A Revolução Federalista e o ideário parlamentarista remonta à história política do Império do Brasil. Com a proclamação da República em 15.11.1889, a vida política e social modificou-se sobremaneira. A forma de Estado deixou de ser Unitária para ser Federativa, o sistema de governo deixou de ser Parlamentarista para ser Presidencialista, a forma de governo deixou de ser Monárquica para se tornar Republicana. Tais reformas lideradas pelo Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca e por Benjamin Constant depositaram grandes expectativas no povo brasileiro. Todos os males do império projetavam-se na república. Com o tempo, o povo foi vendo, pouco a pouco, que as velhas mazelas que assombravam a vida imperial, rondavam, igualmente, a vida republicana. O sistema eleitoral e as reformas eleitorais não garantiam a plena democracia, tanto que Deodoro e os seus garantiram, artificialmente, a maioria na Constituinte de 1891. O alistamento ainda era forjado, a grande naturalização favorecia os Republicanos Históricos, sendo que a vontade da Nação distanciava-se, cada vez mais, da vontade dos proclamadores da República. A instabilidade política e social era acompanhada pelo abalo econômico. As constantes emissões, a jogatina na bolsa, o encilhamento, a substituição do trabalho servil pela mão de obra livre, a substituição dos velhos liberais e conservadores do Império pela mocidade imberbe da República, toda ela inexperiente, toda ela não versada no serviço público é que passou a gerir a vida pública nos mais diferentes estados da nossa federação. A ala jovem republicana, lotada em importantes cargos administrativos e governamentais, trocou os pés pelas mãos, angariando a raiva das forças tradicionais do Império. O Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, por exemplo, assistiu, durante o Governo Provisório, passar pelo Estado, nada menos que seis Governadores. A instabilidade política era total. A diátese revolucionária prenunciava levantes armados em poucos dias. Parafraseando D. Pedro, Deodoro abandonou o poder, momento em que assina o decreto de alforria do verdadeiro escravo do Brasil. Assume o poder o Vice-Presidente, Marechal Floriano Peixoto, o qual presta apoio político ao Governador do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, o Sr. Júlio de Castilhos. Ambos aliam-se contra o exército libertador de Gaspar Silveira Martins, que havia retornado do exílio e fundara o Partido Federalista Rio-Grandense, no Congresso de Bagé, para fazer frente ao Governo autoritário de Júlio de Castilhos. Travou-se no Rio Grande do Sul uma das mais sangrentas guerras de nossa história. A Revolução Federalista foi um guerra fratricida, que matou mais de dez mil homens. Estes revolucionários liderados intelectualmente por Gaspar Silveira Martins e militarmente pelo General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, guerrearam por três estados da federação (RS, SC e PR), fazendo a república tremer. Em certos momentos, a revolução parecia que garanharia contornos nacionais, e o Presidente Floriano temia o futuro da República. No governo de Prudente de Morais foi assinado, na cidade de Dom Pedrito, a paz farroupilha, momento em que os maragatos de Silveira Martins e os Chimangos de Júlio de Castilhos apertaram as mãos: estava consolidade, de vez, a República. / The Federalist Revolution and the ideas of Parliamentarism start from the Political History of the Brazilian´s Empire. With the Republic\'s proclamation in 11.15.1889, the political and social life changed substantially. The state form stopped being unitary to be federative, the government system stopped being parlamentarism to be presidentialism, the government form stopped being a monarchy to be a republic. Such reformations, leaded by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and by Benjamin Constant created great expectations in the Brazilian people. All the evils of the empire protruded in the republic. Over time, the people started to understand, inchmeal, that the old evils that haunted the empire, also prowled the republican life. The electoral system and the poll reformations do not assured full democracy, so that Deodoro and his cronies achieved, artificially, majority in the 1891´s constituent. The voter registration was wrought, the great naturalization favored the historic republicans, as the nation´s will distinguished increasingly from the will of the republic proclaimers. The