The purpose of this essay is to study how the local creators of a "master plan" for the swedish city Kristinehamn, the years between 1940 to -43, looked on their planning. It is an analysis of ideas case study. A hypothesis is upheld for the research: that the local physical planning had largely extended ambitions what regards central state control in a way that is similar to planned economy. Questions that are asked include: Was the planning assumed to be a tool for the state to regulate the environment? Can the planning be seen as a mean to control the society in time and space? The essay search for verification of the hypothesis by a theoretical analysis apparatus made upp of ideal types. With four for this purpose formed types of planning, the ideal is compared with the real documents from Kristinehamn. The analysis here made can not verify the hypothesis. Instead of being a hierarchial and vertical form of planning, this reserch shows how the local planners had a more temporal and horizontal view on their effort. This result might even clarify that the intention behind the swedish welfare society, "Folkhemmet", were not as centrally planned as often assumed by critics.

<p>Abstract</p><p>Växjö University, School of Social Sciences</p><p>Bachelor thesis</p><p>Title: Ansvaret för skolan – en studie om ansvarsfördelningen ur ett nyinstitutionalistiskt perspektiv</p><p>Author: Hanna Jansson</p><p>Supervisor: Conny Johannesson</p><p>The aim of the study is to investigate which ideas that dominated the official political debate concerning the responsibility distribution for the Swedish school from 1974 to 1991.</p><p>The study asks two questions: What ideas have dominated the official political debate concerning the responsibility distribution for the Swedish school from 1974 to 1991? and Why did the responsibility of the Swedish school change in 1991? In order to answer these questions an idea analysis were used. Three ideal types concerning democracy, effectivity and professionalism were used in analysing official governmental documents. The conclusion is that all three ideal types dominated the debate concerning the responsibility distribution, but in different degrees, and they can also explain why a new responsibility distribution came up in 1991.</p>

For the last decades, Sweden has transformed from a state with strong elements of corporatism, to a governance of pluralistic character. This development has opened up to a new form of participation – lobbyism – which since has spread and commercialized. Because of this, a report on the state of Swedish democracy – Demokratiutredningen – was issued to examine the phenomenon of lobbyism as it was feared to challenge the functioning of a representative democracy. The report issued a warning of the negative impact on transparency and political equality a professionalization of lobbying could have. Even some forms of regulation were thought to have a negative impact on the political equality. Since the report was released in 2000, nine bills regarding lobbyism have been presented to the Swedish parliament, but no regulation has yet been implemented. The report identified problems regarding transparency and political equality with both regulated and unregulated lobbying. The aim of this thesis is to examine how the parliamentary bills handle the democratic problems voiced by the report. The bills are analyzed with the ideal types of “transparency” and “political equality”, based on Robert Dahl’s ideal of democracy. The study found that the problem of transparency was of a high priority in the bills, while the problem of political equality was hardly addressed. Three of the bills actually ignored the warning issued by the report, where a regulation in the form of registration was thought to have a negative impact on political equality. The fact that the bills hardly addressed the problem of political equality, and in some cases even worsened it, represents a democratic deficit in the regulation debate. / De senaste decennierna har Sverige förvandlats från en stat med starka inslag av korporativism, till ett styrelseskick med pluralistisk prägel. Utvecklingen har öppnat upp för en ny deltagandeform, lobbyism, som sedan dess brett ut sig och kommersialiserats. Med anledning av detta tillkallade regeringen Demokratiutredningen för att analysera lobbningen då den ansågs utmana den representativa demokratins funktionssätt. Demokratiutredningen varnade för att professionaliseringen av lobbying kunde påverka öppenheten och den politiska jämlikheten negativt. Även vissa regleringar ansågs kunna försämra den politiska jämlikheten. Sedan Demokratiutredningen överlämnade sitt slutbetänkande år 2000 har nio motioner gällande lobbyism lagts fram i Sveriges riksdag utan att resultera i en reglering. Demokratiutredningen identifierade demokratiproblem med både öppenhet och politisk jämlikhet i oreglerad, såväl som reglerad, lobbyism. Uppsatsen studerade hur motionerna i ärendet hanterat de demokratiproblem som utredningen framhävde. Studien genomfördes med idealtyper som analysverktyg. Idealtyperna, ”öppenhet” och ”politisk jämlikhet”, byggdes upp med hjälp av Robert Dahls demokratiideal. Studien fann att problemet med öppenhet uppmärksammades i hög grad av motionerna, medan politisk jämlikhet knappt hanterades alls. Tre av motionerna ignorerade till och med den varning som Demokratiutredningen utfärdade, där en reglering i form av registrering skulle påverka den politiska jämlikheten negativt. Att motionerna inte hanterar problemet med politisk jämlikhet, och i flera fall även förvärrar den, innebär ett påtagligt demokratiskt underskott i regleringsdebatten.

