本論文旨在探討台灣地方派系與選舉之關係，並以雲林縣作為個案，分別探討雲林地方派系的形成及發展及權力結構、派系與選舉提名、派系與選舉動員、派系與選舉結果等問題。文分六章，各章重點如下： 　　第一章：除說明研究動機外，並以文獻探討及訪談等作為主要研究方法；而就理論架構方面，主要以派系理論及恩庇侍從(patron-client）理論為基礎，探討威權體制下，派系如何經由恩庇侍從關係的連結，而得以在選舉中發揮巨大影響力。 　　第二章：首先就社會文化及政治經濟的角度，說明台灣地方派系形成的背景因素，從而進一步描繪雲林縣地方派系的形成發展及權力結構。 　　第三章：本章分二大部分，第一部份敘述四十餘年來國民黨提名政策的演變；其次，並以雲林縣十餘年來省級以上民意代表及縣長選舉為例，探討國民黨在歷次選舉的提名策略，以及派系競爭提名的衝突過程；從而進一步補充了前述之雲林縣地方派系的形成及發展部分。 　　第四章旨在探討派系與選舉動員；第一節敘述派系的動員基礎，包括農會、水利會、信用合作社、學校、行政系統、黨務系統等動員網路；其次，在第二節中，本文則探討在此動員基礎下，派系與樁腳的互動關係；第三節以二屆國大代表及二屆立法委員選舉為例，說明各候選人的動員基礎及派系網路。 　　第五章旨在以雲林縣歷年來省級以上民意代表選舉的開票結果作基礎，探討地方派系與得票率，當選率及投票率的關係。 　　第六章結論。

<p>Avsikten med studien är att undersöka relationen mellan valberedning, ägare och styrelse samt utifrån detta studera vilken roll valberedningen har, enligt den Svenska Koden.</p><p>Vi har utgått ifrån en deduktiv ansats, där vi både har genomfört en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ undersökning. Den kvalitativa studien baseras på djupintervjuer av ledamöter i svenska börsnoterade företag, medan den kvantitativa undersökningen resulterar i en statistisk undersökning, som utgår från bolagsstyrningsrapporter i årsredovisningar från 2006.</p><p>I det teoretiska perspektivet tas den Svenska Koden för bolagsstyrning upp som utgångspunkt och kompletteras med Aktiebolagsslagen (ABL), agentteorin, intressentmodellen, coporate governance, CSR-modellen samt ett genusperspektiv.</p><p>I empirin redovisas respondenternas yttranden samt den statistiska undersökningen.</p><p>Vi har med hjälp av empiri och analys kommit fram till ett antal slutsatser; valberedningen har endast en uppgift, vilken är att ta fram förslag om nya ledamöter till styrelsen. Förslagen ska leda till att styrelsen får en så bra sammansättning som möjligt. Valberedningen har till viss del ökat förtroendet för bolagen, genom att processen blivit tydligare samt mer transparant. Vår undersökning visar att nästan samtliga företag som är noterade på Stockholmsbörsens LargeCap-lista, använder sig av en valberedning, vilket vi ser som ett bra tecken. Koden är fortfarande relativt ny och är därför ännu inte fulländad. Koden är även unik i ett internationellt perspektiv och den svenska företagskulturen verkar anpassa sig efter Kodens riktlinjer.</p> / <p>The thesis aspires to explore the relationship between the nomination committee, shareholders and the board of directors, and that on the basis of this to study which role the nomination committee has, according to the guidelines of the Swedish Code.</p><p>We have had a deductive approach, where we both have implemented a qualitative and a quantitative survey. The qualitative study is based on interviews with members in Swedish companies, listed on the stock-market, while the quantitative study results in a statistic survey which is gathered from corporate governance reports in the annual reports from 2006.</p><p>The theoretical perspectives uses the Swedish Code of Corporate Governance as a starting point and is complemented with the Swedish Company Law, the Agent Theory, Stakeholder Theory, Corporate Governance, the CSR model, gender- and ethical perspective.</p><p>The respondents’ statements and the statistic survey are in this section presented.</p><p>We have through our empirical and analyses, drawn a number of conclusions. The Nomination committee has only one responsibility, which is to present candidate proposals for the board of directors. The proposals are supposed to lead to a composition that is as balanced as possible. The Nomination committee has in a certain extent enhanced the confidence for corporations through a clearer process and transparency. Our exploration shows that almost every company listed on the stock-market, are applying a nomination committee, which we see as a good sign. The Swedish Code is still relatively new and is therefore not yet perfect. The Swedish Code is also unique in an international perspective and the Swedish corporate culture seems to acclimatize well to its policies.</p>

Avsikten med studien är att undersöka relationen mellan valberedning, ägare och styrelse samt utifrån detta studera vilken roll valberedningen har, enligt den Svenska Koden. Vi har utgått ifrån en deduktiv ansats, där vi både har genomfört en kvantitativ och en kvalitativ undersökning. Den kvalitativa studien baseras på djupintervjuer av ledamöter i svenska börsnoterade företag, medan den kvantitativa undersökningen resulterar i en statistisk undersökning, som utgår från bolagsstyrningsrapporter i årsredovisningar från 2006. I det teoretiska perspektivet tas den Svenska Koden för bolagsstyrning upp som utgångspunkt och kompletteras med Aktiebolagsslagen (ABL), agentteorin, intressentmodellen, coporate governance, CSR-modellen samt ett genusperspektiv. I empirin redovisas respondenternas yttranden samt den statistiska undersökningen. Vi har med hjälp av empiri och analys kommit fram