Pour contrer la menace de la criminalité organisée qui ne se cesse de se développer en devenant l’un des plus graves enjeux au sein de l’UE, les États membres se trouvent dans l’obligation de renforcer la coopération pénale contre celle-ci. Avec le traité de Maastricht puis la création de l’ELSJ par le traité d’Amsterdam dont la lutte contre la criminalité organisée constitue le moteur essentiel, les États membres expriment leur volonté pour s’organiser les actions et s’unir contre les menaces de la criminalité organisée. Toutefois, ces deux phases ont montré l’ineffectivité de la répression ; la paralysie et beaucoup de faiblesses. Avec son entrée en vigueur en 2009, le traité de Lisbonne commence une nouvelle ère de la lutte contre la criminalité organisée au sein de l’ELSJ. Cependant, même en intégrant ses avancées, il n’amorce pas la rationalisation nécessaire du cadre juridique qu’institutionnel de l’ELSJ contre la criminalité organisée. Des fortes crises que l’UE et l’ELSJ ont connues posent des questions sur la confiance nationale dans cet espace et cette union. La présente thèse cherche à identifier le rôle actuel et futur de l’UE en matière pénale contre la criminalité organisée au sein d’un espace où la libre circulation est le principe. Le rôle attendu ne peut se réaliser réellement qu’à travers d’un système pénal autonome où l’UE a la main forte à l’appliquer dans un climat de confiance et le respect des droits fondamentaux ; des systèmes juridiques d’États membres et leur souveraineté nationale. Dans cette perspective, une modification radicale qui touche à la nature de l’UE et son rôle sera indispensable. Mais qui a la volonté de faire la révolution ? / To counter the threat of organized crime, which is constantly growing and becoming one of the most serious issues in the European Union, member states are under an obligation to strengthen penal cooperation against it. With the Maastricht Treaty, and the creation of the area of freedom, security and justice by Amsterdam Treaty, of which the fight against organized crime is the essential driving force, the Member States express their will to organize their actions and unite against the threats of organized crime. However, these phases have shown the ineffectiveness of the repression; paralysis and a lot of weaknesses. With its entry into force in 2009, Lisbon Treaty begins a new era in the fight against organized crime within the AFSJ. However, even in integrating its progress, it does not initiate the necessary rationalization of the institutional legal framework of the AFSJ against organized crime. Strong crises that the EU and the AFSJ have experienced raise questions about national confidence in this area and the EU. This thesis seeks to identify the current and future role of the European Union within a space where free movement is the principle. The expected role can only really be achieved through an autonomous criminal system where the EU has a strong ability in applying it in a climate of trust and respect for fundamental rights; legal systems of member states and their national sovereignty. In this perspective, a radical change that concerns the nature of the EU will be essential. But who has the will to make the revolution?

La tesi doctoral Publicidad comercial y libertad de expresión analitza les conseqüències jurídiques de la protecció de la publicitat i d'altres formes de comunicació comercial mitjançant la llibertat d'informació i d'expressió prevista en els articles 20.1 a) i d) de la Constitució. S'examina, en primer lloc, la jurisprudència dictada pel tribunal Suprem Federal dels Estats Units, el Tribunal Europeu de Drets Humans, el Tribunal Europeu de Justícia i el Tribunal Constitucional Alemany. En segon lloc, la tesi analitza els fonaments econòmics, socials i legals que advoquen per la protecció constitucional de la publicitat comercial. Les conclusions bàsiques del treball apunten a què les comunicacions comercials compleixen les funcions que tradicionalment s'associen a la llibertat d'expressió entre d'altres, promoció de l'autogovern democràtic i foment de l'autonomia individual i que els límits a la seva realització han d'enjudiciar-se d'acord amb el principi de proporcionalitat. / La tesis doctoral Publicidad comercial y libertad de expresión analiza las consecuencias jurídicas de la protección de la publicidad y otras formas de comunicación comercial mediante la libertad de información y expresión prevista en los artículos 20.1 a) y d) de la Constitución. Se examina, en primer lugar, la jurisprudencia dictada por el Tribunal Supremo Federal de los Estados Unidos, el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, el Tribunal Europeo de Justicia y el Tribunal Constitucional Alemán. En segundo lugar, la tesis analiza los fundamentos económicos, sociales y legales que abogan por la protección constitucional de la publicidad comercial. Las conclusiones básicas del trabajo apuntan a que las comunicaciones comerciales cumplen las funciones que tradicionalmente se asocian a la libertad de expresión entre otros, promoción del autogobierno democrático y fomento