Det övergripande syftet med denna studie är att undersöka om det sätt som svenska politiker talar om och beskriver samhället (framförallt det svenska) på har förändrats över tid. Studiens perspektiv är socialkonstruktionistiskt, vilket innebär att det sätt som politikerna talar om samhället på ses som en del i den ständigt pågående konstruktionen av vårt medvetande om, och därmed av, samhället. Det material som undersöks är fem svenska borgerliga regeringsförklaringar, framförda 1976, 1979,1991, 2006 och 2010. Den textanalytiska metod som används för att analysera dessa regeringsförklaringar är en form av kvantitativ innehållsanalys. Konkret är studiens syfte att longitudinellt undersöka om det finns skillnader i vilka ideologiska idéer som dominerar i de analyserade regeringsförklaringarna. Detta görs med hjälp av två olika sorters innehållsanalys. Dels jämförs förekomsten i materialet av vissa ideologiskt laddade termer, och dels jämförs andelen i materialet uttryckta ”nyhöger-” (dvs. nyliberala ochnykonservativa) kontra alternativa, främst socialliberala idéer. Analysen visar att det, mätt på detta sätt, finns betydande skillnader i ideologisk orientering mellan regeringsförklaringarna. Det starkaste resultatet, som också kan ses som en bekräftelse på flera tidigare studier, är ett som pekar på en högervåg – det vill säga en ökning av andelen nyhögeridéer och en korresponderande minskning av andelen alternativa idéer – mellan 1979 och1991. Analysen visar också att andelen nyhögeridéer sedan 1991 varit i det närmaste konstant, men att det från 1991 till 2010 skett en gradvis förskjutning inom dessa nyhögeridéer från utpräglat nyliberala till nyliberala med ett inslag av nykonservativa, vad det verkar närmast nationalistiska idéer. / The general aim of this study is to investigate whether the way that Swedish politicians speak about and describe society (mainly Swedish society) has changed over time. The perspective of the study is a social-constructive one, which means that the way that politicians speak about society is viewed as a part of the constant construction of our consciousness of, and thereby of, society. The examined material is five Swedish right-wing statements of government policy, issued in 1976, 1979, 1991, 2006 and 2010. The method used to analyze these statements is a form of quantitative content analysis. Concretely the aim of the study is to longitudinally examine if there are differences regarding which ideological ideas that are dominant in the analyzed statements of government policy. This is done with the help of two different forms of content analysis. Comparisons are made both regarding the occurrence of certain ideologically charged terms in the different statements, and regarding the share of neoright (libertarian- and neoconservative) as opposed to alternative, mainly social-liberal ideas expressed in the material. The analysis shows that measured in this way there are considerable differences in ideological orientation between the different statements of government policy. The strongest result, which can also be seen as a confirmation of the results of several previous studies, is one which points to a swing to the right between 1979 and 1991. The analysis also shows that since 1991 the share of neoright ideas has remained relatively stable, but that a gradual shift within the neoright spectrum of ideas has taken place since then, a shift from markedly libertarian ideas in 1991, to libertarian with an element of neoconservative, almost nationalist ideas in 2010.

Julia Rolandsdotter, Idéer om samhälle och individ: Abortdebatten under 1960- och 1970-tal med inriktning på realpolitik och ideologi, Uppsala Universitet: Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, C-uppsats, HT 2013. This essay aims to investigate and scrutinize the debate surrounding abortion during the years of 1964 and 1974 respectively. By analyzing elements of different opinions in the debate from daily press, a wide range of aspects concerning the issues of free abortion have been distinguishable. This analysis shows that the abortion debate was, to a high degree, a question of Realpolitik and ideology whereas the differences over time have been visible rather than the differences between parties of varying opinion. By applying the theories of Ian Hacking concerning the effects of categorization, ideas surrounding people and society among others, have been highlighted in the debate. In 1964 we see ideas about the woman as motherly or a victim and the society as defective or exposed among other factors. In 1974 on the other hand discussion about the free woman and the irresponsible society is very common.

