Le manuscrit Aix-en-Provence, bibliothèque municipale, 428/(306) contient deux ensembles de textes. Le premier, La Chanson de Bertrand du Guesclin, est un poème épique rimé retraçant la vie de Bertrand du Guesclin (1320-1380), modeste chevalier breton qui s'illustre lors de la première partie de la Guerre de Cent Ans et devient connétable de France. Cette biographie a été composée par un certain Cuvelier entre 1380 et 1385, peu après la mort du guerrier. Le second est un ensemble de sept pièces lyriques écrites en mémoire de Bertrand, dont certaines sont attribuées à Eustache Deschamps. La première œuvre, à la fois récit historique, épopée, éloge posthume, biographie et poème, tient une place de choix dans la production littéraire de l'époque, puisqu'elle est considérée comme étant la dernière chanson de geste à avoir été rédigée en français. Les poèmes à la gloire du connétable sont pleinement en adéquation avec le renouveau lyrique de la fin du Moyen Age. A travers notre travail, nous souhaitons faire découvrir ou redécouvrir ces textes mal connus. Nous fournissons, avec la transcription de tous les textes originaux du manuscrit, la description des autres témoins, une étude littéraire incluant une analyse du contexte ainsi que de nouvelles informations sur l'auteur, une analyse linguistique du texte, des notes critiques, un glossaire, un index des noms propres, la liste des proverbes et une bibliographie sélective. / The manuscript Aix-en-Provence, municipal library, 428(306) contains two different texts. The first, La Chanson de Bertrand du Guesclin, is a rimed epic poem telling the life of Bertrand du Guesclin (1320-1380), a Britain knight from a modest background who took part of the One Hundred Years War, and would become the constable of France. This biography has been written by a certain Cuvelier between 1380 and 1385, right after Bertrand's death. The second is a set of seven lyric poems written in memory of Bertrand, three of which were written by Eustache Deschamps. The first text, at the same time historical, epic, a tribute, biographie and poem, has a considerable importance in the literary production of the day as the last chanson de geste to be written in French. The poems celebrating the constable are fully in line with the lyric revival of the end of the 14th century. Through our study, we like to discover or rediscover this underrated work ; we will provide original text of the manuscript, descriptions of the other manuscripts, a literary review including a study of the context and new information about the author, a linguistic study, critical notes, a glossary, an index, a list of proverbs, and a comprehensive bibliography.

The subject of this diploma thesis is the French national heroine Joan of Arc and her portrayal and reflection in literary works throughout the centuries. The diploma thesis mentions the historical personality of Joan of Arc in the context of the time she lived in, reconstructs the life of this French saint and deals with the rehabilitation process that completes the myth of the French national heroine. This diploma thesis summarizes the important European literary works that Joan of Arc is the most important theme. The diploma thesis deals more with literary works in which Joan of Arc is the main character but each author writes her story and describes her personality from a different point of view. And precisely these differences of the thesis are analyzed. The diploma thesis focuses more on the literary works of various authors such as Voltaire, Jules Michelet, Anatole France and Stéphen Coubé. The diploma thesis deals also with the portrayal of Joan of Arc in the 20th and 21st centuries.

This thesis is an examination of English evocations of translatio studii et imperii during the Hundred Years War. According to the myth of translatio, intellectual and martial superiority were entwined and together moving ever-westwards, from Athens, to Rome, to Paris, and thence - the English claimed - to England. This study contributes to an understanding of how late-fourteenth- and fifteenth-century English aristocrats and clerics understood and legitimized their cultural struggle with France not only as a martial battle but also as an intellectual competition. It also explores how this struggle contributed to the cultural authority of libraries and book collections. The first chapter of this thesis traces the development of the translatio studii et imperii tradition from its ancient origins to its zenith in the reign King Charles V "the Wise" of France. This chapter serves to establish the historiographical implications of the translatio myth as well as the French translatio tradition to which the English responded. The second chapter of this study is devoted to a literary analysis of texts which explicitly evoke the translatio topos and which were composed or copied in England during the Hundred Years War, such as Bishop Richard de Bury's Philobiblon and Ranulf Higden's Polychronicon, as well as Oxford and Cambridge university foundation myths. The third chapter explores the extent to which late-medieval England's book culture resonated with English evocations of translatio. Central to this exploration is the underhanded acquisition of Charles V's monumental French royal library by the English regent of France, John, Duke of Bedford. As is attested in the writings of French court scholars, the monumental French royal library was held to symbolise France's cultural superiority over England during the Hundred Years War. Bedford's manoeuvre can be seen as a bid to transfer Europe's seat of learning, and by extant of power, to England. This thesis concludes with a consideration of the translatio myth's ambivalent implications for contentious master narratives such as the rise of nationalism and of the English language in late-medieval England.

