• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 92
  • 33
  • 20
  • 15
  • 6
  • 4
  • 3
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 201
  • 72
  • 62
  • 49
  • 39
  • 37
  • 31
  • 30
  • 28
  • 23
  • 21
  • 20
  • 20
  • 19
  • 19
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
191

[fr] LA FRAGILITÉ MONARCHISTE: DES DISSIDENCES POLITIQUES DE LA FIN DE L EMPIRE AUX RÉACTIONS À LA PREMIÈRE DÉCENNIE RÉPUBLICAINE (1860-1900) / [pt] FRAGILIDADE MONARQUISTA: DAS DISSIDÊNCIAS POLÍTICAS DE FINS DO IMPÉRIO ÀS REAÇÕES NA PRIMEIRA DÉCADA REPUBLICANA (1860-1900)

AMANDA MUZZI GOMES 04 February 2016 (has links)
[pt] Esta tese analisa as dissidências políticas nos partidos políticos do Império, o Liberal e o Conservador, cujas fraturas progressivamente levaram a uma situação de fragilidade monarquista. As fraturas se iniciaram em 1860, quando surgiu a idéia de formação da Liga Progressista, por parte da primeira dissidência conservadora desde a institucionalização do regime em 1850; se acentuaram durante a campanha abolicionista, capitaneada no parlamento por Joaquim Nabuco, e atingiram o clímax na última cisão liberal, em meio aos debates referentes à federalização das províncias, em 1889, quando se iniciou o derradeiro ministério da monarquia, o do visconde de Ouro Preto. A instauração da república, fruto de uma conspiração militar-civil, deitou raízes no processo de desgaste do governo imperial. No 15 de Novembro, além da perplexidade, havia desarticulação entre os políticos da monarquia, exacerbada pela radicalização reformista dos anos 1880. A fragilidade, que lenta e gradualmente ceifou as possibilidades de acordos no final do Segundo Reinado, foi um dos obstáculos para uma eficaz organização em defesa do regime deposto. O movimento monarquista da década de 1890 foi bastante fragmentado porque, além das repressões e do pouco apoio da família imperial, antigas divergências foram reativadas. / [fr] Cette thèse analyse les dissidences politiques dans les partis politiques impériaux, le Libéral et le Conservateur, dont les fractures ont menées, progressivement, à une situation de fragilité monarchiste. Ces fractures se sont initiées en 1860, quand l idée de la formation d une Ligue Progressiste a surgi de la part de la première dissidence conservatrice depuis l institutionnalisation du régime dans l année 1850; elles se sont fortifiées durant la campagne abolitionniste, qui était commandée au parlament par Joaquim Nabuco, et elles ont atteint le climax à la dernière rupture liberale, parmi les débats sur la féderalisation des provinces, dans l année 1889, quand commença le dernier ministère de la monarchie, celle du viscomte de Ouro Preto. L instauration de la république, dûe à une conspiration militaire-civil, a marqué le processus de détérioration du governement impérial. Le 15 novembre, au-delà de la perplexité, il y avait la désarticulation entre les politiciens de la monarchie, qui était éxarcebée par la radicalisation réformiste des années1880. La fragilité, qui a fauché doucement et graduellement les possibilités des accords à la fin du Deuxième Règne, fut un des obstacles pour une efficace organisation en défense du régime déposé. Le mouvement monarchiste des années 1890 fut assez fragmenté puisque, au-delà des répressions et du faible support de la famille impériale, des vieilles divergences furent réactivées.
192