Firms tend to engage in interorganizational relationships (IORs) to an increasingly large extent. IORs are however problematic. On one hand, they entail expectations of continued possibilities. On the other hand, they entail expectations of complete explicitness – business partners simply expect intentions to be transparent and fixed. Co-workers in IORs manage these expectations with trust: in the context of IORs, trust is both a promise of continued possibilities and explicitness. Continued possibilities require changeable intentions however, making explicitness hard to maintain. The given promise is consequently very hard to keep, and the result is accusations of betrayal. The management method of trust is comprised by dilemmas originating from a complex interplay between strong ideas about what to (and not to) do and the dynamics of IORs. This could be described as an interplay between ideology, cooperative situations and dilemmas of practice. Ideology is investigated using corpus linguistics and functional grammar applied on concordances extracted from academic articles about Trust and the contrasting terms Control and Betrayal. Cooperative situations are investigated using correspondence analysis applied on an indexed interview material. Underlying interviews concern IORs, and informants come from a broad sample reflecting different types of firms, industries and professions. Dilemmas of practice, finally, are represented by in-depth interviews with individuals whom possess rich experience of IORs. The interviews are transcribed in detail and analyzed using functional grammar. Results show that IORs are profoundly dilemmatic and that co-workers use trust as a mean to bridge the dilemmas of IORs. Result also reveals that dilemmas of IORs have an ambiguous quality; dilemmas are not just a problem that needs to be handled, but to an equal extent a resource that can be used for deliberation and decision. In the management method of trust, dilemmas are as inevitable as they are indispensable. / Gränslöst Management

In the wake of a heightened interest in the Swedish Middle Ages, the need for knowledge has increased as well. The Swedish Middle Ages was an era when the country truly began to grow closer to the European sphere of culture. The forces behind this transformation are largely to be sought among the social elite, the budding aristocracy of Sweden. The process of becoming “Europeans” brought with it great changes to Sweden, not the least in terms of the political arena. What was it that was so sought after by the Swedish aristocracy? What ideals and values lay behind the feudally inspired system of government and the chivalric code of conduct among the elite? In a general sense, the object of this investigation has been to try to understand and explore the ideological underpinnings of the new system of government and the new social order. In order to achieve this, I have used the Swedish chivalric chronicle known as Erikskrönikan as the source material for the investigation. It is believed to have been a propaganda piece for the Swedish aristocracy of the early 1300 hundreds and is, as such, a phenomenal source for researching the ideals and values of the Swedish aristocracy of that time. Thus, the purpose of this essay has been to investigate ideological underpinnings of the Swedish power elite of the first half of the 14th century by analysing their idealized self image and conception of society, as they appear in Erikskrönikan’s depiction of duke Erik and a few other key characters. Included in this is also an ambition to contextualize the results of the investigation by attempting to reconstruct the ideology for which Erikskrönikan is an expression. The intention has been to contribute a new perspective to the already extant research concerning the understanding of the new type of society brought forth in medieval Sweden.  The theoretical premise of this investigation has been a functional understanding of the concept of ideology. In this essay ideology is regarded as a system of ideas which expresses a given groups world views and norms, which reflects the social conditions of the group, and which is a declaration of that group’s interests and aspirations. The methodological basis has been a qualitative analysis of the text, where the depiction of selected characters from the text has been the main object of investigation. The focus has been on identifying which characteristics are portrayed as ideal and which are portrayed as are anti ideal within the text. On an analytical level this investigation has included the use of the concepts “manifest ideology” and “latent ideology” as tools of analysis. In this way it has been possible to uncover the ideals and values of the aristocracy, as expressed in Erikskrönikan, both in terms of what is articulated explicitly and what is implied. In terms of results this investigation has rendered them in abundance. Among the most revealing and relevant findings are: the emphasis put on the vassal system, the chivalrous virtues and the staunch declaration about the superiority of elective kingship. These are all examples of recurring themes which are communicated with a clear didactic intent. Furthermore, I have also been able to show that the code of chivalry was not considered a varnish to cover the blemishes of an imperfect society, but a way of relating to reality and to the surrounding world. The tangible functions of the code of chivalry in society can be understood as having been of two kinds: on the one hand, the code of chivalry was a way of reigning in and channelling the destructive potential of the use of violence; and on the other hand, the code of chivalry was a way for the aristocracy, indeed the Swedish chivalry, to communicate and reaffirm their social standing, both internally and externally.