social and political instability was accompanied by the economic debacle. The constant issuance of paper money, the gambling on the stock exchange, the encilhamento, the change from the slave work by the free work, the substitution of the old empire´s liberal and conservative politicians by the republic´s beardless youth, all of them lacking experience, without knowledge of the public service, started to manage the public life in the diferent states of the Brazilian federation. The republican´s youth wing, occupying important administrative and governmental positions, created confusion, causing rage by the traditional forces of the empire. The Rio Grande do Sul´s state, for instance, under the Brazilians Provisional government, had no less than six governors. There was a complete political instability. The revolutionary diathesis foreshadowed armed uprisings in few days. Paraphrasing D. Pedro, Deodoro abandoned the power, in the moment in which signs the emancipation decree of the true Brazi´s slave. The vice president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, assumes the power, and provides political support to the Rio Grande do Sul´s state´s governor, Mr. Júlio de Castilhos. They both allied against the Gaspar Silveira Martins´s liberator army, which had returned from the exile and founded the Rio Grande do Sul´s Federalist Party, in the Bagé´s Congress, to oppose Júlio de Castilhos ´s authoritarian govern. Then happened one of the bloodiest wars of our history. The Federalist Revolution was a fratricidal war, that killed over ten thousand men. These revolutionaries, intellectually leaded by Gaspar Silveira Martins and military commanded by General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, waged war in three states of the federation (RS, SC and PR), making the republic tremble. In certain moments, the revolution seemed to gain national contours, and the President Floriano feared for the future of the Republic. In the Prudente de Morais presidential government was signed, in the town of Dom Pedrito, the farroupilha peace, when the Silveira Martins´s maragatos and the Júlio de Castilhos´s chimangos shaked hands: the Republic was consolidated, once and for all.

A Revolução Federalista e o ideário parlamentarista remonta à história política do Império do Brasil. Com a proclamação da República em 15.11.1889, a vida política e social modificou-se sobremaneira. A forma de Estado deixou de ser Unitária para ser Federativa, o sistema de governo deixou de ser Parlamentarista para ser Presidencialista, a forma de governo deixou de ser Monárquica para se tornar Republicana. Tais reformas lideradas pelo Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca e por Benjamin Constant depositaram grandes expectativas no povo brasileiro. Todos os males do império projetavam-se na república. Com o tempo, o povo foi vendo, pouco a pouco, que as velhas mazelas que assombravam a vida imperial, rondavam, igualmente, a vida republicana. O sistema eleitoral e as reformas eleitorais não garantiam a plena democracia, tanto que Deodoro e os seus garantiram, artificialmente, a maioria na Constituinte de 1891. O alistamento ainda era forjado, a grande naturalização favorecia os Republicanos Históricos, sendo que a vontade da Nação distanciava-se, cada vez mais, da vontade dos proclamadores da República. A instabilidade política e social era acompanhada pelo abalo econômico. As constantes emissões, a jogatina na bolsa, o encilhamento, a substituição do trabalho servil pela mão de obra livre, a substituição dos velhos liberais e conservadores do Império pela mocidade imberbe da República, toda ela inexperiente, toda ela não versada no serviço público é que passou a gerir a vida pública nos mais diferentes estados da nossa federação. A ala jovem republicana, lotada em importantes cargos administrativos e governamentais, trocou os pés pelas mãos, angariando a raiva das forças tradicionais do Império. O Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, por exemplo, assistiu, durante o Governo Provisório, passar pelo Estado, nada menos que seis Governadores. A instabilidade política era total. A diátese revolucionária prenunciava levantes armados em poucos dias. Parafraseando D. Pedro, Deodoro abandonou o poder, momento em que assina o decreto de alforria do verdadeiro escravo do Brasil. Assume o poder o Vice-Presidente, Marechal Floriano Peixoto, o qual presta apoio político