till ett antal slutsatser; valberedningen har endast en uppgift, vilken är att ta fram förslag om nya ledamöter till styrelsen. Förslagen ska leda till att styrelsen får en så bra sammansättning som möjligt. Valberedningen har till viss del ökat förtroendet för bolagen, genom att processen blivit tydligare samt mer transparant. Vår undersökning visar att nästan samtliga företag som är noterade på Stockholmsbörsens LargeCap-lista, använder sig av en valberedning, vilket vi ser som ett bra tecken. Koden är fortfarande relativt ny och är därför ännu inte fulländad. Koden är även unik i ett internationellt perspektiv och den svenska företagskulturen verkar anpassa sig efter Kodens riktlinjer. / The thesis aspires to explore the relationship between the nomination committee, shareholders and the board of directors, and that on the basis of this to study which role the nomination committee has, according to the guidelines of the Swedish Code. We have had a deductive approach, where we both have implemented a qualitative and a quantitative survey. The qualitative study is based on interviews with members in Swedish companies, listed on the stock-market, while the quantitative study results in a statistic survey which is gathered from corporate governance reports in the annual reports from 2006. The theoretical perspectives uses the Swedish Code of Corporate Governance as a starting point and is complemented with the Swedish Company Law, the Agent Theory, Stakeholder Theory, Corporate Governance, the CSR model, gender- and ethical perspective. The respondents’ statements and the statistic survey are in this section presented. We have through our empirical and analyses, drawn a number of conclusions. The Nomination committee has only one responsibility, which is to present candidate proposals for the board of directors. The proposals are supposed to lead to a composition that is as balanced as possible. The Nomination committee has in a certain extent enhanced the confidence for corporations through a clearer process and transparency. Our exploration shows that almost every company listed on the stock-market, are applying a nomination committee, which we see as a good sign. The Swedish Code is still relatively new and is therefore not yet perfect. The Swedish Code is also unique in an international perspective and the Swedish corporate culture seems to acclimatize well to its policies.

Background: The board of directors is a key player in corporate governance. Their role is to ensure that the corporations are run with the interest of the shareholders as the main focus. In the beginning of the 21st century, a survey was made about the confidence of the Swedish business community and in which criticism was directed to the board of directors. The boards were deemed inadequate in their function and were often solely composed by members with similar experiences and competence, therefore lacking in diversity. In order to improve the competence and work of the board of directors, the Swedish code of corporate governance was introduced and its recommendations comprehend the boards’ size and composition. The recommendations are based on “comply or explain” and are therefore not enforced. It is, thus, possible to question the extent to which the recommendations are adhered to and whether the code’s introduction has affected the composition of the boards of directors and, consequently, their competence. Aim: This master thesis aims to explain the board composition of Swedish company boards during the years 1999, 2008 and 2011 and to analyze how this composition differs between the years. By studying the factors that are the basis of the composition, we also intend to discuss if, there has been a change of competence on the company boards. Completion: This thesis is of qualitative nature and its main focus is based on an analytical model that has been composed out of laws, regulation and theories. The analytical model has been the starting point for the gathering of information as well as for the analysis of the information. The empirical material is based on a study of annual reports and reports on corporate governance in ten companies as well as interviews with three members of nomination committees. Results: The thesis identifies several competence factors whose relevance varies according to the regulations or theory you take into consideration. The nomination committee's views on competence covers most of these factors. The thesis shows that the information available to shareholders does not completely capture the nomination committee’s view on competence. Furthermore, the thesis finds that the competencies of the board of directors are due to the unique company and its specific situation and an argumentation over whether a change incompetence has occurred can thus not be made without taking this into consideration.