Doodvonnis in Suid-Afrika : dinamiek van nie-teregstelling en afskaffing

Visser, Gerhardus 04 1900 (has links)
Text in Afrikaans / Executions were discontinued during November 1989. In February 1990 the State President announced a moratorium on executions. Since 27 July 1990 the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1990 effected important changes to the substantive law and procedure regarding the death sentence. The "new" death sentence dispensation was applied by the courts and the moratorium would be lifted as soon as the new dispensation became effective. That never materialised. The death sentence issue was dealt with in a game of political compromise. Criminal law and the esteem of the Government suffered as a result. Judicial frustration and uncertainty developed regarding application of the death sentence. The opportunity was seized by the abolitionists to attain their ideal. The Constitutional Court declared the death sentence unconstitutional. Presently a final Constitution is being drafted which will probably finally do away with the death sentence. An effective process of denigration of the death sentence thus resulted from the moratorium on executions. / Teregstellings is gedurende November 1989 gestaak. Op 2 Februarie 1990 het die Staatspresident 'n moratorium op teregstellings afgekondig. Vanaf 27 Julie 1990 het die Strafregwysigingswet, 1990, belangrike verstellings aan die materiele en prosessuele reg met betrekking tot die doodvonnis gemaak. Die "nuwe" doodvonnisbedeling is deur die howe toegepas. Die moratorium sou opgehef word sodra die "nuwe bedeling" op dreef was. Dit het nie gebeur nie. 'n Spel van kornprornie-politiek random die doodvonniskwessie het horn afgespeel. Die strafregpleging en die Regering se aansien het daaronder gely. Regterlike frustrasie het posgevat en regsonsekerheid oar die toepassing van die doodvonnis het ontstaan. Die geleentheid is deur die afskaffers aangegryp om hul ideaal te verwesenlik. Die Konstitusionele Hof het die doodvonnis ongrondwetlik verklaar. Tans word 'n finale Grondwet geskryf wat waarskynlik die doodvonnis gaan afskaf. 'n Effektiewe proses van aftakeling van die doodvonnis het dus sedert die moratorium op teregstellings plaasgevind. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. M.
193

Não diga que não somos brancos: os projetos de colonização para afro-americanos do governo Lincoln na perspectiva do Caribe, América Latina e Brasil dos 1860 / Não diga que não somos brancos: projects of colonization for African-Americans of Lincoln\'s government in the perspective of the Caribbean, Latin America and Brazil in 1860

Maria Clara Sales Carneiro Sampaio 05 February 2014 (has links)
No início da Guerra da Secessão (1861-1865), os Estados Unidos promoveram negociações internacionais que pretendiam transferir seus afrodescendentes, em diversas condições de escravidão e liberdade para diversos países independentes da América Latina e possessões coloniais no Caribe. Ainda que tais negociações não tenham resultado de fato na realocação de homens e mulheres afro-americanos, as trocas diplomáticas, bem como outras fontes documentais, revelaram interessantes debates sobre escravidão, raça, construção nacional e o trabalho dependente no pós-abolição, que fazem do tema uma espécie de microcosmo que abrange questões substanciais que marcaram as mudanças nos mundos do trabalho no século XIX. Os projetos de colonização, como então foram chamados, para população afroamericana foram propostos e negociados por Washington com os seguintes países e colônias abrangidos pelo presente trabalho: Brasil, Equador, atual Panamá (pertencente, à época, à atual Colômbia), Costa Rica, Nicarágua. Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, Belize (Honduras Britânicas), Guiana Britânica, Suriname (colônia da Holanda), na ilha dinamarquesa de Santa Cruz, Haiti e Libéria. / In the early years of its Civil War, the United States Government proposed to resettle African- Americans throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Though these schemes did not ultimately come to fruition, the intentions of the United States and the responses of negotiating nations reflected broader debates on slavery, race, nation building and indenture labor in the post abolition era. These colonization projects, as they were then called, aimed to resettle African-Americans in countries such as Brazil, Ecuador, present-day Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, present-day Belize, British Guiana, Surinam, St. Croix Island, Haiti and Liberia.
194

A gente da Felisberta: consciência histórica, história e memória de uma família negra no litoral rio-grandense na pós-emancipação (c. 1847 – tempo presente).

Weimer, Rodrigo de Azevedo January 2013 (has links)
Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-25T17:17:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Weimer, Rodrigo-Tese-2013.pdf: 5825565 bytes, checksum: bb1cf3833ddeb66b3218f1cb54c82b39 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-25T17:17:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Weimer, Rodrigo-Tese-2013.pdf: 5825565 bytes, checksum: bb1cf3833ddeb66b3218f1cb54c82b39 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / No presente trabalho tenho como objetivo analisar como o passado escravista e o período subsequente à Abolição da escravidão vêm sendo lembrados ao longo do século XX na região do litoral norte do Rio Grande do Sul. Para tanto, analisou-se a trajetória de um casal de escravos e sua descendência desde meados do século XIX até a aurora do século XXI. Inscreve-se na perspectiva da “história da memória”, não obstante a experiência vivida seja recuperada como forma de contextualizar os processos de rememoração. Temáticas como a relação entre a oralidade e a cultura escrita, as experiências de gênero e de racialização, a valorização da memória do cativeiro face a disputas políticas contemporâneas e as práticas de nominação foram costuradas através do conceito de “consciência histórica”, por meio da qual procuro traduzir uma disposição investigativa – ainda que não “científica” ou “acadêmica” – do grupo estudado face a seu próprio passado. / In this study I intend to analyze how the slavery past and the period after the Abolition of slavery in Brazil have been recorded during the 20th century in the north littoral of the Brazilian State of Rio Grande do Sul. The trajectory of a couple of slaves and their offspring was studied since the middle of the 19th century till the dawn of the 21th century. This thesis befits into the perspective of the “history of memory”, notwithstanding the lived experience in recovered as a way of contextualization of the remembrance processes. Issues like the relation between orality and written culture, gender and racialization experiences, the appreciation of the slavery memory in view of contemporary political disputes, and the practices of nomination were interconnected through the concept of “historical consciousness”. This concept means and investigative disposition – but not “scientific” neither “academic” – of the studied group in view of their own past.
195