ao Governador do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, o Sr. Júlio de Castilhos. Ambos aliam-se contra o exército libertador de Gaspar Silveira Martins, que havia retornado do exílio e fundara o Partido Federalista Rio-Grandense, no Congresso de Bagé, para fazer frente ao Governo autoritário de Júlio de Castilhos. Travou-se no Rio Grande do Sul uma das mais sangrentas guerras de nossa história. A Revolução Federalista foi um guerra fratricida, que matou mais de dez mil homens. Estes revolucionários liderados intelectualmente por Gaspar Silveira Martins e militarmente pelo General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, guerrearam por três estados da federação (RS, SC e PR), fazendo a república tremer. Em certos momentos, a revolução parecia que garanharia contornos nacionais, e o Presidente Floriano temia o futuro da República. No governo de Prudente de Morais foi assinado, na cidade de Dom Pedrito, a paz farroupilha, momento em que os maragatos de Silveira Martins e os Chimangos de Júlio de Castilhos apertaram as mãos: estava consolidade, de vez, a República. / The Federalist Revolution and the ideas of Parliamentarism start from the Political History of the Brazilian´s Empire. With the Republic\'s proclamation in 11.15.1889, the political and social life changed substantially. The state form stopped being unitary to be federative, the government system stopped being parlamentarism to be presidentialism, the government form stopped being a monarchy to be a republic. Such reformations, leaded by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and by Benjamin Constant created great expectations in the Brazilian people. All the evils of the empire protruded in the republic. Over time, the people started to understand, inchmeal, that the old evils that haunted the empire, also prowled the republican life. The electoral system and the poll reformations do not assured full democracy, so that Deodoro and his cronies achieved, artificially, majority in the 1891´s constituent. The voter registration was wrought, the great naturalization favored the historic republicans, as the nation´s will distinguished increasingly from the will of the republic proclaimers. The social and political instability was accompanied by the economic debacle. The constant issuance of paper money, the gambling on the stock exchange, the encilhamento, the change from the slave work by the free work, the substitution of the old empire´s liberal and conservative politicians by the republic´s beardless youth, all of them lacking experience, without knowledge of the public service, started to manage the public life in the diferent states of the Brazilian federation. The republican´s youth wing, occupying important administrative and governmental positions, created confusion, causing rage by the traditional forces of the empire. The Rio Grande do Sul´s state, for instance, under the Brazilians Provisional government, had no less than six governors. There was a complete political instability. The revolutionary diathesis foreshadowed armed uprisings in few days. Paraphrasing D. Pedro, Deodoro abandoned the power, in the moment in which signs the emancipation decree of the true Brazi´s slave. The vice president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, assumes the power, and provides political support to the Rio Grande do Sul´s state´s governor, Mr. Júlio de Castilhos. They both allied against the Gaspar Silveira Martins´s liberator army, which had returned from the exile and founded the Rio Grande do Sul´s Federalist Party, in the Bagé´s Congress, to oppose Júlio de Castilhos ´s authoritarian govern. Then happened one of the bloodiest wars of our history. The Federalist Revolution was a fratricidal war, that killed over ten thousand men. These revolutionaries, intellectually leaded by Gaspar Silveira Martins and military commanded by General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, waged war in three states of the federation (RS, SC and PR), making the republic tremble. In certain moments, the revolution seemed to gain national contours, and the President Floriano feared for the future of the Republic. In the Prudente de Morais presidential government was signed, in the town of Dom Pedrito, the farroupilha peace, when the Silveira Martins´s maragatos and the Júlio de Castilhos´s chimangos shaked hands: the Republic was consolidated, once and for all.