The purpose of this thesis is to find out how a hundred and its public healthcare system managed the 1918 flu pandemic, with Näs hundred as a case study. Relevant information is found using archived copies of the provincial physician's sent letters, editions of the local newspaper, and death-and-funeral books. Such information includes mortality statistics, which measures were taken, which role the private sector had, and if there was any change within the public healthcare system. The study finds that the Spanish flu stood out from other illnesses and the general state of health. At its culmination in October, hundreds were sick and private workplaces were short of staff. The mortality rate seems to have been around 0.49% of the population, which is a reasonable rate in comparison to other case studies. When the epidemic was at its height, the authorities closed schools and prohibited events that attracted larger masses of people. This was announced through the local newspaper, alongside urges for the people to avoid crowding. Within the public healthcare system, there were no extensive changes, except an increase in workdays, a higher salary and a decrease in the number of nurses. There was a discussion on who should be allowed to be cared for in the epidemic hospital, as this hospital, according to routine, did not care for people with influenza or people from outside the central locality. There is no evidence on how this turned out, but some information seems to suggest that the hospital, or at least the epidemic nurse, did get to care for people with influenza. Nonetheless, it is clear that the public healthcare system could not manage the epidemic, and that the majority of people had to be treated in their homes by a relative or an ambulating nurse. When it comes to actions taken by the private sector, charity funding for the victims is the sole provable action. In contrast to other case studies, there is no evidence of private healthcare or charity organizations that would have cooperated with the public healthcare system. This charity, as well as those measures taken by the authorities, can be seen as consequences of a so-called institutional weakening, which itself would be a consequence of the epidemic outbreak. The outbreak showed that the public healthcare system could not handle an epidemic of this size, which in turn made established routines obsolete, showed that there were holes in the system and legitimized interventions made by the authorities. As a consequence, the aforementioned measures were taken to inhibit the spread of the epidemic and to care for the sick. / Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur ett härad och dess sjukvårdsorganisation klarade av 1918 års influensapandemi, med Näs härad som fallstudie. Relevant information hittades genom att granska provinsialläkarens konceptböcker, nummer av Säffle-Tidningen och död- och begravningsböcker från tiden. Sådan information inkluderar hur sjukan utmärkte sig som bidragande faktor till det allmänna hälsoläget, vilka åtgärder som vidtogs som reaktion av epidemin och ifall någon förändring i sjukvårdens organisation skedde till följd av spanska sjukan. Uppsatsen kommer fram till att spanska sjukan stod ut från övriga sjukdomar och det allmänna hälsoläget. Vid kulmen i oktober var hundratals insjuknade och arbetsplatser hade brist på personal. Dödstalet låg på runt 0,49% av befolkningen, vilket är ett rimligt tal i jämförelse med tidigare forskning. När epidemin var som mest utbredd stängde myndigheterna skolor, biografer och liknande tillställningar som drog till sig större folkmassor. Detta utannonserades i Säffle-Tidningen, samtidigt som de uppmanade folk att hålla distans till sjuka och undvika trängsel. Inom sjukvården kom inga större förändringar, utan främst utökade arbetstider, höjd lön och en minskning i antal sköterskor. En diskussion fanns dock kring vilka som skulle få vårdas i epidemisjukhuset, som enligt rutin inte tog emot folk sjuka av influensa eller folk utanför den centrala köpingen. Det går inte att belägga hur detta kom att se ut, men en del tyder på att epidemisjukhuset, eller åtminstone epidemisjuksköterskan, trotts allt kom att vårda folk sjuka i influensa. Oavsett är det klart att sjukvården inte hade beredskap nog att hantera sjukan, och att majoriteten av de sjuka fick vårdas i hemmet av anhörig eller kringvandrande sjuksköterska. Av vad man kan belägga med det givna källmaterialet är en välgörenhetsfond åt de utsatta det närmsta man kommer vad gäller reaktioner från privat sektor. Till skillnad från fallstudier i tidigare forskning finns inget bevis på att privat vård eller välgörenhetsorganisationer kom att samarbeta med sjukvården. Oavsett kan detta, samt de åtgärder och förändringar som vidtogs av myndigheterna, ses som ha kommit till följd av en institutionell försvagning, som i sig var en följd av det epidemiska utbrottet. Epidemin påvisade nämligen att sjukvården och samhället inte kunde hantera en så stor mängd sjuka, vilket gjorde att rutiner blev obsoleta, att hål i systemet uppenbarades, och interventioner kunde legitimeras av myndigheterna. Som följd vidtogs ovannämnda åtgärder för att försöka hämma epidemins spridning och vårda de sjuka.

No description available.