This thesis analyses the process of women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment in Turkey by focusing on the interaction among the certain features of the Turkish political system including the attitudes of the party elite toward the enhancement of women&rsquo / s political representation. It has been demonstrated in earlier studies that one of the reasons behind women&rsquo / s low level of parliamentary representation in Turkey is the fact that the selectors in the political parties fail to support women candidates adequately in the elections. Related to that, women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment is also likely to be impeded by the unsupportive nature of the main dynamics of political system such as political culture, party system and the v electoral system. Considering the fact that these institutional and attitudinal factors are highly inter-related with each other, the insufficient number of women candidates nominated by the major social democratic party, the Republican People&rsquo / s Party in the 1990s, including the latest national elections on November 3rd, 2002 calls for an analysis of not only the attitudes of the RPP selectors toward positive discrimination mechanisms such as the quotas for women but also of the relevant party institutional factors rooted in the Turkish political system. The study contends that the RPP&rsquo / s women-friendly party culture and selectors&rsquo / positive perspectives towards women&rsquo / s political integration are not sufficient factors for the promotion of women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment within the party. The weakness of the intra-party democracy in the RPP which is particularly the result of the oligarchic structure and the problems with institutionalization significantly impede women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment within the party. The study has found that the low level of women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment in the RPP is a consequence of the interaction between the institutional and attitudinal factors within the RPP which perpetuates patriarchal elite oligarchy in the nomination process. The documented gap between the RPP&rsquo / s party rhetoric and practice in this study is found as the reflection of the party&rsquo / s problems in internalizing social democratic values.

This article analyzes the judicial behavior and the importance of judges in policy making in Peru regarding the case of the magistrates of the Constitutional Tribunal and its decisions regarding the morning after pill. We will focus our research on the shift in orientation of two veredicts issued by this judicial institution; one in favor of its state sponsored distribution (2006) and one against it (2009). In order to analyze the circumstances that led to this two different outcomes, we state that the morning after pill, a case of consciousness, made the judges decide based on their strategic alliances inside the tribunal or their own personal trajectories. In order to solve these dilemmas, the analysis of the kind of judges in the tribunal was crucial to understand the relationship between the elected judges and the interests of political parties in parliament. We believe that the shift in orientation of the veredicts lies in the fact that, for cases of consciousness, the Tribunal uses its sitting judges. / Este artículo analiza el comportamiento judicial y la creciente importancia de los jueces en la hechura de las políticas públicas en el Perú a partir del caso de los magistrados del Tribunal Constitucional y sus decisiones frente a la píldora del día siguiente. Nos enfocaremos en el cambio de orientación de dos sentencias emitidas por la máxima institución judicial ante la misma política; por un lado, a favor de su distribución desde el Estado (2006) y, por el otro, en contra (2009). Para analizar los factores que llevaron a este resultado sostenemos que la píldora del día siguiente, al ser un caso de conciencia, les planteó a los jueces la disyuntiva de decidir a partir de un comportamiento estratégico, de acuerdo con las tendencias dominantes al interior del tribunal o haciendo prevalecer sus trayectorias personales. Para resolver estos dilemas, el tipo de jueces que componía el tribunal resultó crucial por lo que exploraremos cómo se configuraron estas composiciones a partir de las bancadas parlamentarias y qué tipo de jueces resultaron electos (de trayectorias públicas u opacas). Sostenemos que el cambio se explicaría porque, para los casos de conciencia, el Tribunal Constitucional utiliza a sus jueces de turno y las reglas así lo permiten.