Le procès civil est le cadre traditionnel de réalisation de la justice des particuliers, et les règles qui le gouvernent se trouvent synthétisées dans les 24 premiers articles du CPC qui en énoncent les principes directeurs. Ces derniers organisent la répartition des charges processuelles entre les différents acteurs du procès, et déterminent ainsi l’essentiel de l’office du juge qui est construit autour du modèle contentieux du procès civil, taillé pour le juge du fond. Cependant, ce modèle subit des atténuations pour des raisons principalement d’équité ou de diligence, alors même que l’affaire qui est soumise au juge relève de la matière contentieuse. Dans la procédure gracieuse et dans celle de cassation, c’est la nature de la mission confiée au juge qui justifie parfois les atténuations apportées à ces principes, et parfois même leur effacement. Par ailleurs, l’action du juge à l’égard de ces principes directeurs va aussi dans le sens de leur adaptation aux évolutions juridiques et socio-économiques. Elle se traduit essentiellement d’une part, par une recherche d’effectivité de ces principes que le juge civil français n’hésite plus à rattacher à des normes supérieures, et d’autre part, par une recherche de leur efficience par le biais des techniques d’interprétation. Si dans le premier cas les phénomènes d’internationalisation et de constitutionnalisation du droit permettent d’expliquer une telle action, dans le second, se pose la question de la légitimité de la démarche. Notre pensée est que le juge d’aujourd’hui est aussi un juge gestionnaire dans un contexte d’accroissement de la demande de justice et de raréfaction des ressources allouées à la justice / Civil trial is the traditional framework where justice of individuals is usually delivered, and the rules which govern it are synthesized in the first 24 articles of the code of civil procedure which set out the guiding principles. The latter organize the sharing of procedural responsibilities between the different actors of the lawsuit, and determine the main part of the office of the judge built around the contentious model of the civil proceedings, cut for the ruling on the judges of the affairs. This model undergoes legal mitigations, mainly for reasons of equity or diligence, even though the case which is submitted to the judge is a matter of the contentious material. In the submission for an out-of-court settlement and that of the appeal to the supreme court, it is the nature of the mission entrusted to the judge who sometimes justifies the mitigations brought to these guiding principles, and sometimes even their disappearance. The action of the judge towards these principles also goes to the direction of their adaptation to evolutions so legal as Socio-Economic. It is essentially translated on the one hand, by a research for effectiveness of these principles which the judge does not hesitate to connect with superior standards, and on the other hand, by a research for their efficiency by means of the technique of interpretation. If in the first case the internationalization and constitutionnalisation explain such an action, the second case raises itself the question of the legitimacy of such an approach. Today’s judge is also a manager, especially in an increasing context of justice request and rarefaction of the resources assigned to the judicial administration

本研究目的在探討我國大專院校的技術授權績效影響因素，並探討各變項的中介及調節效果解釋。透過相關文獻的整理，本研究將影響因素可分為五個族群種類，包含：投入資源、智慧財產、專業技轉組織、環境因素及學校因素等五個族群，而觀察指標則採用學校的授權績效，據此五類因素設計出三個主要的研究假設。 本研究收集採用2007年我國大專院校全體164所完整資料，整理出34個變項資料，對於我國技術移轉迴歸模型的有效解釋能力為71.5%至68.0%，認為各校的美國專利數是具有顯著中介效果的變項。具有顯著意義的調節變項中，可以歸納出TTO影響績效的三個主要變項群組，包含：(1)TTO總員工數能增強研發資源產生專利權的解釋；(2)推廣活動辦理能增強研發資源產生專利權與授權績效的解釋，唯發明人引介數與專利權有較顯著相關性；(3)TTO職員的專業背景也是重要的調節變項，當學校研發資源充足時會聘請技術及法律背景的員工。 另學校鄰近科學園區、設置醫學系、公立一般大學，這三項具有調節效果的環境及學校變項，對於解釋能力具有增強的效果，但是因果關係上傾向解釋為資源優勢，本研究認為環境變項具有顯著影響，但相對難以透過管理機制產生績效的實質影響，相對地，TTO影響的因素卻可以透過管理產生績效的實質影響，是當前各學校在發展技術移轉上可參考的重要實證資料。本研究最後提出針對大學技術移轉研究的侷限問題，以及五種能夠修正本研究限制的建議。 / The purpose of this study is to analyze the factors of technology transfer performance in the universities and colleges in Taiwan. Furthermore, this study finds the mediation variables within the factors. This study differentiates the factors into 5 major elements, including investments, intellectual property, TTO, social environments, and the university itself. The annual royalty is the dependent variable. The study builds three hypotheses according to the 5 major elements mentioned. The study collects the complete data in 2007 of 164 universities and colleges in Taiwan. The intervening and mediation variables are taken into the regression model; the higher R-square is 68.0% to 71.5%. The study divides the significant mediation variables into 3 groups, including (1) The TTO scope will increase R-square of the patents. (2) The promotion actives will increase R-square of the patents and royalties. However, there is the high correlation between inventor promotion and patents. (3) When there are sufficient RD resource in the universities, TTO will employ employees of legal and technology background. About the environments and university issues, there are three significant mediation variables, including the distance to Science Park, the faculty of medicine, the public or private universities. The environmental variables were the significant impact on regression model, but the variables were controlled difficultly by universities. Comparatively, the universities controlled the TTO variables easily, and its will be significant impact on the performances of TTO. The study argues that variables are the effect issues with resource advantage. At last, the study recognizes some limits about the research of technology transfer and proposes 5 suggestions for future research.

