National Accord) was the document that provided the basis for the ending of the civil war and agreed on the Syrian trusteeship that will last until the assassination of the Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in 2005. Since Lebanon’s geographical location inserts him in the heart of the Israeli Arab conflict and comes along with the inter and intra community differences, we wonder to what extent the development and the expansion of the football, a humble element in this large History, would undergo the effects. We wonder how has this sport developed in Lebanon, which institutions were involved? Does the situation in Lebanon allow such comparisons with the development of football elsewhere in the world? This paper tries to answer these questions thanks to local archives, specialized press and various interviews with Lebanese sport leaders and players. It shows in first place how the football has moved from being a university sport to a popular one, it traces in the second place the history of the football institutionalization in 1993 and during the years of glory until the outbreak of the civil war in 1975. It also shows that the civil war was rooted in reality in a long-term period during which confessionalism, i.e. the share of power based on the belonging to a religion, became the rule in most sectors of the Lebanese society

L’étude menée ici prétend clarifier certains problèmes-clés pour la compréhension des processus actuels qui affectent l'aménagement spatial de la ville de Gaza, et qui ont remodelé la ville depuis l’époque du Mandat britannique jusqu'à la fin de 2011, aujourd’hui conditionné par la situation politique et géographique des Territoires Palestiniens Occupés.La ville de Gaza est le centre économique et administratif de la Bande de Gaza. Son développement urbain relève de cinq différentes administrations qui gèrent la ville selon des stratégies différentes. L’Empire ottoman n’a pas été inclus dans larecherche parce qu’il aurait nécessité une étude à lui tout seule. Une approche diachronique n’aurait pas permis une analyse du développement urbain de la ville. Le tissu urbain, surtout dans le centre historique est, pourrait-on dire, de nature organique, sans grille de distribution et où rues et cul-de-sac résultent d’une parcellisation progressive. Dans de nombreux blocks la trame ancienne et la réimplantation moderne se superposent avec une densité exceptionnelled’occupation des sols. Le mot block relève du cadastre et n’a pas de signification morphologique : pour cette raison, il sera toujours en italiques.La thèse analyse la transformation de la ville à travers les permis de construire, et présente le contexte historique de la ville, de la fin de période ottomane à la transition avec le Mandat Britannique. La création de la Bande de Gaza aconditionné le développement urbain de la ville jusqu’à nos jours. L’étude a été arrêtée à la fin de 2011. L’étude aboutie est le fruit d’un va-et-vient entre les données qualitatives, issues d’entretiens plus ou moins fiables, les données empiriques des permis de construire, les plans et la documentation photographique / The research project attempts to elucidate certain key issues in the understanding of process affecting urban planning of the city of Gaza and that have shaped its image since the days of the British Mandate rule until today, 2011, in the light ofthe particular political and geographic situation that condition life in the occupied Palestinian territories.Gaza city is the economic and administrative centre of the Gaza Strip. Its present urban situation has as its basis the five different administrations that have influenced the city through different strategies. We have not been so ambitious asto deal with the Ottoman Empire, as it would have needed a full research on its own. A diachronic approach would not have been useful for the analysis of the city. Its urban fabric, in particular in the old core is « organic » with no regular gridpattern and many dead-end streets that are the result of progressive haphazard parcelling. In many of its blocks the old fabric and the modern are superimposed with intense land-use density. The word block is used in the cadastral sense andnot in its morphological meaning: for this reasons it is always written in italics.The text analyses the transformation of the city through its building permits, presenting as contextual support the historical growth of the city from the end of the Ottoman rule to the transition to the British Mandate, to the creation of the Gaza Strip that has conditioned the next 60 years of planning in the city. The data utilised for the research stops at the end of 2011 although there are echoes of 2012 events, since the researcher is often in Gaza and is permeated by the reality of the city. The study is the product of a movement between qualitative data from the interviews, the empirical data of the building permits, maps and photographic documentation