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:39:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1508044 bytes, checksum: e643dd93bcc6880e546e3502956443da (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The investigation of this doctorate s thesis is related to the vicissitudes that lead to a psychotic individual to be able to stabilize from a nomination. Therefore, we intended to outline the field of representation concept from Aristotle, afterwards the one by Freud and his formalization about the psychic apparatus, up to Lacan and the non-representable and not-all concepts. The hypothesis, presented here, focus, essentially, on Lacan´s concept of object a and in its real function of being support of the individual s jouissance. In this research, we supposed that, in psychosis, the object a while not being extracted, it would be articulated to the nomination so as to promote the possibility of a psychic organization, with stabilization effect that could be described as possible consequences to the construction of social bond for the psychotic individual and the circumscription of the unmeasured and incommunicable jouissance that, in the psychosis, is presented as invasive and external to the individual. We are sure that the real aspect of nomination, in the psychosis, occurs from the link of the jouissance object with the name, making up a sign, not of the linguistic order, but a sign of jouissance, that would be articulated more to the field of Yade l´Um concept There is One concept extracted from Lacan´s final teaching. The name must not only nominate, but it must also be the signature of a creation, of an act, mentioning the jouissance that can not be shared. In this creative research, the individual uses their savoir-y-faire, - know how to do it because, if the extraction of the object a was not possible, it must be known how to do it where it exists. / A investigação desta tese de doutorado tem relação com as vicissitudes que levam um sujeito psicótico a poder se estabilizar a partir de uma nomeação. Para isto, buscou-se delimitar o campo do conceito de representação desde Aristóteles, passando por Freud e sua formalização sobre o aparelho psíquico, chegando até Lacan e os conceitos de irrepresentável e não-todo. A hipótese aqui apresentada toca, primordialmente, no conceito lacaniano do objeto a e em sua função real, de ser suporte do gozo do sujeito. Neste trabalho supôs-se que, na psicose, o objeto a ao não ser extraído, estaria articulado à nomeação de modo a promover a possibilidade de uma organização psíquica, com efeito de estabilização que se poderia descrever como possíveis consequências à construção de laço social para o sujeito psicótico e a circunscrição do gozo desmedido e incomunicável que, na psicose, apresenta-se invasivo e exterior ao sujeito. Aposta-se, aqui, que a vertente real da nomeação, na psicose, dá-se a partir da articulação do objeto de gozo com o nome, compondo um signo, não da ordem linguística, mas um signo de gozo que se articularia mais ao campo do conceito do Yade l´Um Há Um conceito extraído do final do ensino de Lacan. O nome não deve apenas nomear, mas também ser a assinatura de uma criação, de um ato, localizando o gozo que não pode ser compartilhado. Nesse trabalho criativo, o sujeito utiliza o seu savoir-y-faire, saber fazer aí pois, se não foi possível a extração do objeto a, há que se saber fazer aí onde ele existe.

A proposta geral deste trabalho é realizar uma leitura das articulações com a psicanálise que permeiam a conceitualização do populismo de Ernesto Laclau. Em particular, detém-se na análise das dimensões teóricas centrais da concepção da representação da teoria da hegemonia que nos permitem pensar a identidade política popular como uma configuração discursiva que supõe uma transformação subjetiva específica, na qual se passa da demanda social à construção de uma vontade coletiva. Neste sentido, iremos analisar as dimensões da nominação e do afeto da teoria da hegemonia à luz de certas conceptualizações freudianas e lacanianas, como o conceito de sobredeterminação, objeto de desejo, point de capiton ou significante amo e gozo. / This work aims to analyze how the conceptualization of populism of Ernesto Laclau is related to psychoanalysis. Particularly, we focus on the main theoretical dimensions of the conceptualization of representation in the theory of hegemony, which allows us to interpret the popular political identity as a discursive setting that assumes a particular subjective change, departing from social demand to the building of a new collective will. Thus we will tackle aspects of nomination and affect in the theory of hegemony in light of some Freudian and Lacanian conceptualizations, such as overdetermination, object of desire, anchoring point (point de capiton), master signifier and joy.