Les obligations alimentaires à caractère international / The maintenance obligations in private international law

Widiez Rasolonomenjanahary, Gaëlle 23 October 2019 (has links)
Les règles de droit international privé applicables aux obligations alimentaires présentent trois caractéristiques principales. Primo, elles sont de source principalement internationale. Outre quelques règles de droit commun subsistantes, elles proviennent de six conventions de La Haye, d’un règlement européen, d’une convention adoptée sous l’égide des Nations-Unies et de conventions bilatérales et multilatérales. Secundo, elles s’insèrent au sein du mouvement contemporain de spécialisation de la discipline, ce qui implique un démantèlement des grandes catégories juridiques composant le statut personnel. Tertio, au carrefour de plusieurs intérêts, elles sont d’une particulière complexité. L’étude des obligations alimentaires à caractère international nous permet alors dedresser un bilan critique du droit international privé contemporain de la famille produit de manière désorganisée par la Conférence de La Haye et l’Union européenne. Bien évidemment, l’internationalisation des sources a permis des avancées certaines des méthodes du droit international privé. Parallèlement, elle a profondémentmétamorphosé la discipline en l’orientant vers la satisfaction d’intérêts politiques propres aux producteurs de normes au détriment de ses objectifs traditionnels. Prenant acte de ces observations, nous proposons un renouvellement du mode de production normative. L’amélioration des règles critiquables passe forcément par une réorganisation des rôles de l’État, de l’Union européenne et de la Conférence de La Haye dans l’élaboration du droit international privé. / The rules of Private International Law which could be applied to the maintenance obligations have three main characteristics. First of all, they are mainly from an International source. Some of the rules of International Law come from six Hague Conventions, an European regulation, a convention adopted under the United Nations’auspices, bilateral and multilateral conventions. Secondly, they take part in the discipline specialization through the contemporary movement which conclude the abolition of the main legal categories making up the personal status. Thirdly, they have a particular complexity being at the crossroad of several interests. The study of the maintenance obligations at an international scale allows us to critically asses the contemporary private international family law produced in the disorganized manner by the Hague Conference and the European Union. To be clarify it more, the internationalization of its sources allowed clear advance in the private international law methods. At the same time, it has changed the discipline fundamentally by focusing on the satisfaction of the norm setters’ political interests at the expense of its traditional goal. Taking note of these observations, we propose a renewal of the norms’ production method. Indeed, the questionable rules necessarily improve through the reorganization of the roles of the state, the European Union and the Hague Conference in the development of the private international law.
196

The Ill-Treatment of Their Countrywoman: Liberated African Women, Violence, and Power in Tortola, 1807–1834

Browne, Arianna 01 June 2021 (has links) (PDF)
In 1807, Parliament passed an Act to abolish the slave trade, leading to the Royal Navy’s campaign of policing international waters and seizing ships suspected of illegal trading. As the Royal Navy captured slave ships as prizes of war and condemned enslaved Africans to Vice-Admiralty courts, formerly enslaved Africans became “captured negroes” or “liberated Africans,” making the subjects in the British colonies. This work, which takes a microhistorical approach to investigate the everyday experiences of liberated Africans in Tortola during the early nineteenth century, focuses on the violent conditions of liberated African women, demonstrating that abolition consisted of violent contradictions that mirrored slavery.
197

An Oblique Blackness: Reading Racial Formation in the Aesthetics of George Elliott Clarke, Dionne Brand, and Wayde Compton

