No description available.

Bakgrund: Biståndsorganisationer (NGOs) är verksamma i hela världen och exponeras följaktligen mot valutarisk. Organisationerna hanterar biståndsmedel i så väl vanliga som ovanliga valutor när de på olika sätt finansierar lokala samarbetspartners. Andelen forskning om hur biståndsorganisationer hanterar valutaköp och valutarisk är begränsad och denna studie avser att studera området ytterligare. Syfte: Studien ämnar att utifrån riskhanteringsteori samt best practice analysera problematiken kring exponeringen mot valutarisk för svenska NGOs samt dess biståndsmottagare. Syftet är även att på detta sätt kunna diskutera generella strategier för svenska NGOs valutahandel och valutariskhantering. Genomförande: Den kvalitativa ansatsen utgörs av informationsinhämtning i form av nio intervjuer som utformats efter teori samt tidigare studier. Genom fem intervjuer med svenska NGOs ges en bild av hur organisationernas processer och behov ser ut relaterat till valutariskhantering. Information om hur valutarisk- och valutahantering bedrivs i praktiken samt hur experter inom området ser på NGOs nuvarande hantering baseras på fyra intervjuer med aktörer inom valutarisk- och valutahantering. Studiens empiri från genomförda intervjuer analyseras med stöd i studiens teoretiska referensram samt tidigare studier. Slutsats: Studien visar att problematiken kring valutahandel och valutariskhantering är mer komplex än den verkar vid en första anblick samt att syftet med valutariskhantering skiljer sig mellan vinstdrivande företag och ideella organisationer. Det framgår även att NGOs i nuläget överför merparten av exponeringen mot valutarisk till motpart genom avtal och att NGOs med stor andel bunden finansiering inte har möjlighet att utförligt undersöka eller implementera valutariskhantering. Slutligen har ett antal strategier utvecklats för att mer kostnadseffektivt köpa valuta. / Background: Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are active in most parts of the world and are consequently exposed to foreign exchange risk. The organizations manage aid funds in both common and uncommon types of currency when they in different ways finance local cooperation partners. The amount of previous research how aid organizations handle the management of currency trade and foreign exchange risk is limited and this study aims to examine the area further. Aim: The study aims to analyse the complex of problems regarding exposure to foreign exchange risk for both Swedish NGOs and their cooperation partners, to do so on the basis of foreign exchange risk theory and best practice. The aim is in such a way to discuss general strategies for currency trade and foreign exchange risk management for Swedish NGOs. Completion: The qualitative approach consists of nine interviews that have been designed in accordance with theory and previous research. A picture of the organizational processes and needs of Swedish NGOs regarding foreign exchange risk- and currency trade management was given by five interviews with NGOs. Information concerning how foreign exchange risk- and currency trade management is utilized in practice and how experts in the field perceive current management of NGOs was gathered from four interviews with actors within foreign exchange risk- and currency trade management. The empirical data is analysed on the basis of the theoretical framework and previous research. Conclusion: The study shows that the complex of problems regarding foreign exchange risk- and currency trade management are not as straightforward as at first glance. It also indicates that foreign exchange risk management differs between for-profit businesses and non-profit organizations. It appears that NGOs currently transfer all foreign exchange risk exposure to its counterpart through contracts. The investigation and implementation of foreign exchange risk management is not possible for NGOs with a large ratio of restricted funds. Finally a number of strategies have been developed for a more cost-effective currency trade.

This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.

This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.

This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.

The South African education system is in crisis; with low matric pass rates, high dropout rates, teacher strikes, rising pregnancy rates among teenaged learners, and assaults by learners on educators and other learners. The system is unable to cope with the multiple demands placed on it and a number of NGOs are stepping in to aid the system. This study is an evaluation of an NGO aimed at developing learners through the application of the Appreciative Inquiry approach. The Appreciative Inquiry approach is a method for generating change within an organisation by looking at what works in the organisation and facilitating active participation. The main findings from this study were that the programme seems to have positively affected learners‟ performance both academically and behaviourally; the programme was perceived to have raised the general standard of academic performance at the school. / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