de la autonomía individual y que los límites a su realización deben enjuiciarse de acuerdo con el principio de proporcionalidad. / The PhD dissertation Publicidad comercial y libertad de expresión explores the legal consequences of protecting advertising and other forms of commercial speech through freedom of information and expression set forth in articles 20.1 a) and b) of the Spanish Constitution. It discusses, on the one hand, the case-law by the U.S. Supreme Court, the European Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Justice and the German Constitutional Court. On the other hand, the dissertation analyses the economic, social and legal underpinnings which support the constitutional status of commercial speech. The basic conclusions of the research assert that commercial communications perform functions traditionally associated to freedom of expression among others, fostering democracy and promoting individual autonomy and that limitations to commercial speech ought to be scrutinized with resort to the principle of proportionality.

La Turquie va-t-elle adhérer à l'Union européenne? Sa candidature a toujours été sujette à critiques: droits de l'homme non respectés, restrictions des droits et libertés, notamment de la liberté d'expression, de religion et des droits politiques. Les dossiers sensibles comme le problème kurde et la question chypriote sont à l'origine des multiples plaintes contre l'État turc devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Dotée des caractéristiques essentielles d'un État moderne et laïque, le pays dispose de structures formellement démocratiques, mais sa démocratie se révèle fragile: ses politiques tant internes qu'externes sont décidées par un Conseil national de sécurité composé pour l'essentiel de militaires. En outre, l'armée qui a pris le pouvoir à maintes reprises a donné au régime une dimension autoritaire. Cela non seulement en vertu des principes fondateurs de la République (tradition centralisatrice de l'État turc), mais aussi de la priorité que l'institution militaire accorde à la sécurité, à l'unité et à l'identité nationales. En effet, les mesures d'exception (état d'urgence, cours de sûreté de l'État, loi anti-terroriste) ont contribué aux violations des droits de l'homme, d'où l'opposition entre le droit conventionnel et le droit national. De plus, le système judiciaire et administratif instauré par les militaires en 1982 n'est pas conçu dans l'intérêt des justiciables. Certes, l'accès à la modernité n'a pu se faire que sous la contrainte et le contrôle de l'armée, mais le régime en Turquie peut-il continuer à s'appuyer sur les«piliers de l'ordre» que sont l'armée, la police et la justice ? L’État semble cependant se réorganiser progressivement pour permettre au pouvoir politique d'assurer un contrôleur les forces de sécurité et pour donner une meilleure indépendance à la justice. Le processus mis en route et les critères imposés pour l'adhésion à l'UE devraient contribuer à mettre en œuvre les réformes institutionnelles capables d'harmoniser la démocratie à l'État de droit, à l'image des pays européens. En effet, les changements récents sont liés à l'agenda européen. Le gouvernement turc semble être déterminé et ambitieux dans sa vocation européenne. Les progrès réalisés pour intégrer l'UE lui sont un moteur de propulsion devant servir au pays et à sa population. / The issue of the accession of Turkey to the European Union is one of the most controversial topics as regards to human rights. The sensitive issues such as the kurdish problem and the conflict with Cyprus are the main cause of the most restrictions of the rights and freedoms and complaints lodged against the Turkish State before the European court of Human Rights. Turkey has the essential characteristics of a modern and secular state, but its democracy prove to be fragile. Thus, the powerful role of the army in many areas of political life can be explained by the malfunctioning of the democracy, giving to the régime an authoritative aspect. The Turkish army is seen as the guardian of the unity, security and identity of the nation. Indeed, the access to modernity is due to the control of the army, but the régime in Turkey needs to undertake major policy reforms to converge with European Union policies. The judicial and administrative system set by the army in 1982 does not sufficiently protect the justiciable. The exceptional measures such as state of emergency, security state courts, anti-terrorist law contributed to the violation of human rights and emphasized the contradiction between conventional law and national law. Turkey has made progress towards modifying its legal system in order to give more independence and impartiality. The accession partnership will certainly enable Turkey to review its Constitution and relevant legislation in providing basic freedoms, the rule of law and respect of human rights in conformity with the European Union's own standards. Turkey's inclusion in the enlargement process has not only increased European Union leverage over Turkish politics, but revitalized Turkey's European vocation.