This thesis analyses one of the less explored areas of Swedish politics: the political appointees in the ministerial staffs of the Swedish core executive. The study draws attention to the everyday life of the ministerial staff in order to give an idea of their function: What do the political appointees do? How is the work of the ministerial staffs organized? How is policy coordinated at the political level? The main empirical focus of this thesis is the 2002-2006 term of office. The study contributes to an understanding of the role of political advisers in steering and policy making, and, in the light of this, their potential influence on the policy capacity of the government is considered. Political advisers occupy an ambiguous place within the political system. They play a vital political role, but their presence also challenges the traditional relationship between ministers and public servants. The study shows that political advisers certainly have a leeway to participate in the steering of the ministry's civil servants: they can be said to have a number of steering functions. At the same time, it is made clear that this does not mean that the political advisers are in the position to influence government policy to any great extent. In conclusion, it is suggested that the ministerial staffs do have importance for the government's policy capacity in the sense that they reduce the work load of both the minister and the state secretary and thereby make space for them to govern. The research questions are answered by means of empirical material gathered through a combination of methods, providing data with a range as well as depth and context rarely found in studies of core executives: a survey, participatory observations, focus groups and a series of interviews. The dissertation demonstrates that the ethnographic method is a useful tool for anyone who seeks to highlight and explain the relationships within political organizations. / Avhandlingen analyserar en av de mer outforskade delarna av svensk politik: de politiskt anställda i Regeringskansliets politiska staber. Regeringskansliet betraktas i studien som en politisk organisation, snarare än som enbart en politiskt styrd organisation. Avhandlingen utgör ett bidrag till The Core Executive Approach, som definierar exekutiven i termer av funktion och ställer frågor om vem som gör vad i exekutiven. Studien uppmärksammar vardagslivet i de politiska staberna för att ge en bild av deras funktion: Vad gör de politiskt anställda? Hur är arbetet i de politiska staberna organiserat? Hur samordnas politiken på politisk nivå i Regeringskansliet? Ansatsen är organisationsteoretisk och de olika aktörernas funktion och plats i organisationen står i centrum. Studien bidrar även till förståelse av de politiskt sakkunnigas roll i policyskapande och i styrning av departementen. I ljuset av detta, diskuteras de politiskt sakkunnigas betydelse för regeringens styrningskapacitet. De politiskt sakkunniga spelar en betydande roll för statsrådets politiska och personliga stöd, men deras närvaro i Regeringskansliet utmanar även det traditionella förhållandet mellan statsråd och tjänstemän. Eftersom de politiskt sakkunniga inte ingår i departementens linjeorganisation ingår de inte i den parlamentariska styrningskedjan som helhet, d.v.s. de kan inte utkrävas ansvar av riksdagen. Ur ett demokratiskt perspektiv är det därför angeläget att analysera denna grupps deltagande i skapandet av politiken. Därutöver studeras empiriskt hur de politiskt anställda själva resonerar om styrning och vilka styrningsstrategier de lyfter fram. Avhandlingens huvudsakliga empiriska fokus är begränsat till mandatperioden 2002-2006. Studiens tillvägagångssätt utgörs av en kombination av metoder som ger material med såväl bredd som djup och kontext, vilket är ovanligt i studier av regeringskanslier: en enkätundersökning, deltagande observation, fokusgrupper och kvalitativa intervjuer. Avhandlingens etnografiska inslag är särskilt tydliga i de dagboksutdrag som kompletterar analysen. Avhandlingen visar att etnografisk metod är ett användbart verktyg för den som vill belysa och förklara relationer inom politiska