Det pågår en ständig utveckling av normativa teorier om krig för att kunna anpassa sig till nutida konflikter. Nya teorier utvecklas i takt med ny teknologi och nya motståndare. De teorier som utvecklats på senare tid har föranlett till denna jämförelse mellan manöverkrigföring och Shock and Awe, Achieving Rapid Dominance. Uppsatsen syftar till att studera huruvida Shock and Awe, Achieving Rapid Dominance är en egen teori och i vilken utsträckning den grundar sig i manöverkrigföring. Genom en kvalitativ metod där textanalyser har legat till fokus, skapas idealtyper av manöverkrigföringens grundläggande element. Dessa verkar sedan som indikatorer för att urskilja likheter och skillnader med Shock and Awe. Resultatet visar på ett flertal likheter och skillnader som leder till slutsatsen att Shock and Awe inte kan definieras som en originell teori, då likheterna med manöverkrigföringen är allt för stora.

This work examines the discussion that precedes the name change for maids in Sweden. In1917 the labor union club for maids called Stockholms tjänarinneförening changes its name toHembiträdesföreningen i Stockholm. Over time, hembiträde slowly replaces tjänarinna as thecommon name for maids. Through a conceptual history approach the study wishes to shinelight upon the ideas about titels found in printed sources preceding the name change. Thesource material consists of newspapers, articles in periodicals as well as printed books on thesubject. In addition to the conceptual history approach, social categories are used as a way ofmaking titles, found in the source material, comprehensible from a historical perspective.Also, Ferdinand Tönnies two concepts Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft is used to analyzedifferent view on historical change, in relation to the maid occuptation, found in the sourcematerial. An overarching question in the work is: what kind of value can be achieved througha name change of this kind?

Abstrakt Syftet med uppsatsen är att lyfta fram debattens åsikter gällande trygga zoner på musikfestivalen Göteborgs Kulturkalas under sommaren 2016 och därigenom analysera åsikterna med hjälp av en idealtypsanalys konstruerad av feministisk vetenskapsteori. Debatten analyseras med hjälp av liberalfeminism och radikalfeminism. Genom valda feministiska inriktningar tydliggörs en differentierad åsiktsbildning samt feminismens komplexitet. Den avslutande diskussionen lyfter vilka aktörer som uttalat sig i debatten och påvisar att majoriteten av aktörerna inte är för en åtgärd i form av trygga zoner. Genom aktörernas inställning till trygga zoner diskuteras deras feministiska ställningstagande vilket resulterar i att större delen av aktörerna innehar en närmare koppling till liberalfeminism än radikalfeminism. / AbstractThe aim of this paper is to highlight the differentiated point of view on the debate regarding the women-only zones at the music festival Göteborgs Kulturkalas in Sweden during the summer of 2016 and thereby analyzing the attitudes towards these using an ideal type analysis constructed by feminist science theory, which includes liberal- and radical feminism. By using the feminist theory as an outset for the analysis a differentiated set of attitudes is shown, which highlights the complexity of feminism. The final discussion is highlighting the actors who expressed their views in the debate and demonstrating that the vast majority of actors are not for women-only zones. Through the actors’ attitude towards women-only zones, its feminist position is discussed, which results that the majority of actors having a closer association with liberal feminism than radical feminism.