Graphics Processing Units (GPUs) are emerging as the most popular accelerator for many applications, powering the core of Machine Learning applications and many computing-intensive workloads. GPUs have typically been consideredas accelerators, with Central Processing Units (CPUs) in charge of the mainapplication logic, data movement, and network connectivity. In these architectures,input and output data of network-based GPU-accelerated application typically traverse the CPU, and the Operating System network stack multiple times, getting copied across the system main memory. These increase application latency and require expensive CPU cycles, reducing the power efficiency of systems, and increasing the overall response times. These inefficiencies become of higher importance in latency-bounded deployments, or with high throughput, where copy times could easily inflate the response time of modern GPUs. The main contribution of this dissertation is towards a GPU-centric network architecture, allowing GPUs to initiate network transfers without the intervention of CPUs. We focus on commodity hardware, using NVIDIA GPUs and Remote Direct Memory Access over Converged Ethernet (RoCE) to realize this architecture, removing the need of highly homogeneous clusters and ad-hoc designed network architecture, as it is required by many other similar approaches. By porting some rdma-core posting routines to GPU runtime, we can saturate a 100-Gbps link without any CPU cycle, reducing the overall system response time, while increasing the power efficiency and improving the application throughput.The second contribution concerns the analysis of Clockwork, a State-of-The-Art inference serving system, showing the limitations imposed by controller-centric, CPU-mediated architectures. We then propose an alternative architecture to this system based on an RDMA transport, and we study some performance gains that such a system would introduce. An integral component of an inference system is to account and track user flows,and distribute them across multiple worker nodes. Our third contribution aims to understand the challenges of Connection Tracking applications running at 100Gbps, in the context of a Stateful Load Balancer running on commodity hardware. / <p>QC 20240315</p>

Les termes du traité de paix entre Charles VI et Henri V qui est ratifié par les deux souverains à Troyes en mai 1420 sont plutôt clairs et paraissent aisément applicables : l’unique héritier de Charles VI, le dauphin Charles, est déshérité; Henri V, par le mariage qui l’unit à la fille du roi de France, Catherine, devient le nouveau successeur légitime de Charles VI et, lorsque celui-ci mourra, règnera sur le France et l’Angleterre sans toutefois unir les deux royaumes; le traité scelle aussi l’alliance entre la Bourgogne, l’Angleterre et la moitié nord de la France dans la guerre contre le parti armagnac que dirigie le dauphin Charles et qui contrôle la moitie sud, le royaume de Bourges. Toutefois, lorsque la cérémonie de la cathédrale Saint-Pierre-et-Saint-Paul de Troyes se termine, la théorie du document se heurte à une réalité bien différente. Alors que le traité prévoit une adhésion totale de la moitié nord de la France à la paix et la disparition politique du parti armagnac du dauphin Charles, c’est tout le contraire qui se produit : des mouvements d’opposition ou de résistance au traité et à l’autorité qu’il confère à Henri V comme héritier et régent de France surgissent de toute part et le parti du dauphin, bien loin de disparaître, tient tête à la « coalition » anglo-franco-bourguignonne. À tout cela vient s’ajouter le décès prématuré, en août 1422, d’Henri V qui, lorsque Charles VI le suit dans la tombe en octobre de la même année, laisse les royaumes de France et d’Angleterre entre les mains d’un roi qui n’a pas encore un an. Tous ces faits semblent bien signifier l’échec de la paix et les responsables chargés de l’appliquer en sont tout à fait conscients. Il n’en demeure pas moins que la décennie qui suit la ratification du traité, malgré tout ce qui s’y oppose, est le théâtre d’une véritable tentative d’application de la paix de Troyes ou, du moins, des articles et des éléments de celui-ci que l’ont peut réellement mettre en pratique. / The terms of the peace ratified by Charles VI and Henry V in Troyes in May 1420 are pretty clear and seem easy to apply : the dauphin Charles, sole heir of king Charles VI, is disinheritaded; Henry V, by wedding the daughter of the king of France, Catherine, becomes the new legitimate heir of Charles VI and, when the latter is to die, will reign over France and England without, however, unifying the two kingdoms; the treaty of Troyes also seals the alliance between Burgundy, England and the northern half of France in the war against the armagnac party of the dauphin Charles which controls the southern part of France, the kingdom of Bourges. Yet, when the peace ceremony of the cathedral of Saint Peter and Saint Paul of Troyes is over, the theory of the treaty comes up against a completely different reality. While the treaty plans a total adherence to the peace from the northern half of France and the politic death of the armagnac party and of the dauphin Charles, what occurs is quite the opposite : aresistance movements to the treaty itself and to the authority that it gives to Henry V as heir and regent of France arise from everywhere and the dauphin’s party, far from disapearing, holds fast against the « coalition » formed by England, France and Burgundy. Last but not least comes the untimely death of Henry V in August 1422 wich, once Charles VI follows him in death in the following October, leaves the kingdoms of Fance and England in the hands of a less than one year hold baby-king. All those facts seem to imply a quick failure of the peace and the people in charge of applying it know it too well. Nevertheless, the ten years following the ratification of the treaty and despite every difficulties against it are the withnesses to a genuine attempt to properly apply the peace of Troyes or, at least, of some of its clauses and elements that really can be putted into practice.