Haynes, Jeremy D. 10 1900 (has links)
<p>This thesis examines how the poetics of George Elliott Clarke, Dionne Brand and Wayde Compton articulate unique aesthetic voices that are representative of a range of ethnic communities that collectively make-up blackness in Canada. Despite the different backgrounds, geographies, and ethnicities of these authors, blackness in Canada is regularly viewed as a homogeneous community that is most closely tied to the cultural histories of the American South and the Atlantic slave trade. Black Canadians have historically been excluded from the official narratives of the nation, disassociating blackness from Canadian-ness. Epithets such as “African-Canadian” are indicative of the way race distances citizenship and belonging. Each of these authors expresses an aesthetic through their poetics that is representative of the unique combination of social, political, cultural, and ethnic interactions that can be collectively described as racial formation. While each of these authors orients her or his own ethnic community in relation to the nation in different ways, their focus on collapsing the distance between citizenship and belonging can be read as a base for forming community from which collective resistance to the racial violence of exclusion can be grounded.</p> / Master of English
198

Les projets politiques et les fondements historiques de la communauté chiite au Bahreïn depuis l’indépendance 1971 / The political projects and the historical foundations of Shi’a in Bahrain since independence in 1971

Al shaikh, Aayat 12 May 2018 (has links)
Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationaux. / Shiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals.
199

The Acoustics of Abolition: Recovering the Evangelical Anti–Slave Trade Discourse Through Late-Eighteenth-Century Sermons, Hymns, and Prayers

Gilman, Daniel 23 April 2013 (has links)
This thesis explores the late-eighteenth-century movement to end Britain’s transatlantic slave trade through recovering one of the major discourses in favour of abolition, namely that of the evangelical Anglicans. This important intellectual milieu has often been ignored in academia and is discovered through examining the sermons, hymns, and prayers of three influential leaders in this movement: Member of Parliament William Wilberforce, pastor and hymn writer John Newton, and pastor and professor Charles Simeon. Their oral texts reveal that at the heart of their discourse lies the doctrine of Atonement. On this foundation these abolitionists primarily built a vocabulary not of human rights, but of public duty. This duty was both to care for the destitute as individuals and to protect their nation as a whole because they believed that God was the defender of the enslaved and that he would bring providential judgement on those nations that ignored their plight. For the British evangelicals, abolishing the slave trade was not merely a means to avoid impending judgement, but also part of a broader project to prepare the way for Jesus’s imminent return through advancing the work of reconciliation between humankind and God as they believed themselves to be confronting evil in all of its forms. By reconfiguring the evangelical abolitionist arguments within their religious framework and social contexts, this thesis helps overcome the dissonance that separates our world from theirs and makes accessible the eighteenth-century abolitionist discourse of a campaign that continues to resonate with human rights activists and scholars of social change in the twenty-first-century.
200

The Acoustics of Abolition: Recovering the Evangelical Anti–Slave Trade Discourse Through Late-Eighteenth-Century Sermons, Hymns, and Prayers

Gilman, Daniel January 2013 (has links)
This thesis explores the late-eighteenth-century movement to end Britain’s transatlantic slave trade through recovering one of the major discourses in favour of abolition, namely that of the evangelical Anglicans. This important intellectual milieu has often been ignored in academia and is discovered through examining the sermons, hymns, and prayers of three influential leaders in this movement: Member of Parliament William Wilberforce, pastor and hymn writer John Newton, and pastor and professor Charles Simeon. Their oral texts reveal that at the heart of their discourse lies the doctrine of Atonement. On this foundation these abolitionists primarily built a vocabulary not of human rights, but of public duty. This duty was both to care for the destitute as individuals and to protect their nation as a whole because they believed that God was the defender of the enslaved and that he would bring providential judgement on those nations that ignored their plight. For the British evangelicals, abolishing the slave trade was not merely a means to avoid impending judgement, but also part of a broader project to prepare the way for Jesus’s imminent return through advancing the work of reconciliation between humankind and God as they believed themselves to be confronting evil in all of its forms. By reconfiguring the evangelical abolitionist arguments within their religious framework and social contexts, this thesis helps overcome the dissonance that separates our world from theirs and makes accessible the eighteenth-century abolitionist discourse of a campaign that continues to resonate with human rights activists and scholars of social change in the twenty-first-century.

Page generated in 0.0994 seconds