Ethnic minority children living in relative poverty are a high-risk group for poor outcomes in all aspects of wellbeing. The relationship and interactions between child and parent are a key part of child development and a platform for providing positive experiences which can benefit a child’s wellbeing. There is therefore a need to identify what facilitates wellbeing for ethnic minority children in low-socioeconomic status families. By focusing on protective and promotive factors encompassing the parent-child relationship, factors can be identified which can use family strengths as a basis for interventions and practice within healthcare, social work and education, which is what this systematic literature review set out to do. Through a diligent search of the literature, 12 articles were identified for review according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria, containing research on African American, Roma, Native American and Hispanic/Latino youth. The results inform how child wellbeing can be facilitated through several parental factors, including parental involvement and support, maternal attachment, paternal warmth and ethnic identity and ethnic socialization. The findings also indicate a need for further studies on paternal influence on wellbeing in especially Native American and Roma youth, as well as the impact of ethnic socialization on youth wellbeing. Parents have an important role to play in child wellbeing and are vital partners alongside the child when planning interventions. Considerations naturally need to be shown for each ethnic minority, the child’s setting and its individual characteristics.

Syftet med detta arbete är att, dels ur ett fastighetsrättsligt perspektiv, dels ett folkrättsligt perspektiv, utreda om Sveriges urbefolkning samerna kan sägas ha förvärvat en äganderätt till marken i Lappland enligt svensk rätt, eller om detta enbart handlar om en bruksrätt inkluderande renskötsel, jakt och fiske. Vad gäller det fastighetsrättsliga perspektivet har samerna haft en mycket stark fastighetsrättslig ställning på 1600- och 1700-talet. Då behandlades samernas lappskatteland som sådan skattejord, som skattebönderna sedermera genom lagstiftning automatiskt förvärvade full äganderätt till. Så skedde dock inte för samernas del. I stället trängdes de undan från stora delar av sina ursprungliga marker på grund av bl.a. kolonisation, exploateringsintressen, samt nedvärdering av nomadkulturen. Från att ha varit i stor majoritet blev de en minoritet på sina gamla marker. Dessa marker har sedermera kommit att betraktas som kronojord i statens ägo, vilket innebär en stor förskjutning av samernas fastighetsrättliga ställning inom loppet av fyra sekler. Gällande rätt garanterar inte samer som är medlemmar av en sameby någon starkare rätt än en bruksrätt, som till vissa delar är svagare än vad som gäller för andra bruksrättsinnehavare i Sverige. Praxis utesluter emellertid inte att renskötselrätten kan ha gett upphov till äganderätt, särskilt i nordligaste Sverige. Att samerna haft svårt att hävda sin äganderätt kan bero på att rättssystemet inte har haft en egentlig förståelse för rennäringens speciella förutsättningar, vilket gör att exempelvis beviskraven blir höga att nå upp till. Min slutsats är dock att övertygande bevis finns för att samerna har förvärvat en äganderätt, åtminstone till statlig kronomark i Lappland, oavsett om lagstiftningen för närvarande tillerkänner dem detta eller ej. Vad gäller vinterbetesmarker i Lappland föreligger inte lika starka bevis för att en äganderätt skulle ha uppstått, men däremot en bruksrätt som är starkare än dagens lagstiftning tillerkänner samerna. Vad gäller det folkrättsliga perspektivet ger de konventioner Sverige ingått inte uttryckligen stöd för att samernas markrättigheter skall erkännas, och svensk lagstiftning får sägas uppfylla de minimikrav de ställer. Sverige har dock fått internationell kritik för att inte ha funnit en lösning på och förbättrat rättssäkerheten angående samiska markrättigheter. Inte heller har Sverige ratificerat ILO-konvention nr. 169 om ursprungsfolk och stamfolk i självstyrande länder. Anledningen är just att bestämmelser som reglerar markrättigheter inte har ansetts förenliga med svenska rättsförhållanden. Man kan dock hoppas på att Sverige framöver kommer att ta intryck av den internationella utvecklingen vad gäller erkännande av urbefolkningars markanspråk. / The aim of this thesis is to examine whether the Sami people, who is an indigenous people living in the north of Sweden, could have acquired ownership of land areas in Lapland according to Swedish law, or whether they only have a right to use the land that they traditionally occupy for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing. The question is dealt with from a land law as well as an international law approach. Concerning the land law approach, the Sami people has had a very strong position close to ownership during the 17th and 18th centuries. At that time, the Samis paid tax for their lands, which meant that they were not considered to belong to the Crown, but were treated in the same way as the independent farmers’ lands. However, while the farmers through a declaration from the King in 1789 automatically achieved full ownership of their lands, the Sami people did not. Instead, the Samis were pressed back from large parts of their original territory because of colonisation, exploitation and depreciation of their nomadic way of living. Once a majority, they found themselves a minority in their own land and their territory had become the Crown’s property. Undoubtedly, there has been an extraordinary shifting of the Sami people’s land rights within four centuries. Current law does only guarantee the members of the Sami villages the right to use land for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing, and this right is in some aspects even weaker than that of other Swedish citizens with similar rights. Still, case law does not exclude the possibility that reindeer breeding could have originated right of ownership, especially in Lapland. My findings on this area are that there is convincing evidence that the Sami people has acquired right of ownership on the lands which they traditionally occupy all year around. On the lands that they share with others, they have a strong right to use the land during the winter, probably stronger than the legislation provides for. What concerns the international law approach, Swedish legislation does fulfil the minimum demands according to the conventions the country has ratified. Still, Sweden has been criticized of not finding a balanced solution to and improving legal certainty on Sami land rights. Sweden has not ratified the ILO Convention no. 169 con-cerning indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries. The reason for this is mainly the article which aims at strengthening the indigenous peoples’ land rights, which Sweden does not find compatible with national law. Still, one can hope that the ongoing international development on the area will show the way, and that Sweden will pay attention to it in future legislation.

