This thesis uses critical discourse analysis to examine how the English-speaking press in Hong Kong constructs the conflict between the political movement Occupy Central and the Chinese central government. The empirical material consists of ten articles from the region’s two largest English-speaking newspapers, Hong Kong’s oldest newspaper, the South China Morning Post, and China’s only national English-speaking newspaper, the China Daily. Building on the works of Teun van Dijk, Norman Fairclough, Ruth Wodak and John E. Richardson it examines what political ideologies that are favoured by the press and what attitude the press shows for democratic development. The study reveals which different political ideologies and attitudes were communicated in the two newspapers. In this conflict the China Daily has been favouring the dominating political ideology and the South China Morning Post has been favouring the pan-democratic political ideologies. The results show that the South China Morning Post also was favouring the pan-democratic political ideologies in articles that were critical of the Occupy Central movement. All of the examined material from the China Daily has been unilaterally critical of the Occupy Central movement and has favoured the hegemonic communist ideology. / Denna uppsats använder kritisk diskursanalys för att undersöka hur den engelskspråkiga pressen i Hongkong konstruerar konflikten mellan den politiska rörelsen Occupy Central och den kinesiska staten. Det empiriska materialet består av tio artiklar från regionens två största engelskspråkiga tidningar, Hongkongs äldsta dagstidning, the South China Morning Post, och Kinas enda nationella engelskspråkiga tidning, the China Daily. Med utgångspunkt i forskning av Teun van Dijk, Norman Fairclough, Ruth Wodak och John E. Richardson undersöker arbetet vilka politiska ideologier som gynnas av pressen och vilken attityd pressen visar för demokratisk utveckling. Studien visar vilka olika politiska ideologier och attityder som har kommunicerats i de två dagstidningarna. I denna konflikt har the China Daily visats gynna den dominerande politiska ideologin och the South China Morning Post har gynnat utmanande pan-demokratiska politiska ideologier. Resultaten visar att the South China Morning Post har gynnat pan-demokratiska politiska ideologier även i artiklar som varit kritiska mot Occupy Central-rörelsen. Det undersökta materialet från the China Daily har varit ensidigt kritisk mot Occupy Central-rörelsen och har gynnat den hegemoniska kommunistiska ideologin.

Diss. Örebro : Örebro universitet, 2009. / Pp. 253-270: Bibliography.

Flera politiska teorier har under 1900-talet talat om hur moderna demokratiska partier riskerar bli mer lika varandra. Denna undersöknings syfte är att undersöka om detta förefaller vara fallet i Sverige mellan åren 1994 och 2014. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna består av två sätt att betrakta demokratisk politisk representation, samt de tre ideologierna liberalism, konservatism och socialism som används för att kategorisera partierna. Program, valmanifest och hemsidor från partierna har studerats med metoden etnografisk innehållsanalys. Resultaten tyder på att partierna var relativt ideologiskt utspridda år 1994 men har 2014 kommit att bli övervägande liberala. Alla partier utom Vänsterpartiet bedömdes höra till den statliga representationsformen, vilken innebär att partier i första hand inte representerar en utpräglad politisk bas av väljare eller särskilda intressegrupper, utan snarare nationen, staten och befolkningen mer som helhet. Överlag indikerar resultaten att de svenska partierna har blivit mer lika varandra mellan 1994 och 2014.

The aim of this essay was to study the extent to which president Nayib Bukele applies the ideologies of the party Nuevas Ideas in accordance with the wishes of the Salvadoran people. Nueva Ideas party ideology consists of democratic, decentralized, plural, and inclusive political definitions. Using populism as a theoretical framework, the essay provided various explanations that describe the extent to which Nayib Bukele starts from populism to understand the connection between the president and defined concepts in populism: identity politics, anti-pluralism, and anti-elitism. The essay has created a greater understanding of the president's political procedure. The research problem has been studied with the help of the theory that fulfills an important function as it is at the center of the study's question. The chosen method for this research is a qualitative case study. The results show that the president is portrayed as the populist leader in El Salvador, but Bukele's political procedure can not be defined as populist because the president does not act fully in accordance with the ideas he advocated.

This Master’s (60 credits) dissertation paper examines how three Swedish newspapers describe the political ideology called anti–Semitism in Germany, from the day it was born in end of October 1879 until January 1882 after the campaigns of persecution of Jews in Russia and Germany.Politically, the 1880s were formative years in Swedish history. A party system emerged slowly andseveral new political ideologies found their way into Swedish political life. Many of those wereinfluences from Germany: socialism, nationalism, political conservatism. But also anti–Semitism.This paper is a comparative study between the newspapers Dagens Nyheter (liberal), Nya DagligtAllehanda (conservative) and Stockholms Dagblad (conservative) and describe how the anti–Semitic political movement in Germany, and the ongoing atrocities against Jews in Russia andGermany, were being portrayed in the Swedish media. The survey in the essay shows that the newspapers describe the political ideology anti-Semitismvery differently. Liberal Dagens Nyheter was highly critical against the political form of hatredagainst the Jews, but so was also conservative Stockholms Dagblad, although the latter had a higherdegree of a neutral type of reporting than the former. Stockholms Dagblad leaned towards supportof a Bismarckian type of conservatism, (which at this time had not yet embraced hatred againstJews as an official policy). The newspaper of the three with the strongest support of the anti-Semitic political movement inGermany was the daily Nya Dagligt Allehanda, which very often expressed and reproduced anti-Semitic constructions and derogatory and racist views on Jews.However, the newspaper Nya Dagligt Allehanda did not embrace the most extreme and violent formof anti-Semitism which were being advocated by some German politicians in the 1880s, whichincluded the deportation or even mass murder of Jews.