Svensk politik påstås ha haft en utgångspunkt i vetenskap. Kunskapen om en politisk fråga ska i enlighet med påståendet ha lagt grunden för påföljande utförd politik. Det finns en oenighet till denna förutsättning hos uppfattningar om att svensk narkotikapolitik istället har förts på ideologiska grunder. Med exempel ur utredningsväsendet, en del av Sveriges politiska system, görs en analys av statliga policydokument som berör narkotikapolitik med avsikten att observera hur dessa två motsättande ställningar kommer fram i texterna. För att möjliggöra analysen utformas två idealtyper som studieobjekten observeras utifrån. Dessa bygger på hur vetenskap och ideologi ska förstås som koncept. Resultatet visar att resonemang från båda fälten förekommer i varierande grad bland dokumenten, där diskussionen som förs om narkotikan styrs av vilken idealtyp som blir mest framträdande. Dokumenten är inte heller alltid entydiga i vilken idealtyp de kan sägas tillhöra, vilket avspeglas främst i utredningen från 2008.

The aim of this master thesis is to examine how library managers have handled situations involving controversial lectures at their libraries. Lately, controversial lectures have upset public opinion and caused critical writing in local newspapers. Questions posed are: How do library managers handle controversial lectures, concerning freedom of speech, library directives and respect for human rights? The theoretical starting-point is Joacim Hansson’s definition of two ideological views on libraries, one educational and one liberal, and also an article about thoughts in post-modernism and modernism by Emily Knox. I have used the theoretical framework to define two ideological standpoints; the perspective of freedom and the perspective of responsibility, to illustrate the views of the informants. Semistructured interviews with library managers were conducted, and the results show that the informants more often expressed views close the perspective of freedom, than views close to the perspective of responsibility. The conclusion is that there is no complete consensus on how to interpret and follow the many directives being applicable to Swedish libraries. Public opinion and the risk of receiving criticism seem to have an important influence on decisions concerning controversial lectures. However, the study shows that both the perspective of freedom and the perspective of responsibility, in dealing with controversial speech, can be motivated by library managers in terms of acting in line with democratic values and library directives.

Denna uppsats undersöker såväl den svenska som den europeiska socialdemokratins strävan efter att i första världskrigets kölvatten inleda socialiseringens av ekonomin. Denna strävan grundade sig på Andra internationalens tolkningar av Marx och utgjorde under socialdemokratins inledande decennier primärmålet för rörelsen. Uppsatsen syftar till att närmare utreda den politiska och teoretiska kontext inom vilken socialiseringsfrågan kom att aktualiseras mellan åren 1918-1920; vilka modeller som arbetades fram och varifrån dessa var sprungna, samt varför socialiseringsförsöken strandade.

Flertalet så kallade radikala högerpopulistiska partier (RHP-partier) har på senare år rönt relativt stora valframgångar runt om i Europa. En förklaring som brukar nämnas är att dessa partier har tonat ned sin ideologi och blivit mindre radikala. Min studie undersökte detta förhållande, huruvida det finns en samvariation mellan grad av radikal högerpopulism och väljarstöd. Leder lägre grad av radikal högerpopulism till ökat väljarstöd? Detta undersöktes med hjälp av en fallstudie av Sveriges ledande RHP-parti – Sverigedemokraterna. Idealtypsanalyser genomfördes av fem sverigedemokratiska parti-/principprogram från de senaste decennierna för att se om graden av radikal högerpopulism i dessa dokument har förändrats över tid. Analysen visade att partiet överlag har blivit allt mindre radikalt högerpopulistiska med åren, samtidigt som partiets väljarstöd har ökat stadigt. Slutsatsen blir därmed att det i det här fallet finns en samvariation mellan grad av radikal högerpopulism och väljarstöd. / <p>2018-06-07.</p>

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The thesis examines the final debate of wage-earner funds in Sweden when the issue was discussed in the parliament during the voting in 21-22 December 1983. Through a discourse analysis, discourses and different ideological views in the debate are being questioned based on economic and political aspects when it comes to democracy in working life, which use to be known as economic democracy. It was a historical long parliamentary debate with 88 different speakers and 125 speeches that lasted for two days when the issue of the wage-earner funds was voted through by the Social Democratic Party. The thesis highlights various ideological statements that constitute the struggle in the debate and deepened with theories of democracy and economic democracy.