<p>Syftet med detta arbete är att, dels ur ett fastighetsrättsligt perspektiv, dels ett folkrättsligt perspektiv, utreda om Sveriges urbefolkning samerna kan sägas ha förvärvat en äganderätt till marken i Lappland enligt svensk rätt, eller om detta enbart handlar om en bruksrätt inkluderande renskötsel, jakt och fiske.</p><p>Vad gäller det fastighetsrättsliga perspektivet har samerna haft en mycket stark fastighetsrättslig ställning på 1600- och 1700-talet. Då behandlades samernas lappskatteland som sådan skattejord, som skattebönderna sedermera genom lagstiftning automatiskt förvärvade full äganderätt till. Så skedde dock inte för samernas del. I stället trängdes de undan från stora delar av sina ursprungliga marker på grund av bl.a. kolonisation, exploateringsintressen, samt nedvärdering av nomadkulturen. Från att ha varit i stor majoritet blev de en minoritet på sina gamla marker. Dessa marker har sedermera kommit att betraktas som kronojord i statens ägo, vilket innebär en stor förskjutning av samernas fastighetsrättliga ställning inom loppet av fyra sekler.</p><p>Gällande rätt garanterar inte samer som är medlemmar av en sameby någon starkare rätt än en bruksrätt, som till vissa delar är svagare än vad som gäller för andra bruksrättsinnehavare i Sverige. Praxis utesluter emellertid inte att renskötselrätten kan ha gett upphov till äganderätt, särskilt i nordligaste Sverige. Att samerna haft svårt att hävda sin äganderätt kan bero på att rättssystemet inte har haft en egentlig förståelse för rennäringens speciella förutsättningar, vilket gör att exempelvis beviskraven blir höga att nå upp till. Min slutsats är dock att övertygande bevis finns för att samerna har förvärvat en äganderätt, åtminstone till statlig kronomark i Lappland, oavsett om lagstiftningen för närvarande tillerkänner dem detta eller ej. Vad gäller vinterbetesmarker i Lappland föreligger inte lika starka bevis för att en äganderätt skulle ha uppstått, men däremot en bruksrätt som är starkare än dagens lagstiftning tillerkänner samerna.</p><p>Vad gäller det folkrättsliga perspektivet ger de konventioner Sverige ingått inte uttryckligen stöd för att samernas markrättigheter skall erkännas, och svensk lagstiftning får sägas uppfylla de minimikrav de ställer. Sverige har dock fått internationell kritik för att inte ha funnit en lösning på och förbättrat rättssäkerheten angående samiska markrättigheter. Inte heller har Sverige ratificerat ILO-konvention nr. 169 om ursprungsfolk och stamfolk i självstyrande länder. Anledningen är just att bestämmelser som reglerar markrättigheter inte har ansetts förenliga med svenska rättsförhållanden. Man kan dock hoppas på att Sverige framöver kommer att ta intryck av den internationella utvecklingen vad gäller erkännande av urbefolkningars markanspråk.</p> / <p>The aim of this thesis is to examine whether the Sami people, who is an indigenous people living in the north of Sweden, could have acquired ownership of land areas in Lapland according to Swedish law, or whether they only have a right to use the land that they traditionally occupy for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing. The question is dealt with from a land law as well as an international law approach.</p><p>Concerning the land law approach, the Sami people has had a very strong position close to ownership during the 17th and 18th centuries. At that time, the Samis paid tax for their lands, which meant that they were not considered to belong to the Crown, but were treated in the same way as the independent farmers’ lands. However, while the farmers through a declaration from the King in 1789 automatically achieved full ownership of their lands, the Sami people did not. Instead, the Samis were pressed back from large parts of their original territory because of colonisation, exploitation and depreciation of their nomadic way of living. Once a majority, they found themselves a minority in their own land and their territory had become the Crown’s property. Undoubtedly, there has been an extraordinary shifting of the Sami people’s land rights within four centuries.</p><p>Current law does only guarantee the members of the Sami villages the right to use land for reindeer breeding, hunting and fishing, and this right is in some aspects even weaker than that of other Swedish citizens with similar rights. Still, case law does not exclude the possibility that reindeer breeding could have originated right of ownership, especially in Lapland. My findings on this area are that there is convincing evidence that the Sami people has acquired right of ownership on the lands which they traditionally occupy all year around. On the lands that they share with others, they have a strong right to use the land during the winter, probably stronger than the legislation provides for.</p><p>What concerns the international law approach, Swedish legislation does fulfil the minimum demands according to the conventions the country has ratified. Still, Sweden has been criticized of not finding a balanced solution to and improving legal certainty on Sami land rights. Sweden has not ratified the ILO Convention no. 169 con-cerning indigenous and tribal peoples in independent countries. The reason for this is mainly the article which aims at strengthening the indigenous peoples’ land rights, which Sweden does not find compatible with national law. Still, one can hope that the ongoing international development on the area will show the way, and that Sweden will pay attention to it in future legislation.</p>