L’institution municipale est restée à l’écart des recherches menées en histoire sur le 19e siècle sinon sous l’angle d’une prosopographie des maires et sous celui des élections municipales de la monarchie de Juillet. Les apports des autres sciences sociales – sociologie, anthropologie, ethnologie – ont renouvelé les approches, ainsi que l’histoire sociale fine. Cette recherche propose une analyse sociale et politique de cette institution, inscrite sur la longue durée (1800-1940) et sur un terrain resserré (un arrondissement et plus particulièrement cinq communes). Au moyen de bases de données relationnelles permettant une agrégation des données à différentes échelles de temps et d’espaces, elle vise à identifier les édiles (maires, adjoints, conseillers municipaux) pour eux-mêmes, dans une approche prosopographique, puis relativement pour définir leur représentativité (échelle de l’arrondissement) et pour les inscrire dans les relations qu’ils entretiennent avec les autres acteurs de la vie municipale (échelle communale).Cette analyse permet de mettre au jour une institution municipale que les villageois se sont appropriés au cours du 19e siècle, en reconnaissant une autorité au maire qui s’est construite d’abord dans l’opposition à celle du desservant et qui dépasse le cadre donné par la loi. De fait, les outrages à leur encontre sont peu nombreux et permettent d’appréhender non les limites de l’autorité consentie à la fonction mais le défaut d’exercice de son dépositaire. De même, les élections municipales font l’objetd’une préparation, d’une mobilisation et d’un contrôle – parfois jusqu’à la protestation électorale qui constitue alors un troisième tour – qui donnent la légitimité aux élus.L’identification des édiles a également permis de nuancer le portrait qu’il en est généralement dressé : s’il existe bien des familles éligibles parfois très anciennement implantées dans les communes d’exercice, la part de conseillers municipaux mobiles reste forte pendant tout le 19e siècle avant de se réduire progressivement. La reconstitution des carrières municipales montre aussi que l’accession au conseil municipal n’est pas définitivement acquise du fait d’une compétition électorale réelle.Quoiqu’un cadre légal précis préside la prise de décision au sein de l’institution municipale, la comparaison des modes de gouvernement d’une commune à l’autre fait émerger deux extrêmes, de l’exercice solitaire du maire à une décision prise collégialement par le conseil municipal dont le maire se fait le porteur. Entre ces deux extrêmes, les situations sont nombreuses et, si dans certaines communes, l’un s’impose davantage que l’autre, il existe aussi des mouvements de fluctuation en fonction des rapports de force qui se dessinent.Enfin, ce politique défini comme organisation du pouvoir au sein de la société, n’est pas enfermé dans les limites communales : les conflits au sein des conseils municipaux mettent au jour des réseaux sociaux qui sont également culturels et porteurs de sensibilités politiques ; c’est alors à une échelle intercommunale qu’ils prennent sens, marqués par les scansions nationales. / Historical researches on the nineteenth century have left aside Municipal institutions, except from the point of view of a prosopography of mayors and municipal elections of the July Monarchy. The contributions of other social sciences - sociology, anthropology, ethnology - have renewed the approaches, as well as the one on precise social history. This research puts forward a social and political analysis of this institution, registered on the long term (1800-1940) and on a tightened ground (a district and more particularly five localities).By means of relational databases allowing the aggregation of data at different scales of time and spaces, it aims at identifying the city councilors (mayors, deputies, councilors) for themselves, in a prosopographic approach, then relatively to define their representativeness (district scale) and to register them in the relationships they maintain with the other actors in municipal life (municipal scale).This analysis brings to light a municipal institution that villagers took over during the 19th century, by recognising an authority to the mayor and which was first shaped in opposition to that of the parish priest and which then overtook the given law framework. In fact, the outrages against them are few and allow to understand not the limits of the authority granted to the function but the lack of exercise of its depositary. In the same way, municipal elections deal with preparation, mobilisation and control -sometimes up to the electoral protest which constitutes then a third roundwhich brings legitimacy to the elected ones.The identification of the city councilors has also qualified the portrait that is generally drawn up: if there are many eligible families sometimes anciently established in the municipalities of exercise, the share of the moveable city councilors remains strong throughout the 19th century before gradually decreasing. The reconstitution of the municipal careers also shows that the access to the municipal council is not definitively acquired because of a real electoral competition.