organisationer. Den empiriska undersökningen visar att statssekreterare, planeringschefer och pressekreterare har olika funktioner, som inte överlappar varandra i större utsträckning. De kan snarare sägas komplettera varandra. De politiskt sakkunniga har å andra sidan en bredare funktion, som överlappar de övriga politiskt anställdas funktioner i förhållandevis stor grad. De kan påverka policyprocesser, och i egenskap av statsrådets nära medarbetare, även statsrådets inställning. Studien visar också att politiskt sakkunniga deltar i styrningen av departementen: de kan sägas ha en rad olika styrningsfunktioner. Samtidigt innebär inte detta att de politiskt sakkunniga har möjlighet att påverka regeringens politik i större utsträckning. Styrning från de politiskt sakkunniga betraktas endast som legitimt när den överensstämmer med och kan härledas till statsrådets eller statssekreterarens styrning.  Närhet och möjligheten att ta reda på statsrådets åsikt är en viktig förutsättning för att detta ska fungera. Om de politiska staberna är för stora finns en risk att de politiskt anställdas förmåga att agera i enighet med statsrådets vilja minskar. Sammanfattningsvis föreslås att de politiska staberna har betydelse för regeringens styrningskapacitet i den meningen att de avlastar såväl statsrådet från statssekreteraren, och därigenom skapar utrymme för dem att styra. / Regeringskansliet och samhällets organisering (Reko)

E-waste is a world-wide, interregional, and domestic problem. E-waste management is a challenging task not only due to its speedily increasing volume but more outstandingly because of its hazardous nature. This study examined the e-waste management and disposal methods in the city of Addis Ababa to propose appropriate e-waste management model. Further, it attempted to comprehend the existing policy gap by identifying the different obstructions to the adoption of e-waste management policy. To this end, the study employs both descriptive and explanatory research designs. It selected 100 household heads from Bole and NSL sub-cities, 72 GSD personnel from the educational institutions and governmental sector offices, and 6 higher government officials. The quantitative data were analysed using IBM SPSS 21. Thus, the frequencies, the chi-square tests, t-tests, a one-way ANOVA, the partial and product-moment correlations, the ordinal, multiple and Poisson regression models were computed. The qualitative data were analysed using ATLAS ti 7. The findings of the study revealed that most of the respondents were not aware of e-waste and its management. The households generated about 4,010 number of non-functional, 2,077 obsolete, and 1,856 broken e-waste. Besides, the educational institutions and governmental sector offices generated about 11,153 non-functional, 15,911 obsolete, and 11,360 broken e-waste. The monthly income was statistically significant in the e-waste management whereas family sizes, gender, and educational qualifications were insignificant. The major e-waste causes encompass rapid obsolescence rate, breakage, and the demands for extra and innovative models or designs of electronic gadgets. The most common e-waste disposal method was storing. The recycling, reusing, donation, and refurbishing of e-waste had hardly been practiced. The study found the absence of good disposal methods and recyclers as the root causes for the prolonged storage and improper disposal of e-waste. E-waste laws, legislation, projects, activities, and recycling centres were non-existent. What is more, the administrative, economic, and socio-cultural challenges triggered the poor e-waste management of the city. Based on the findings, the study proposed a workable e-waste management model, which would most likely result in efficient and sustainable e-waste management in the city. Further, it calls for the stakeholders to work jointly to ensure proper e-waste management. / Geography / D. Lit. et Phil. (Geography)