Hauptgegenstand der Arbeit ist das Schengener Informationssystem der ersten Generation, SIS. Dargestellt werden zunächst der Weg zu einem elektronischen europaweiten Fahndungssystem, die rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen dieses Fahndungssystems und seine Funktionsweise. Daran anschließend folgt die Prüfung der Verletzung des Demokratieprinzips beim Zustandekommen des Schengener Durchführungsübereinkommens und bei seiner Transformation in innerstaatliches Recht. Weitere Prüfungspunkte sind die Notwendigkeit eines Gesetzes nach Art. 24 Abs. 1 Grundgesetz bei der Umsetzung in innerstaatliches Recht sowie die Vereinbarkeit der Fahndungskategorie der Verdeckten Registrierung nach Art. 99 Schengener Durchführungsübereinkommen mit Art. 8 der Europäischen Grundrechte-Charta.  Während in der Arbeit eine Verletzung von Demokratieprinzip und Art. 24 Absatz 1 Grundgesetz nicht festgestellt werden kann, bestehen im Hinblick auf die Vereinbarkeit mit Art. 8 der Europäischen Grundrechte-Charta unter verschiedenen Gesichtspunkten durchgreifende Bedenken.  Die Arbeit schließt mit einem Ausblick auf das Schengener Informationssystem der zweiten Generation, SIS II, sowie einer Zusammenfassung und einer Bewertung ab.

Section 27(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, entrenches everyone's right of access to health care services. The purpose of this dissertation is to determine the manner in which this right must be interpreted and implemented in order to alleviate poverty to the optimal extent possible, in South Africa. As a point of departure, the relationship between poverty and health, as well as the theoretical basis of poverty, is addressed in terms of soft law. Thereafter, the theoretical basis of the right of access to health care service is analysed and explained from both an international and a South African perspective. This is followed by an investigation into international law. The manner in which the United Nations International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights is interpreted and implemented and whether or not this contributes to poverty alleviation, is investigated. This is followed by an analysis of the right in terms of the Constitution and case law. Particular attention is paid to the manner in which the courts interpret the right of access to health care services. It is then determined whether the state is implementing the right in such a manner as to contribute to the optimal alleviation of poverty, in South Africa. Finally, a conclusion is reached and recommendations are made as to ways in which the right can be interpreted and implemented to reduce poverty to the optimal extent possible, in South Africa. / Thesis (LL.M.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.

This research is an enquiry to find an electoral formula that conforms to Canadian constitutional values. Three core values that are pertinent to the issue of electoral systems are identified: democracy, diversity, and efficiency. Each of these core values is divided into different aspects. These aspects will form the backbone of the evaluation of different electoral systems in this work. I will begin with an evaluation of the plurality model of elections, which is currently used in Canada. I will demonstrate that many of the attributes of the current system are not in tune with Canadian constitutional values, in particular with the progressive interpretation that the Supreme Court of Canada has given to the right to vote as enshrined in Section 3 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Although the interpretation of the right to vote will be the main thrust of the constitutional scrutiny in this work, attention will also be given to other pertinent rights such as equality rights, minority rights, and the freedom of expression. Next, I will examine provincial electoral reform initiatives that were initiated in five Canadian provinces. All of these initiatives - three of which were put to referenda and eventually defeated - proposed adopting a variant of proportional representation. Accordingly, I will evaluate proportional systems according to the intended values. I will conclude that these systems have problems of their own and they also cannot strike a fine balance between competing values. In the final stage, I will make a new proposal for elections to the Canadian Parliament. First, I will demonstrate that majority systems are better candidates to attain the envisioned values. Then I will introduce a new variant of the majority model, which I call a majority-preferential two-round variant. I will demonstrate that this new variant will outperform the other variants in the attainment of values if adopted for elections to the House of Commons. Finally, I will argue that the combination of a House of Commons elected through the majority-preferential formula and a proportionally elected Senate will result in a more balanced approach to the relevant constitutional values.