L’évaluation de l’action humanitaire (ÉAH) est un outil valorisé pour soutenir l’imputabilité, la transparence et l’efficience de programmes humanitaires contribuant à diminuer les inéquités et à promouvoir la santé mondiale. L’EAH est incontournable pour les parties prenantes de programme, les bailleurs de fonds, décideurs et intervenants souhaitant intégrer les données probantes aux pratiques et à la prise de décisions. Cependant, l’utilisation de l’évaluation (UÉ) reste incertaine, l’ÉAH étant fréquemment menée, mais inutilisé. Aussi, les conditions influençant l’UÉ varient selon les contextes et leur présence et applicabilité au sein d’organisations non-gouvernementales (ONG) humanitaires restent peu documentées. Les évaluateurs, parties prenantes et décideurs en contexte humanitaire souhaitant assurer l’UÉ pérenne détiennent peu de repères puisque rares sont les études examinant l’UÉ et ses conditions à long terme. La présente thèse tend à clarifier ces enjeux en documentant sur une période de deux ans l’UÉ et les conditions qui la détermine, au sein d’une stratégie d’évaluation intégrée au programme d’exemption de paiement des soins de santé d’une ONG humanitaire. L’objectif de ce programme est de faciliter l’accès à la santé aux mères, aux enfants de moins de cinq ans et aux indigents de districts sanitaires au Niger et au Burkina Faso, régions du Sahel où des crises alimentaires et économiques ont engendré des taux élevés de malnutrition, de morbidité et de mortalité. Une première évaluation du programme d’exemption au Niger a mené au développement de la stratégie d’évaluation intégrée à ce même programme au Burkina Faso. La thèse se compose de trois articles. Le premier présente une étude d’évaluabilité, étape préliminaire à la thèse et permettant de juger de sa faisabilité. Les résultats démontrent une logique cohérente et plausible de la stratégie d’évaluation, l’accessibilité de données et l’utilité d’étudier l’UÉ par l’ONG. Le second article documente l’UÉ des parties prenantes de la stratégie et comment celle-ci servit le programme d’exemption. L’utilisation des résultats fut instrumentale, conceptuelle et persuasive, alors que l’utilisation des processus ne fut qu’instrumentale et conceptuelle. Le troisième article documente les conditions qui, selon les parties prenantes, ont progressivement influencé l’UÉ. L’attitude des utilisateurs, les relations et communications interpersonnelles et l’habileté des évaluateurs à mener et à partager les connaissances adaptées aux besoins des utilisateurs furent les conditions clés liées à l’UÉ. La thèse contribue à l’avancement des connaissances sur l’UÉ en milieu humanitaire et apporte des recommandations aux parties prenantes de l’ONG. / Evaluation of humanitarian action (EHA) is increasingly deployed as a means to enhance accountability, transparency, and efficiency of humanitarian programs aimed at reducing health inequities and promoting global health. EHA has become a vital tool for program stakeholders, funding agencies, and policy-makers seeking to render practice and decision-making more evidence-based. However, considerable uncertainty remains about evaluation use (EU), as EHA is frequently conducted without being used. Moreover, conditions that influence EU vary across contexts and their applicability in humanitarian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) remains unclear. Program evaluators, stakeholders, and policy-makers in humanitarian contexts have little guidance to support long-term EU, given that few studies have documented EU and its conditions over time. The aim of the present qualitative thesis is to shed light on these issues by documenting EU and the conditions influencing it over a 29-month period within an evaluation strategy embedded into a humanitarian NGO’s health care user fee exemption program. To facilitate access to care, the exemption program subsidized the health service fees of mothers, children under five, and indigents in health districts of Niger and Burkina Faso—West African Sahel regions where food crises and poverty have engendered high rates of malnutrition, morbidity, and mortality. Initial evaluation of the exemption program in Niger led to development of the evaluation strategy subsequently integrated into the same program developed in 2008 in Burkina Faso. The thesis consists of three articles. The first presents an evaluability assessment (EA), a preliminary step undertaken to determine whether an EU evaluation was feasible. Results showed the evaluation strategy’s logic was coherent and plausible, data was accessible, and evaluation strategy stakeholders deemed an EU study to be useful. The second article documents how stakeholders engaged in EU and how it served them and advanced the NGO’s mission. Results showed that stakeholders used findings instrumentally, conceptually, and persuasively, but used evaluation processes only instrumentally and conceptually. The third article identifies the conditions stakeholders saw as influencing EU over time. Key influential conditions were users’ attitudes toward evaluation, stakeholders’ interactions and communications, and evaluators’ skill in producing and sharing evaluation-based knowledge tailored to users’ needs. This thesis furthers knowledge on EU in the humanitarian action context and provides practical recommendations for stakeholders of NGOs.

Avec l’émergence des ONG dans nos économies globalisées, les grandes entreprises développent divers types de partenariats ONG-entreprise (POE). Les chercheurs s’interrogent sur leurs enjeux stratégiques. Dans notre thèse, nous étudions la contribution spécifique des POE à l’évolution du business model (BM) de la grande entreprise.Une étude de cas longitudinale processuelle chez Suez-Environnement met en lumière trois grands apports des POE : les POE, selon leur type, influencent la stratégie de l’entreprise par leur concours à la segmentation des activités ; ils contribuent à la conception et au déploiement des BM issus de la nouvelle segmentation ; et ils jouent un rôle moteur dans l’évolution du portefeuille de BM de l’entreprise.À partir de ces résultats, nous proposons : une conception élargie de la finalité du BM intégrant la performance sociétale ; une représentation enrichie du concept de BM, baptisée modèle RCOV-EPs, articulant quatre dimensions en interactions ; et le concept de métabusiness model que nous définissons comme : une métalogique de création de valeur socioéconomique émergeant de relations inter-BM. / With the emergence of the NGOs in our globalized economies, large companies developdiverse types of corporate-NGO partnerships (CNPs). Some researchers raised interrogations on their strategic issues. In our thesis, we study the CNPs specific contribution to the evolution of large companies’ business model (BM).Drawing on a longitudinal processual case study at Suez-Environnement, we highlight three main contributions of CNPs: first, some types of CNPs influence company’s strategy by taking part in the activities’ segmentation; second, they contribute to design and to implement the BMs resulting from the new segmentation; third, they play a driving role in the company’s BMs portfolio evolution.From these results, we suggest: an extended approach of BM’s purpose including societalperformance; an enhanced representation of the BM concept, called RCOV-PsE model,structuring four interacting components; and the meta business-model concept that we define as: a socio-economic value creation logic appearing from inter-BM relations.