Implicit in the concepts Incarnation, narrative, Christology, Shona women of Zimbabwe today is the God who acts in human history and in the contemporaneity and particularity of our being. The Incarnation as the embodiment of God in the world entails seizing the kairos opportunity to expand the view and to bear the burdens of responsibility. A theanthropocosmic Christology that captures the Shona holistic world-view is explored. The acme for a relational Christology is the imago Dei/Christi and the baptismal indicative and imperative. God is revealed in various manifestations of creation. Human identity and dignity is the flipside of God's attributes. Theanthropocosmic Christology as pluralistic, differential and radical brings about a dialectic between the whole and its parts, the uniqueness of the individual, communal ontology and epistemology, the local and the universal, orthodoxy and orthopraxis, Christology and soteriology. God mediates in the contingency of particularity. Emphasis is on life-affirmation rather than sex determination of Jesus as indicated by theologies of liberation and inculturation. At the interface gender, ethnicity, class and creed, God transcends human limitedness and artificial boundaries in creating catholic space and advocating all-embracing apostolic action. Difference is appreciated for the richness it brings both to the individual and the community. Hegemonic structures and borderless texts are view with suspicion as totalising grand~narratives and exclusivist by using generic language. The kairos in dialogue with the Incarnation is seizing the moment to expand the view and to share the burdens, joys and responsibility in a community of equal discipleship. In a hermeneutic of engagement and suspicion, prophetic witness is the hallmark of Christian discipleship and of a Christology that culminates in liberative praxis. The Christology that emerges from Shona women highlights a passionate appropriation that involves the head, gut, womb and heart and underlies the circle symbolism. The circle is the acme of Shona hospitality and togetherness in creative dialogue with the Trinitarian koinonia. The Shona Christological designation Muponesi (Deliverer-Midwife) in dialogue with the Paschal Mystery motif captures the God-human-cosmos relationship that gives a Christology caught up in the rhythms, dynamism and drama of life. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Systematic Theology)

This study deals with the character of Jesus in the Gospel of John and follows the social-scientific approach and aims to correct the traditional views regarding the personality of Jesus. The aim is not a personality analysis but to situate Jesus as a typical person who was a part of and functioned in the first Mediterranean world. The pivotal values of the ancient world such as honor/shame; collectivistic/dyadic personality; family and group orientation; kinship; the patronage system with the patron/broker/client relationship and the purity system are applied to reach the aim of my thesis. It is found that Jesus was a collectivistic/dyadic personality. He functioned in this family orientated as well as in a group orientated community and socially structured patronage system as a broker, totally the contrary to contemporary personality drawings of Jesus found in modern literature. / In hierdie studie, wat 'n skripsie van beperkte omvang is, word nie gepoog om 'n persoonlikheidsanalise van Jesus te doen nie. Die studie wil die probleem van die toepassings en interpretasies van Jesus in populere literatuur aanspreek. Jesus word deur moderne mense en teoloe in prentjies en idees van 'n moderne mens met moderne kategoriee, denke en perspektiewe, waardes en oordele beskryf, geteken en geinterpreteer, en dit is nie 'n werklike getroue en realistiese weergawe van Jesus as historiese mens nie. Jesus word in populere literatuur as 'n individualis geteken; sy persoon en emosies word alleenlik in moderne denke en kategoriee geinterpreteer en dit word slegs op grond van moderne individuele ervaring gedoen. Hierdie interpretasies is nie tipies van die kollektiwistiese, groep-georienteerde eerste-eeuse mediterreense persoon nie. Afsydigheid en terughoudendheid (4:9, 10; 13:36-38) is kenmerkend van persone in hierdie samelewing waar warmte in verhoudings ontbreek het (2:16; 9:16)'. Emosies soos 'liefde' wat Jesus toon, is nie 'n