Section 27(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, entrenches everyone's right of access to health care services. The purpose of this dissertation is to determine the manner in which this right must be interpreted and implemented in order to alleviate poverty to the optimal extent possible, in South Africa. As a point of departure, the relationship between poverty and health, as well as the theoretical basis of poverty, is addressed in terms of soft law. Thereafter, the theoretical basis of the right of access to health care service is analysed and explained from both an international and a South African perspective. This is followed by an investigation into international law. The manner in which the United Nations International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights is interpreted and implemented and whether or not this contributes to poverty alleviation, is investigated. This is followed by an analysis of the right in terms of the Constitution and case law. Particular attention is paid to the manner in which the courts interpret the right of access to health care services. It is then determined whether the state is implementing the right in such a manner as to contribute to the optimal alleviation of poverty, in South Africa. Finally, a conclusion is reached and recommendations are made as to ways in which the right can be interpreted and implemented to reduce poverty to the optimal extent possible, in South Africa. / Thesis (LL.M.)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.

En même temps que le traité de Lisbonne conférait valeur juridique contraignante à la charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne, il créait, par l’article 67, paragraphe 1, du traité sur le fonctionnement de l’Union européenne, une obligation pour l’Union et les États membres de respecter les droits fondamentaux dans la construction de l’espace de liberté de sécurité et de justice. Parce qu’il vise chacune des normes composant cet espace, ce commandement interroge particulièrement dans l’espace judiciaire européen en matière civile et commerciale où les règles de coordination des ordres juridiques nationaux sont partiellement réfractaires à l’influence des droits fondamentaux. La polysémie de la notion de respect permet d’envisager divers modes d’articulations de la charte et du droit de l’espace judiciaire européen en matière civile et commerciale. Si le principe hiérarchique paraît la modalité la plus évidente pour assurer le respect de la charte, il s’avère inapte à y parvenir, tant par lui-même que par le contexte spécifique d’application de la charte qu’impose l’espace judiciaire européen. Aussi conviendrait-il d’y substituer un mode d’articulation plus souple, la combinaison, afin de conformer la construction de l’espace sous étude à l’article 67, paragraphe 1, du traité sur le fonctionnement de l’Union européenne. / When the treaty of Lisbon gave Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union its legally binding force, it gave rise, in article 67, paragraph 1, of the Treaty on the Functionning of the European Union, to a legal obligation to respect fundamental rights while building the Freedom, Security and Justice Area. As this legal obligation concerns all the rules of this space, it raises questions in the European Judicial Area in civil and commercial matter where rules coordinating national legal systems are partially resistant to the influence of fundamental rights. Polysemy of the notion of respect make it possible to consider different ways for the Charter and the European Judicial Area law to interact. If the hierarchical principle seems to be the most obvious way to ensure the respect of the Charter, it transpires to be inappropriate by itself and because of the specific context fort the application of the Charter commanded by the European Judicial Area. So, it would be more convenient to substitue the hierarchical principle with a more supple way of interaction, the combination, so as to conform the studied space to the article 67, paragraph 1, of the Treaty on the Functionning of the European Union.