Qu'est-ce la mondialisation ? On répond à cette question à partir du cas de l'audiovisuel international, envisagé sous l'angle des échanges commerciaux et des politiques publiques. Une enquête a été menée de 2008 à 2012 au sein de l'administration, des ambassades et de diverses agences françaises ainsi que sur les marchés audiovisuels internationaux. On vérifie que la mondialisation, loin d'être une force économique s'imposant de l'extérieur, reste le produit de politiques visant à « dompter» ce qui semble dépasser le cadre national (comme la diffusion des contenus audiovisuels par satellite au tournant des années 1980), et peut toujours être rapportée à des enjeux « domestiques » (le terme de mondialisation étant lui-même instrumentalisé par de nombreux acteurs). La thèse examine d'abord comment l'administration s'est saisie de l'audiovisuel international, suscitant tout un entrepreneuriat bureaucratique au sein des Affaires étrangères, mais aussi une âpre compétition pour être nommé à la tête des nouvelles chaînes publiques transnationales, et conduisant au recrutement d'un réseau original de diplomates spécialistes de l'audiovisuel. On étudie ensuite l'essor considérable des marchés audiovisuels internationaux, leur rôle désormais central dans le commerce international des biens audiovisuels, et comment l'administration a soutenir la professionnalisation des exportateurs français. On analyse enfin le rôle fondamental des politiques d'exportation en analysant la promotion française de la diversité culturelle, négociée entre les professionnels et l'administration, profondément ambivalent et articulant des enjeux à la fois culturels, diplomatiques et marchands. / What is Globalization? We address this question by focusing on audiovisual flows worldwide, seen from the perspective of commercial exchanges and French public policies. From 2008 to 2012, several sites have been investigated such as the French administration, its diplomatic network abroad, public agencies and international markets. We argue that Globalization, far from being an economic force overhanging from abroad, is always something that has to be "brought home". First, it results from policies that aim at "taming" what exceeds the national frame (such as audiovisual contents broadcasted by satellite). Second, it always entails very "domestic" stakes. At first, we deal with the French administration, where a "foreign audiovisual policy'' has been launched in the 1980s, stirring up a sharp competition to be nominated at the head of new transnational public channels, and leading to the recruitment of diplomats specializing in this policy. Then, we assess the astonishing rise of international markets of movies and TV shows, describing how French sales agents, in the process of getting professional recognition, received a strong support from the French administration. This brings us to the thesis that export policies fundamentally shape Globalization by providing contradicting definitions of what it should be. ln France, the sales agents and the administration have been negotiating one built upon the principle of "cultural diversity", conveniently melting commercial, cultural and diplomatic stakes altogether, despite of the notion being deeply ambivalent.

La compétence de nomination du président de la Ve République désigne l'habilitation par laquelle le chef de l'État peut attribuer un emploi, une fonction, une dignité ou un titre à une personne considérée. Partant du constat de ce que cette compétence est volontiers assimilée à un pouvoir de choisir les personnes nommées (désigner), la thèse se propose d'interroger cette évidence.La première partie s'attache à démontrer la mutation de la compétence de nomination en un pouvoir de nomination, c'est-à-dire en une faculté de désigner et/ou de nommer sans habilitation ou en vertu d'une habilitation fautive. Cette démarche permet de mettre au jour la spécificité de cette attribution présidentielle. Si le pouvoir de nomination est un pouvoir capté, ceci s'explique essentiellement par le pouvoir de nomination lui-même. Ce phénomène se répercute sur les contrôles des nominations présidentielles: l'appropriation du pouvoir de nomination par le chef de l'État explique largement leur inefficacité. La seconde partie de la thèse en fait la démonstration.L'étude des nominations présidentielles est riche d'enseignements. Elle offre un point de vue privilégié sur les institutions de la Ve République et permet de mieux comprendre les rapports de pouvoirs qui façonnent le système politique. Une telle recherche révèle combien la manière de penser les institutions n'est pas dénuée d'effets et explique la façon dont elles sont pratiquées. / As part of his competence for appointments, the president of the 5th Republic has authority to grant jobs, functions, honours or titles to any given person. This dissertation challenges the widely-held assumption that such a competence is often understood to mean the power to choose (to nominate) the persons who are appointed . The first part of the dissertation aims at demonstrating how the president's competence for appointments has evolved into the power of appointment, that is to say the capacity to choose and/or to appoint without authorization or upon mistaken authorization. Such an approach allows to highlight how specific this presidential function is. If the power of appointment is a power that the president has acquired unduly, it can be accounted for by the very essence of the power of appointment. The phenomenon then affects the checks implemented on presidential appointments : the undue acquisition of the power of appointment by the president accounts for their ineffectiveness. The survey of presidential appointments is most instructive. It provides valuable insights into the institutions of the 5th Republic and helps better understand the balance of powers within the political system. This research illustrates how the way institutions are constructed to a certain extent influences the way they are put into effect.