Ayant pour ambition de « rendre la parole » aux populations déshéritées de la ville de Pikine, banlieue de la capitale sénégalaise, Débat local est l’émission politique interactive de la radio communautaire Air’Jeunes fondée à la fin des années quatre-vingt-dix à l’initiative des associations de jeunes de la région dakaroise avec le soutien d’une grande ONG canadienne. Cette thèse étudie les usages de cette émission par les citoyens locaux dans les trois domaines principaux où les militants et promoteurs de la démocratie participative s’attachent à développer des dispositifs d’action citoyenne visant à corriger les défauts et insuffisances du gouvernement représentatif au regard de l’idéal démocratique : la place des citoyens dans le système de production des biens publics locaux, les relations symboliques entre les élus et les électeurs et l’espace public de débat sur les politiques publiques et l’action des représentants. À partir d’une étude de terrain à caractère ethnographique menée en trois séquences de 2006 à 2011 dans les studios de la radio et sur les lieux d’écoute de l’émission, il apparaît que si l’émission a permis à des formes de contestation du pouvoir local de s’exprimer publiquement sans médiation, la réalisation du projet originel de l’émission s’est heurtée à un contexte local défavorable marqué par l’absence de moyens donnés aux élus locaux pour exercer leurs compétences récemment décentralisées et par un journalisme politique local polarisé autour de deux formes dominantes laissant peu de place au débat argumenté : le journalisme antagonique des grands groupes privés et de la petite presse du secteur informel et le journalisme légitimiste du groupe public. En dépit de leur attachement militant au projet, les responsables de la radio et les animateurs de l’émission dont les origines sociales et les formations scolaires les tenaient très éloignés des formes de consommation des biens informationnels des Pikinois ainsi que des activités des associations informelles de quartier très vivantes dans la banlieue dakaroise ont progressivement cédé aux forces d’attraction qu’exerçaient les radios privées ordinaires sur leur vision de leur avenir professionnel personnel et, corrélativement, sur leur pratique journalistique. / Aspiring to “give a voice” to the poor people of Pikine, a suburb of the Senegalese capital, “Local Debate” is an interactive political programme of the community radio Air’Jeunes, created in the late nineties at the initiative of youth associations in the Dakar region with support from a major Canadian NGO. This thesis explores the use of this programme by local citizens in three main areas where activists and proponents of participatory democracy are committed to developing citizen action mechanisms, aiming to correct the defects and shortcomings under the democratic ideal of representative government: the role of citizens in the production system of local public goods, symbolic relationships between elected leaders and electors, and the public space for debate on public policies and the actions of representatives. Based on an ethnographic field study conducted in three phases between 2006 and 2011 in the radio production studio and the show’s listening sites, it appears that, even if the programme has enabled forms of contestation of local authority to be voiced publicly without mediation, the realisation of the original project faced an unfavourable local context marked by the lack of resources given to local officials to exercise their newly decentralised powers and a local political journalism polarised around two dominant forms, leaving little room for debate: the antagonistic journalism of big private groups and small informal press, and the legitimising journalism of the public service group. Despite their militant commitment to the project, radio staff and hosts whose social origins and educational backgrounds distance them from the forms of consumption of information goods and activities of Pikine’s inhabitants, as well as the dynamic activities of informal neighbourhood associations in the suburbs of Dakar, have gradually yielded to forces of attraction exercised by mainstream private radios, influencing their vision of their professional future and, in turn, their journalistic practice .

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 181-198) / The research explored the partnership of Namutamba Rehabilitation Centre (NRC) in Uganda with its main donor, the Neukirchener Mission (NM). The review of the literature focused on empowerment, NGO partnerships and organisational sustainability. The achievements and challenges of the partnership of the NRC with the NM regarding the organisational sustainability of the NRC were identified by evaluating documents of both partners, individual interviews and focus group discussions of stakeholders of NRC. In brief, the relationship of NRC with the NM was characterised as a dependent partnership due to the power imbalance between the partners and the resource dependency of NRC. It was recommended that the NRC and the NM focus on creating greater self-reliance of NRC while attempting to develop an authentic partnership. This might have wide reaching consequences not only for the sustainability of NRC but also for the services offered to persons with disabilities in Central Uganda. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)