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This master’s thesis attends to a debate in the Swedish daily press concerning the public library which arose after the Swedish Moderate Party’s publication of their cultural political document Kulturen 2.0. This document contains a number of standpoints, of which three directly concern the public library: charges on book loans, libraries on contract and politically balanced purchase policy. In all, 28 articles are examined by means of an idea and ideological analysis. The purpose is to find out what is behind the conflicts surrounding attitudes about the public library&apos;s mission and activity in an era of needs for change. On the basis of Douglas Raber’s account of three ideological strategies - social, conservative and populist - that constitutes the theoretical framework, the ideologies behind the ideas that stand out in the debate are to be identified. Four main conclusions are deduced from twelve preliminary inferences: (A) the combination of the social and the conservative strategy by the critics in the debate; (B) the conflict between critics&apos; position according to (A) and populist strategy by advocates of the Moderate Party’s suggestions; (C) and (D) treats intrinsic dilemmas in the Moderate Party’s idea systems, there social respectively conservative strategy stands against populist strategy. Dilemmas concern either inconsistencies between different levels or on a metaphysical level with their fundamental principles contradicting each other. Factors influencing the results are constituted of various contents ascribed to certain central concepts such as education, access and democracy. This associates the statement ”the public library as the cornerstone of democracy” with alternate meanings. / Uppsatsnivå: D

Detta är en studie av inställningar till militärt våld i fredsfrämjande syfte inom FN och bland personer i Sverige med anknytning till FN. I dagens säkerhetspolitiska läge dödas ett stort antal civila i beväpnade konflikter varje år och FN kritiseras ofta för att inte ingripa i konfliktområden där civilbefolkningen år efter år utsätts för olika typer av humanitära brott. Mot denna bakgrund anser jag det intressant att undersöka hur det resoneras kring möjliga fredsfrämjande metoder. Jag har valt att fokusera på fredsfrämjande militära insatser då jag vill undersöka hur det resoneras kring den möjliga motsägelsen i att använda våld för att motverka våld. Undersökningen utförs mot bakgrund av ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av sociologiska teorier om pacifism, socialt handlande, legitimitet och moral. Utifrån dessa har officiella FN-dokument analyserats utifrån kritisk hermeneutisk metod och semistrukturerade intervjuer har analyserats hermeneutiskt. I resultatet presenteras en huvudtolkning där FN:s fredsfrämjande militära insatser liknas vid en internationell polisstyrka. De inställningar som finns kring fredsfrämjande militärt våld liknar en i folkmun vanlig inställning till den svenska polisen; den skall styras utifrån väl genomtänka regler och principer och vid missbruk av våld och vapen skall rättsliga konsekvenser tillämpas.

In this thesis I study the relationship between Malmö Stad, a municipal government agency and external actors in a municipal based EU-project. The project in question is Food Loop System, a pilot project to the larger Cleantech TIPP project by Gate21, partially funded by the EU program Interreg ÖKS. The goal of this study is to establish whether the relationship between public and private or external actors in EU-projects can be considered democratic. Furthermore, the study seeks to bring in a new perspective on how projects can be considered democratic as previous studies have often focused on the relation between politics and public officials rather than external actors' influence on projects. In the thesis I do this by using Robert Dahl's ideal types for democracy and the use of a multilevel governance theory. Robert Dahl's theory is used to study the relationship between actors and the multilevel governance theory is used to establish if the project can be regarded as a type of multilevel governance and what effect that has on the democratic ideals. The study concludes that the relation between Malmö stad and external actors in the project Food Loop System can be considered democratic along with the project as a whole. Furthermore, the negative connotations of multilevel governance are not prevalent enough in the project as it fails to live up to most of the criteria required to be considered a type of multilevel governance, which means most criticism against multilevel governance can't be directed towards the project.