In the wake of a steady flow of child migrants attempting to cross borders and states’ efforts to restrict immigration, various public controversies have arisen about the rights of asylum-seeking children. The ‘moral gap’ between the outcome of democratically enacted laws and the aim of controlling immigration, on the one hand, and public calls to protect the universal rights of asylum seeking children, on the other, have created a political challenge for Western democracies. This thesis sets out to examine two particular settings in which norms about the rights of asylum-seeking children and immigration control have been established and contested over the years: the Swedish Migration Court of Appeal and Sweden’s largest morning paper, Dagens Nyheter. It combines empirically oriented analysis with theoretical enquiry, and it brings the issue of the rights of asylumseeking children into dialogue with the contemporary political-philosophical debate about membership, rights and borders. / I kölvattnet av en stadig ström av barn som migrerar över statsgränser har medial rapportering, protester och offentliga diskussioner aktualiserat frågor om asylsökande barns rättigheter. Det ”moraliska glappet” mellan tillämpningen av demokratiskt stiftade lagar i syfte att reglera invandringen,å ena sidan, och offentliga krav på att skydda universella rättigheter för asylsökande barn, å andra sidan, har växt fram som en samtida utmaning för demokratiska stater att hantera. I denna avhandling undersöks två specifika arenor där normer om asylsökande barns rättigheter och immigrationskontroll har etablerats och ifrågasatts under de senaste åren; den svenska Migrationsöverdomstolen och Sveriges största morgontidning, Dagens Nyheter. Avhandlingen kombinerar empiriska analyser med teoretiska undersökningar om asylsökande barns rättigheter i dialog med en samtida politisk filosofisk diskussion om medlemskap, rättigheter och gränser.