Denna studies syfte är att beskriva hur lärare i grundsärskolan ser på sitt bedömningsuppdrag isamband med att nya elever tas emot i verksamheten. I grundsärskolan undervisas elever som pågrund av en intellektuell funktionsnedsättning (IF) inte bedöms ha förutsättningar att uppnågrundskolans kunskapskrav. I vår studie använde vi oss av en kvalitativ metod och genomfördeelva kvalitativa intervjuer med lärare i grundsärskolan. Schiros (2013) undervisningsideologiskaperspektiv användes som teoretiskt perspektiv i analysen. Vi har utgått från fyra olikaforskningsfrågor under arbetets gång. Första frågan var vilka strategier lärarna beskriver att deanvänder för att samla information om elever som kommer nya till grundsärskolan. Här visar ettav resultaten att relationsskapande med eleven får gå före kunskapsbedömning när elever kommernya. På frågan om lärarnas syn på bedömningens plats och funktion i verksamheten får vivarierande svar, men gemensamt beskriver de att ett sökande efter elevens förmågor att kunna visakunskaper liknar ett “detektivjobb” (informant L9). Resultat visar också att lärarna ser olika på hurmeningsfullt det är för eleven att själva vara delaktiga i sin egen kunskapsbedömning. Nästaforskningsfråga handlar om vilka utmaningar som framstår i uppdraget att bedöma kunskaper hoselever som kommer nya till grundsärskolan. Här visar resultatet att samtliga lärare uttrycker attelever med IF är svårbedömda eftersom allt beror på elevens förmåga och dagsform. Vår fjärdeforskningsfråga handlar om vilka undervisningsideologier som blir synliga. Här visar resultatet atten elevcentrerad undervisnings ideologi är framträdande i lärarnas svar. Lärarna upplever till vissdel en konflikt i sitt bedömningsuppdrag, främst i relation till tolkningen av styrdokumentensformuleringar. Studiens resultat visade också att lärarna är i behov av att reflektera överbedömnings uppdraget, här får specialläraren en viktig roll som kvalificerad samtalspartner. / The purpose of this study is to describe how teachers in the special school view their assessmentassignments in connection with new pupils starting in school. The special school is a compulsoryschool for children with intellectual disabilities who are not considered to have the prerequisites tomeet the mainstream school’s knowledge requirements. In our study, we used a qualitative methodand conducted eleven qualitative interviews with teachers in special school. Schiro's (2013)Curriculum Ideological perspectives were used as theoretical perspectives in the analysis. We havestarted from four different research questions during the course of the work. The first question waswhat strategies the teachers describe that they use to inform themselves about students who arenew in school. Here, one of the results shows that creating relationships with the student may gobefore During the question how teachers view the significance of assessment for students'knowledge development, results of the study vary, but the common feature is that a search for thestudent's ability to show knowledge is similar to a “detective job” (informant L9). The study showsthat the teachers consider that assessment has a certain importance for the pupil's knowledgedevelopment but especially for the adaptation of the teaching. The results also show that teacherslook at how meaningful it is for the pupil to be involved in their own knowledge assessment. Thenext research question was about the challenges presented in the assignment to assess theknowledge of students who are newly admitted to special school. Here, the result shows that allteachers express that students with intellectual disabilities are difficult to assess because everythingdepends on the student's ability and form overall state. Our fourth resurge questions is about whichCurriculum Ideologies become visible. Here the result shows that a Learner centred Ideology isprominent in the teachers' responses. To some extent, teachers experience a conflict in theirassessment assignments, mainly in relation to the interpretation of the wording of the steeringdocuments. The study's results also showed that the teachers need to reflect on the assessmentassignment, here the special teacher can be ascribed an important role as a qualified interlocutor.