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-11T20:33:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:37:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:37:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / A presente pesquisa, de natureza bibliográfica, tem o objetivo de analisar o instituto da “omis-são inconstitucional” no ordenamento jurídico vigente, explicando de que forma a evolução dos direitos fundamentais e da nova hermenêutica permitem o seu enfrentamento. Para isso, será observado de que forma a evolução do constitucionalismo e a posterior crise do positi-vismo jurídico está atrelado à emergência dos direitos fundamentais e da necessidade de com-bate daquela temática. O estudo permitirá que se demonstre que a crise do positivismo jurídi-co, materializado nas duas grandes guerras mundiais, fez surgir a necessidade de retomada dos valores aos ordenamos jurídicos mundiais, fazendo com que os “princípios” passassem a ter a natureza de normas jurídicas, e por isso, de observância forçosa. Será analisado, ainda de que forma os princípios constitucionais – dentre eles, o princípio da máxima efetividade cons-titucional e o da aplicação imediata dos direitos e garantias fundamentais – estão diretamente vinculados ao nascimento de uma teoria que combate as omissões legislativas inconstitucio-nais. Verificar-se-á, então, algumas propostas estrangeiras para o combate a tais omissões à luz das novas tendências hermenêuticas e de que maneira possa ser feita uma releitura nos atuais instrumentos no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro – o mandado de injunção, a ação direta de inconstitucionalidade por omissão e a argüição por descumprimento de preceito fundamen-tal – para que possam ser um efetivo meio de combate às omissões inconstitucionais. / Salvador

Submitted by Pedro Mizukami (pedro.mizukami@fgv.br) on 2010-09-09T19:11:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ - MARCIA REGINA LEAL CAMPOS.pdf: 587709 bytes, checksum: 77bdbd307302576b017ee42c06fa25ab (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pedro Mizukami(pedro.mizukami@fgv.br) on 2010-09-09T19:34:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ - MARCIA REGINA LEAL CAMPOS.pdf: 587709 bytes, checksum: 77bdbd307302576b017ee42c06fa25ab (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2010-09-09T19:34:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DMPPJ - MARCIA REGINA LEAL CAMPOS.pdf: 587709 bytes, checksum: 77bdbd307302576b017ee42c06fa25ab (MD5) / Public Administration enjoys procedural prerogatives, such as special deadlines for presenting defenses and appeals, a situation that occurs from the public supreme interest principle over the private interest. The Labor Procedure excels for simplicity and celerity of the lawsuit, mostly due to the nature of the quotas under discussion: its alimentary nature. The worker usually remains unbalanced in the material and procedural relationships, and he is not able to survive with dignity, without the strength of his work. Hence the need to simplify the labor lawsuit procedures pattern and to reduce their lasting period. Such is the approach of this dissertation: to discuss the consistency of the special deadlines assured to Public Administration, whenever we are dealing with labor lawsuits, when, on the other side of procedural relationship, stands an unbalanced and weak worker, in need of a fast and effective judicial solution. Mainly since the new interpretations of Administrative Law, after the 1988 Constitution, which adopted the human being dignity basis. / A Administração Pública goza de prerrogativas processuais, dentre elas prazos especiais para apresentação de defesas e recursos, que decorrem do princípio da supremacia do interesse público sobre o interesse privado. O Processo do Trabalho prima pela simplicidade e celeridade dos procedimentos judiciais, principalmente em razão da natureza das parcelas discutidas: natureza alimentar. O trabalhador, em geral parte hipossuficiente nas relações material e processual, não sobrevive dignamente, sem os recursos advindos de sua força de trabalho. Por isso, a necessidade de simplificar a forma dos processos trabalhistas e diminuir seu tempo de duração. Esta é a abordagem desta dissertação: questiona-se a compatibilidade dos prazos especiais assegurados à Administração Pública, quando se cuida de ações trabalhistas, em que, do outro lado da relação processual, há um trabalhador hipossuficiente, carente da solução judicial célere e efetiva. Principalmente a partir das novas interpretações do Direito Administrativo, pós Constituição de 1988, que adota como fundamento a dignidade da pessoa humana.