Temporary migrant workers and circular migration constitute a growing global phenomenon as the management of migration becomes increasingly important to policymakers. This thesis takes academic discussions on citizenship and migration as its starting point, and examines the role of employers in terms of defining temporary migrant workers and their role in the Swedish labour market. The concept of moral economy is applied in particular to analyse the justifications and negotiations through which working conditions of migrant workers, and their role in local and transnational economies, are established and contested. The role of capital in migration management is studied through ethnographic fieldwork and through interviews with managers in the Swedish wild berry and IT industries; two very different industries that are, however, both shaped by particular structures of seasonal labour and international outsourcing and that increasingly rely on temporary foreign workers from Thailand and India respectively. The conceptualisation of supply chains in these industries offers a particular framework through which relations, as well as management discourses, can be analysed. The study explores how notions of circularity, nation, cultural difference, and transnational economic difference, are managed by private sector actors. It also explores how managers relate to public discourse and emotions in the face of global economic restructuring and changing citizenship, which situates temporary migrants as part of, yet different from, Swedish labour. / Temporära migrantarbetare och cirkulär migration utgör ett växande globalt fenomen till följd av intresset bland regeringar och myndigheter att styra genom sk ”managed migration”. Denna avhandling tar avstamp i forskning om medborgarskap och migration för att undersöka vilken roll arbetsgivare får när det gäller att definiera tillfälliga migrantarbetare och deras roll på den svenska arbetsmarknaden. Begreppet moralisk ekonomi används för att lyfta fram och analysera de praktiker genom vilka migrantarbetarnas arbetsvillkor förhandlas och rättfärdigas, samt hur deras roller i lokala och transnationella ekonomier befästs eller förändras. Ekonomins roll i migrationshantering studeras i denna avhandling genom etnografiskt fältarbete och intervjuer med chefer inom den svenska bärindustrin samt IT industrin; två mycket olika industrier som dock båda struktureras av säsongsarbete respektive internationell outsourcing, och som alltmer använder tillfällig utländsk arbetskraft från Thailand respektive Indien. Genom begreppet utbudskedjor (supply chains) möjliggörs en analys av de relationer, samt de managementdiskurser, som påverkar dessa industrier. Avhandlingen utforskar hur föreställningar om cirkularitet, nation, kulturella skillnader, samt transnationella ekonomiska skillnader, förhandlas av aktörer inom näringslivet. Vidare diskuteras hur chefer relaterar till de diskurser och emotioner som en global ekonomisk omstrukturering och ett förändrat medborgarskap ger upphov till, vilket positionerar tillfälliga migrantarbetare som en del av, men ändå annorlunda än, svensk arbetskraft.

In the last decade or so, the multiple political factions in Catalonia have adopted pro-independence initiatives in their platforms following the 2008 financial crisis. Catalonia’s position as representing a minority culture in the face of the centralized administration of Madrid presents a contentious history of fighting for the right ‘to be’, culminating in what today is viewed by many as an identity crisis.              Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Barcelona, this thesis examines how informants construct and transform their socio-cultural identities in the framework of the independence movement in Catalonia. It places informants’ experiences in the theoretical realm of ethnic boundaries, analyzing central issues of Catalan language normalization vis à vis the historical imposition of Spanish as the national language. These themes are broadened in light of the recent upsurge of Catalan secession, and explores identity politics within the background of Spanish and Catalan nationalisms. / En la última década, las múltiples facciones políticas de Cataluña han adoptado iniciativas de independencia en sus plataformas tras la crisis financiera de 2008. La posición de Cataluña como representante de una cultura minoritaria frente a la administración centralizada de Madrid presenta una historia contenciosa de lucha por el derecho 'a ser', culminando en lo que hoy muchos ven como una crisis de identidad. Basándose en el trabajo de campo llevado a cabo en Barcelona, ​​esta tesis examina cómo los informantes construyen y transforman sus identidades socioculturales en el marco del movimiento de independencia en Cataluña. Coloca las experiencias de los informantes en el ámbito teórico de las fronteras étnicas, analizando cuestiones centrales de la normalización de la lengua catalana frente a la imposición histórica del español como lengua nacional. Estos temas se amplían a la luz del reciente recrudecimiento de la secesión catalana y exploran la política de identidad en el contexto de los nacionalismos españoles y catalanes.

The world-system today promotes inequalities between and within states through the maintenance and strengthening of uneven and hierarchical global relations established by colonialism. The reinforcement of colonial structures has unfolded into neocolonial relations in the post-colonial world, explaining the underdevelopment and marginalization of former colonies in the world-system today, and why many African countries largely experience internal instability on several fronts, revealing how individuals from these states tend to experience some sort of human insecurity. This scenario is permissive to the development of the new wars – representing a different perspective on the patterns of violence and war of contemporaneity – and the new global war economy and its parallel economy. It is from this context that the commodification of migrants happens, challenging and often defying migrants’ access to human rights andhuman security. The present study is therefore primarily a theoretical research and an empirical investigation on the commodification of migrants in contemporary Libya, sustained by four main theoretical frameworks and the analysis of selected secondary materials from international organizations and NGOs. This study aims at addressing the different forms of commodification of migrants in Libya today and who are the actors that control these markets and benefit from the commodification of human life. This analysis evidences the contradiction between the bleak reality of migrants in contemporary Libya and the applicability of the normative concepts of human securityand migrants’ rights.