I denna studie undersöks hur tre rikstäckande svenska dagstidningar med varierande ideologisk grund gestaltat ett urval av politiska händelser på Kuba under Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre 1962–1994. De politiska händelserna på Kuba som granskats är Kubakrisen 1962, Olof Palmes Statsbesök 1975 samt Specialperioden 1990–1994. Frågeställningarnas fokus har dels legat på hur gestaltningarna av Kubas politik bibehållits eller förändrats under den undersökta perioden, och dels hur tidningarna förhållit sig till sin politiska grundideologi över tid. Avslut- ningsvis har detta resultat ställts mot Francis Fukuyamas tes om ”Historiens slut”. Gransk- ningen av materialet har skett med ett gestaltningsteoretiskt ramverk där en kvalitativ aspekt granskat gestaltningens perspektiv och urval, samt en kvantitativ aspekt som fokuserat på jour- nalistikens värdeomdömen mot Kubas politik. Resultat visar att det fanns betydande skillnader mellan tidningarnas gestaltningar och värdeomdömen under 1960- och 1970-talet. Under Spe- cialperioden på 1990-talet förenades dock samtliga tidningar i en samstämmig kritik mot Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre på Kuba. Detta tycks dels vara ett resultat av tidningarna i allt högre grad blivit nyhetsstyrda snarare än idéstyrda. Ideologiska nyanser skiljer tidningarnas gestaltningar åt, dessa perspektiv överskuggas dock på 1990-talet av att tidningarna samlas i en typ av liberaldemokratisk mittfåra som enhälligt fördömer kommunismen på Kuba. / This study examines how three nationwide newspapers in Sweden framed a sample of political events on Cuba during Fidel Castro's communist rule during the period 1962–1994. The news- papers are all linked to different political ideologies. The political events examined were the Cuban missile crisis 1962, Olof Palme's state visit 1975 and the Special Period 1990–1994. The purpose of the study was on one hand to examine if the framing of Cuba’s politics was main- tained or changed during this period, and on the other hand how the newspapers adhered to their political ideology over time. In conclusion these results are discussed in relation to Francis Fukuyamas thesis “The End of History?”. The study uses a frame analysis as a theoretical framework which has a qualitative aspect that examines the salient perspectives and selections, and a quantitative aspect which focus on value judgments towards Cuba's political leadership. The study shows that there were significant differences between the newspaper framing and value judgements during the 1960s and 1970s. During the 1990s there were a substantial shift, as the newspapers now united in a unanimous condemnation of the communist rule on Cuba. This seems to be a result of the newspapers becoming more news-driven rather than idea-driven. Although some ideological nuances persisted during the 1990s, overall the ideologies expressed by the newspapers seem to converge in the support of political and economic liberalism. Based on the results of this study, the major ideological battle of the 20th century was replaced by minor ideological disputes in the 1990s.

This bachelor thesis is a qualitative, small-n, empirically driven comparative study that examines the relationship between rebel group ideology and targeted violence against the LGBTIQ+ community. Two rebel groups in the Syrian Arab Republic, with different ideological beliefs, are examined and compared in relation to their level of violence against LGBTIQ+ individuals. Findings in this study suggest that religious groups are keener to use extreme violence against sexual minorities, and to target them explicitly, but further studies are needed to fully understand this targeting of sexual minorities in armed conflicts.

I uppsatsen görs en kritisk ideologianalys av det nutida svenska abortmotståndet utifrån ett feministiskt perspektiv. Med hjälp av Carol Lee Bacchis metod ”Vilket är det framställda problemet?” synliggörs hur Kristdemokraterna, Sverigedemokraterna, olika kristna och högerextrema abortmotståndare, samt aktörer i de svenska rättsprocesserna om ”samvetsfrihet” för barnmorskor, framställer problemen med abort. Analysen fortsätter sedan med att belysa vilka kulturellt tillgängliga kommunikationsramar som finns för svenska abortmotståndare, samt synliggör vilka manifesta, respektive latenta ideologier som finns närvarande. I uppsatsen används feministiska teorier om rättigheter samt om nation och reproduktion för att tolka materialet. Resultatet visar att det inom det svenska nutida abortmotståndet finns ett flertal olika framställda problem som kan inrymmas i kommunikationsramar om abort som ett hot mot kvinnor, abort som hot mot människovärdet och de mänskliga rättigheterna, samt abort som ett uttryck för genusideologin och som ett hot mot nationen. I den sista kommunikationsramen finns exempel på latenta ideologier. Det finns inslag av det som brukar benämnas som anti-genusideologi i delar av det svenska abortmotståndet.

This study aims to provide answers to how the former Alliance parties relate to their basic ideologies today in comparison to the ideological anchoring during the time when the Alliance cooperation was still relevant in Swedish politics. The study also seeks to explain observed disparities based on previous political science research on Sweden's party system, the GAL-TAN scale and median voter theory. The investigation applies two dimensions to capture the ideologies in the materials; the view of human beings and social theory where an economic aspect is also included. The study examines how prevalent the parties ideologies are within the migration policies and school policies. These areas are perceived to cover the selected dimensions. The goal is for the study to increase political awareness among voters, provide increased knowledge of how Sweden's party system works and provide an explanation as to why the Alliance eventually split. The method used in the study is a qualitative ideology analysis of party programs and election manifestos based on two time periods; year 2004 and 2022. The results show that the parties follow their ideologies to a large extent based on the material. What deviated was that the Moderates' migration policy attitude has changed, whereby the party has moved more towards TAN on the GAL-TAN scale. However, the survey is not comprehensive in order to fully establish whether the parties' ideologies are followed, partly because only two policy areas are analyzed and partly because the actual and real policies were not examined.