emosionele konnotasie wat in die moderne samelewing dui op die gevoelslewe van die mens nie. In hierdie antieke samelewing het 'liefde' gedui op lojaliteit, solidariteit en groepgebondenheid en as Jesus die blinde man sy sig teruggee (9:7), herstel hy nie hier die geneesde man se plek as individu in terme van die moderne samelewing nie, maar hy herstel die sieke in sy regmatige, groep-georienteerde sosiale plek in die antieke samelewing waarin hy - weens sy siekte - as 'buitestaander' geetiketteer is en dus geen deel in die groep gehad het nie. In hierdie antieke eerste-eeuse mediterreense samelewing het ander spilpuntwaardes as in ons moderne samelewing gegeld. In hierdie kollektiwistiese en groepgebonde kultuur het persone gedeel in 'n gemeenskap met die spilpuntwaardes, norme en ingestelde sosiale reels van hierdie spesifieke kultuur en aspekte wat vormend op hulle ingewerk het. Jesus se persoon en optrede moet nagevors word in hierdie sosiale sisteem waar mag deur simbole daargestel is, en waar mense, dinge en gebeure elkeen 'n simboliese werklikheid verteenwoordig het. / New Testament / M. A. (Biblical Studies)

Michael Servetus (1508 - 1553) and Emanuel Swedenborg (1688 - 1772) are both considered heretics. They share many concepts about the nature of God, especially their rejection orthodox Nicene and Chalcedonian theology. This thesis explores their respective theologies relating to the Trinity and Christology, with speculation of what sources they may have had in common. While attention is paid to Ignatius, Irenaeus and Tertullian, particular attention is paid to Tertullian, whose work Adversus Praxean lays the foundation of Servetus' ideas and has much in common with Swedenborg's theology. In light of their similarity to Tertullian, the question is asked if Servetus and Swedenborg would have been called heretics prior to Nicaea. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Church History)

Text in German / Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht die christologischen Schwerpunkte im Leben und Denken von Frère Roger Schutz von Taizé und zeigt Querverbindungen zu unterschiedlichen theologischen Ansätzen. Dabei werden dogmatische Berührungspunkte zu den Vätern der alten Kirche, zur lutherischen, katholischen und orthodoxen Christologie dargestellt und untersucht. Als Basis der systematisch-theologischen Forschungsarbeit dienen die theologischen Studien, Tagebücher und erbaulichen Schriften, die Roger Schutz zwischen 1943 und 2005 geschrieben hat, sowie die liturgischen Hefte und Gebetsbücher von Taizé, die auf ihren christologischen Gehalt untersucht werden. Die poetische Sprache von Frère Roger erfordert eine literarische und theologische Interpretation, die mit zwei Brüdern der Gemeinschaft in Taizé besprochen wurde. Die Entwicklung der christologischen Ansichten von Roger Schutz wird durch alle Phasen seines Lebens hindurch untersucht, sodass am Schluss der Arbeit drei wichtige Thesen dargestellt werden können, die für die Zukunft von Taizé und für die christologische Diskussion im ökumenischen Umfeld interessant sind. / This present dissertation researches the christological key factors in the life and thinking of Frère Roger Schutz of Taizé and shows specific connections to different theological theories. We find several points of reference to the church fathers, the lutheran, catholic and orthodox Christology which are categorized and evaluated. As a base of this systematic research, I use the theological reflections, the diaries and the devotional books which Roger Schutz wrote between 1943 and 2005 as well as the liturgical sheets and prayer books in Taizé center. The poetic language of Frère Roger needs a literally and theological interpretation which I discussed with two Brothers of the community. The development of the christological thinking of Roger Schutz is analysed through all phases of his life, so that at the end of my research I conclude with three final observations which are interesting for the future of the community in Taizé as well as for the christological discussion in the ecumenical context. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Systematic Theology)