Immigration is a common phenomenon in contemporary society and results in challenges withmaintaining cultural identity while integrating with a new culture. This is particularlyimportant in the family unit, where first-generation immigrant communities may havedifferent levels of experience and cultural values compared to their offspring (Secondgeneration immigrants). Integration in second-generation immigrants is often related tobilingualism and the concept of a dual social identity, embracing elements of host and nativeculture. The aim of this study was to explore the perspective of parents on the role ofbilingualism on integration and identity in their children. A sample of five families, originallyfrom Afghanistan and now living in Sweden, was purposively selected to complete semistructured interviews exploring bilingualism, social identity and integration. The findings ofthese interviews revealed three key themes relating to the adoption of Swedish identity bychildren, the loss of Afghani identity, and the role of the school and society in facilitatingthese identities.Overall, the interview data suggested that children living in Sweden identified as Swedish andengaged in cultural and social activities consistent with integration. Bilingualism was animportant aspect of holding a largely Swedish identity, although parents valued dual identityof children. Often, immersion in Swedish culture and limited opportunities to socialise as anAfghani cultural unit were viewed as threats to maintaining or developing a clear Afghaniidentity. The role of schools, parents and society in general is considered important in theseprocesses, particularly with regards to supporting cultural and religious values of the familyunit, while promoting successful integration. Bilingualism was universally viewed as apositive tool that could facilitate integration and dual identity, where suitable opportunitiesarose. / <p>Grade A</p>

“Här kommer våra svenskar!” är en turismvetenskaplig studie som undersöker hur andra generationens invandrare från det forna Jugoslavien beskriver sina motiv till diasporaresor samt hur diasporaresorna påverkar andra generationens invandrare från det forna Jugoslavien identitetsupplevelser. Studien har hållit en kvalitativ ansats där nio informanter intervjuades om deras erfarenheter av diasporaturism. Den tidigare forskning om diasporaturism har legat till grund för vår studie. Majoriteten av den tidigare forskningen om diasporaturism fokuserar på första generationens invandrare. Forskning om andra generationens invandrare i allmänhet och andra generationens invandrare från det forna Jugoslavien i synnerhet är bristfällig. Denna studie påvisar att det finns indikationer på att diasporaturism har en påverkan på identitetsupplevelsen hos andra generationens invandrare från det forna Jugoslavien. Utöver att studiens informanter bekräftar den tidigare forskningens resonemang om diasporaturisters resemotiv kan studien även presentera ett outforskat bakomliggande resemotiv hos informanterna vilka är intressanta implikationer för den framtida forskningen. / “Här kommer våra svenskar!” is an tourism study that studies how second generation immigrants from former Yugoslavia describe their motives for diaspora tourism as well as how diaspora tourism effects the individuals perception of identity. This study has used a qualitative methodological approach where the empirical data was collected through nine interviews with second generation immigrants from former Yugoslavia concerning their experiences of diaspora tourism. This study shows that there is some indication that diaspora tourism has an effect on second generation immigrants from former Yugoslavias perception of identity. In addition to confirming previous diaspora tourism studies travel motives, this study also puts forward a previously unexplored underlying travel motive which has interesting implication for future tourism studies.

Research on migration often focuses on non-citizens such as migrants being excluded from the framework of citizenship. This study suggests a novel approach by focusing on non-citizens and citizens alike, while exploring the strategies of othering in relation to how citizenship is constructed. It discusses and comparatively analyses the ways in which migrants, as non-citizens, and LGBT+ individuals, as a particular category of citizens, are framed as not conforming to the norms proposed by nationalist and populist ideologies in SouthEastern European (SEE) countries. Even if they are citizens, they are excluded from “national belonging” by populist political leaders in their communications. The study compares the category of LGBT+ persons to that of migrants and explores how both are framed in political communications using populist strategies of othering. It also shows that these two categories are placed at the outside of the nation state and of the notion of citizenship. Moreover, it highlights the multiple tropes that are employed in the process of othering and that refer to how nations are defined through their “traditional values”, “morality”, “religious views” and a strong opposition to what is considered to belong to the Western progressive values. The body of material comprises statements mostly made by highly positioned politicians such as Presidents, Ministers, Prime Ministers, etc. from Romania and the Republic of Moldova.These politicians shape the internal and foreign policies of the two countries and their communications have a great impact in different areas of the society. The analysis shows that the social dimension of citizenship is important in how a certain category of citizens is framed as not belonging to the nation state. The results based on the analysis of this less researched material are consistent with the trend of anti-gender movements and the increasing anti immigration stances in other Eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia.