Previous studies raise debates on which factors significantly affect the economic growth in different countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, the purpose of our study is to examine and analyze how the selected macroeconomic factors can have different effects on economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa. To concretize this, a panel data and regression analysis have been applied to 36 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa during the period of 2006-2019. The thesis is composed of data over corruption index, foreign direct investment (FDI), GDP per capita growth, population growth, education, economic freedom, and socioeconomic indicators such as political rights. To investigate these factors various macroeconomics theories have been applied, such as the Solow, Romer and Kremerian model, which explains the impact of population growth andeducation on economic growth. Moreover, the Electric Paradigm (OLI), the Institutional theory and some previous studies have been used to explain the effect of corruption, FDI, economic freedom, and political rights on economic growth. A linear regression model was made in the econometric panel data analysis to investigate the selected factors. The result of this study shows that population growth and economic freedom have a significant impact on economic growth. Other factors, however, were statistically nonsignificant.

This essay is a qualitative study where the theory of face and image repair theory evaluate the apologetic strategy of a pudel. The analysed data is from Swedish former Members of Parliament that had to leave their positions due to scandals they were involved in that affected them personally. The analysis shows that the image repair strategy of bolstering is commonly used, that bolstering poses a threat on the speaker’s positive face, and that bolstering is a jeopardising move when attempting to perform a pudel. This study also confirms that when executed successfully, a pudel could restore image and be a successful face-saving strategy. The results also detect the need to further research on how linguistics and rhetoric can cooperate to make more thorough analyses of speech acts. / Denna uppsats är en kvalitativ studie där teorin om face och image repair analyserar och utvärderar den kommunikativa strategin pudeln. Det analyserade datat kommer från pressmeddelanden, presskonferenser och officiella Facebookmeddelanden från svenska riksdagspolitiker som på grund av en skandal behövt lämna sin ledamotsroll i Sveriges Riksdag. Resultatet påvisar att strategin bolstering inom image repair teorin, är vanligt förekommande, att samma strategi utgör ett ansiktshot på den person som använder sig av den strategin och att om man inte lyckas med sin bolstering, riskerar man att inte rädda sitt ansikte eller anseende. Studien visar också på att en lyckad tillämpning av pudeln kan rädda en persons anseende och ansikte. Resultaten i studien öppnar även upp för framtida undersökning, och påvisar att lingvistiska teorier och retoriska teorier kan komplettera varandra vid mer ingående analyser av talakter.

The purpose of this master thesis is to study and compare conservative, fascist and nationalist youth movements active in Sweden during the 1930s and 40s. The political youth movements at the centre of this study are the Young Swedes (Ungsvenskarna), Swedish Rural Youth League (Svenska Landsbygdens Ungdomsförbund), Nordic Youth (Nordisk Ungdom) and National Youth League of Sweden/National League of Sweden (Sveriges nationella ungdomsförbund/Sveriges nationella förbund). During the early 1900s, youth was often described as both the reviver of society and the future of the nation. Regardless of different ideological and political alignments, the youth movements were all invested in shaping and educating young people to prepare them for the future. In this study, the focal point has been the question why these youth movements wanted the role as educators of young people, as well as what was expected of the young after this education. The main task of the political youth movements seems to have been to give young people ideals to fight for through physical and spiritual education. Through this education the young would realize what was expected of them and finally transform into an ideal youth that could inherit the responsibility as caretakers of the nation as well as the future. The view on the ideal youth varied between the studied youth movements. The Young Swedes wanted to create a conservative youth, actively engaged with the main political party of the movement, the Right (Högern). The ideal youth of the Swedish Rural Youth League were aware of their responsibilities towards the rights of the rural areas and agriculture. The ideal youth of Nordic Youth and National Youth League would have very similar personalities and would be ready to fight and sacrifice for the future rebirth of the nation into similar, yet different, fascistic utopias.

The transition towards a sustainable and low-carbon future requires significant changes in energy behaviour among energy consumers. However, the question remains about how, by whom, and what changes are necessary to achieve this transition. While many policies have been implemented to overcome these barriers, current policies focus on technology market development and market failures. Policies that address behavioural anomalies are limited, leading to a lack of engagement and awareness among many energy consumers. This issue is particularly prominent among hard-to-reach (HTR) consumer groups, which can be found in both the commercial and residential sectors (Rotmann, Sea, 2019). The impact of HTR energy consumers on energy efficiency measures and the achievement of climate neutrality remains largely unexplored. It is necessary to identify and understand these groups to address this gap. By doing so, it is possible to help them change their energy consumption behaviour towards a more sustainable and low-carbon future (Rotmann, Sea, 2019).This project aims to provide insights into HTR energy consumers in Sweden and assess their impact on achieving climate neutrality. The primary objective is to identify the most common HTR groups, their main barriers, and the potential drivers that could help change their energy consumption behaviour. A detailed literature review is conducted to gather information on practical and theoretical cases globally to achieve these objectives. After the literature review, a semi-quantitative data analysis has identified and classified HTR energy user in Sweden, by using modelling software like Mental Modeler. A qualitative analysis was carried out to analyze the HTR groups, identify their main barriers and potential drivers, and to understand their energy behaviour better. From the literature review, it was found that high income, low income, and elderly are hard to reach, and there is a research gap of their behavior, needs and how to address their challenges to energy consumption. The findings revealed that high energy prices, subsidies, economic conditions, and energy production were key driver components that could not be controlled by individual energy consumers. Therefore, policymakers must implement policies that address these root causes, such as investing in renewable energy sources, increasing competition in the energy market, and offering targeted subsidies for energy-efficient products and services. Additionally, policies that promote economic growth and stability can help to improve energy efficiency by reducing the financial strain on households. Overall, this study highlights the need for comprehensive energy efficiency policies that target both the demand and supply side of energy consumption to promote sustainable and affordable energy use in households, which is crucial for achieving long-term energy and climate goals. / Övergången till en hållbar framtid med låga koldioxidutsläpp kräver betydande förändringar i energibeteendet bland energikonsumenter. Frågan kvarstår dock om hur, av vem och vilka förändringar som krävs för att uppnå denna övergång. Även om ett stort antal policyer har implementerats för att övervinna dessa barriärer, fokuserar nuvarande policyer främst på teknikmarknadsutveckling och marknadsmisslyckanden. Policyer som tar itu med beteendeavvikelser är begränsade, vilket leder till bristande engagemang och medvetenhet bland många energikonsumenter. Denna fråga är särskilt framträdande bland svåråtkomliga konsumentgrupper, som finns i både kommersiella och bostadssektorer (Rotmann, Sea, 2019). De svåråtkomliga energikonsumenters inverkan på energieffektivitetsåtgärder och uppnåendet av klimatneutralitet är fortfarande i stort sett outforskad. För att komma till rätta med denna klyfta är det nödvändigt att identifiera och förstå dessa grupper bättre. Genom att göra det kommer det att vara möjligt att hjälpa dem att ändra sitt energikonsumtionsbeteende mot en mer hållbar framtid med låga koldioxidutsläpp (Rotmann, Sea, 2019). Detta projekt syftar till att ge insikter om HTR energikonsumenter i Sverige och bedöma deras inverkan på att uppnå klimatneutralitet. Det primära målet är att identifiera de vanligaste HTR-grupperna, de huvudsakliga hindren de möter och de potentiella drivkrafterna som kan bidra till att förändra deras energiförbrukningsbeteende.En noggrann litteraturöversikt genomförs för att samla information om praktiska och teoretiska fall globalt för att uppnå dessa mål. Efter litteraturöversikten har en semi-kvantitativ dataanalys identifierat och klassificerat HTR-energianvändare i Sverige genom att använda modelleringsprogramvara som Mental Modeler. En kvalitativ analys utfördes för att analysera HTR-grupperna, identifiera deras huvudsakliga hinder och potentiella drivkrafter och för att bättre förstå deras energibeteende. Från litteraturgenomgången framgick det att höginkomsttagare, låginkomsttagare och äldre är svåra att nå, och att det finns en forskningslucka vad gäller deras beteende, behov och hur man kan hantera deras utmaningar i energikonsumtionen. Resultaten visade att höga energipriser, subventioner, ekonomiska förhållanden och energiproduktion var viktiga drivkomponenter som inte kunde kontrolleras av enskilda energikonsumenter. Därför måste beslutsfattare genomföra politiska åtgärder som adresserar dessa grundorsaker, såsom investeringar i förnybara energikällor, ökad konkurrens på energimarknaden och erbjudande om riktade subventioner för energieffektiva produkter och tjänster. Dessutom kan politiska åtgärder som främjar ekonomisk tillväxt och stabilitet hjälpa till att förbättra energieffektiviteten genom att minska den ekonomiska belastningen på hushållen. Sammanfattningsvis betonar denna studiebehovet av omfattande energieffektivitetspolitik som riktar sig mot både efterfråge- och tillförselssidan av energiförbrukningen för att främja hållbar och ekonomiskt överkomlig energianvändning i hushållen, vilket är avgörande för att uppnå långsiktiga energi- och klimatmål.

This Master’s (60 credits) dissertation paper examines how three Swedish newspapers describe the political ideology called anti–Semitism in Germany, from the day it was born in end of October 1879 until January 1882 after the campaigns of persecution of Jews in Russia and Germany.Politically, the 1880s were formative years in Swedish history. A party system emerged slowly andseveral new political ideologies found their way into Swedish political life. Many of those wereinfluences from Germany: socialism, nationalism, political conservatism. But also anti–Semitism.This paper is a comparative study between the newspapers Dagens Nyheter (liberal), Nya DagligtAllehanda (conservative) and Stockholms Dagblad (conservative) and describe how the anti–Semitic political movement in Germany, and the ongoing atrocities against Jews in Russia andGermany, were being portrayed in the Swedish media. The survey in the essay shows that the newspapers describe the political ideology anti-Semitismvery differently. Liberal Dagens Nyheter was highly critical against the political form of hatredagainst the Jews, but so was also conservative Stockholms Dagblad, although the latter had a higherdegree of a neutral type of reporting than the former. Stockholms Dagblad leaned towards supportof a Bismarckian type of conservatism, (which at this time had not yet embraced hatred againstJews as an official policy). The newspaper of the three with the strongest support of the anti-Semitic political movement inGermany was the daily Nya Dagligt Allehanda, which very often expressed and reproduced anti-Semitic constructions and derogatory and racist views on Jews.However, the newspaper Nya Dagligt Allehanda did not embrace the most extreme and violent formof anti-Semitism which were being advocated by some German politicians in the 1880s, whichincluded the deportation or even mass murder of Jews.

This paper aims to investigate the grounds of political legitimacy on which Vladimir Putin relied and still relies to sustain his popularity and remain in power today. Special emphasis is placed on the period after the opposition protests in 2011-2012 and demonstrations on Bolotnaya Square in Moscow. These protests had a dramatic effect on the Russian regime and showed that there is opposition to Putin's leadership, at least among a segment of Russian society. This study is based on Max Weber's three ideal types of legitimacy: civil-legal, traditional, and charismatic, which will be used to investigate, how Vladimir Putin has been able to stay in power for more than 20 years. This requires investigation of grounds for legitimacy that Vladimir Putin successfully exploited during his 2000-2008 period in the presidency that made him so popular among the majority of Russian citizens. It also means the investigation of the grounds for legitimacy that Putin began to exploit after the protests on the Bolotnaya Square 2011-2012, namely during the 2012-2020 period, to stay in power despite the dissatisfaction of some citizens with his rule. This study will use qualitative analysis to examine the corresponding empirical and analytical data related to the two periods investigated in this study. In addition, data from the currently disenfranchised Levada Center will be used to follow the development and changes in approval and disapproval of Putin's leadership. / Denna undersökning har målet att analysera grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Vladimir Putin utnyttjat och fortfarande utnyttjar för att underhålla sin popularitet och förbli vid makten fram till i dag, särskilt efter det oppositionella utbrottet 2011-2012. Det senare är centralt, eftersom protesterna på Bolotnajatorget i Moskva hade en chockartad effect på den ryska regimen och visade att det finns missnöje med Putins ledarskap, åtminstone bland en del av den ryska befolkningen. Denna undersökning utgår från Max Webers tre ideala typer av politiska legitimitet som kommer att användas för att begripa hur Vladimir Putin kunde förbli vid makten under mer än 20 år. Det krävs därför en analys av grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Putin framgångsrikt utnyttjade under 2000-2008 års presidentperiod och som gjorde honom så populär bland de flesta ryska medborgarna. Det blir också nödvändigt med en analys av grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Putin började använda efter protesterna, nämligen under 2012-2020 års presidentperiod för att förbli vid makten trots missnöjet med hans ledarskap. Denna undersökning ämnar använda en kvalitativ textanalys för att gå genom motsvarande empiriskt och analytiskt material som anknyts till de två tidsperioderna som undersöks i denna studie. Dessutom kommer undersökningen att använda sig av de statistiska data från Levada Center för att vidare följa förändringar i godkännandet eller icke-godkännandet av Putins ledarskap. / Данное исследование ставит своей целью изучение основ политической легитимности Владимира Путина, способствовавших его популярности среди большинства российских граждан и позволивших ему оставаться у власти более 20 лет. Анализ основывается на теории Макса Вебера о трех идеальных видах легитимности: гражданско-правовом, традиционном и харизматичном. Исследование предусматривает изучение основ легитимности в период с 2000 по 2008 годы и в период с 2012 по 2020 годы. Уделяется внимание протестам 2011-2012 года на Болотной площади в Москве, показавшим недовольство части населения правлением Путина и ставшим переломным моментом в политике Путина. Для проведения данного исследования используется квалитативный анализ с целью изучения эмпирических и аналитических данных, относящихся к выбранным периодам. Основываясь на статистических данных Левада Центра, исследование анализирует позитивное и негативное отношение россиян к правлению Путина.

Inramade politiska frågor är något de flesta medborgare frekvent exponeras för när observerareller deltar i den offentliga diskursen. I Sverige är kärnkraftsfrågan en viktig politisk frågasom präglas av flera olika inramade narrativ. I denna studie undersökes hur fyra olika vanligtförekommande kärnkrafts-inramningar påverkar svenskars attityder till Sveriges nutida ochframtida användning av kärnenergi i energiförsörjningen. Detta genomfördes via ettsurveyexperiment (n=202). Inga påtagliga effekter från ram-exponering på attityder tillkärnkraft kunde observeras för någon ram. De flesta svenska medborgarna tycks ha ganskafasta övertygelser i kärnkrafts-frågan, och låter ej sina attityder förändras med lätthet.Vänster-högerideologi identifierades som en mycket avgörande faktor i hur svenskarna ställersig i denna politiska fråga, och mycket övertygande fenomen torde krävas för att dessa skallförändra inställningarna, åtminstone på kort sikt. / Framed political issues are something most citizens are frequently exposed to when observingor participating in the public discourse. In Sweden, the nuclear power issue is an importantpolitical issue that is characterized by several different framed narratives. This study examineshow four different commonly occurring nuclear power frames affect Swedes’ attitudes towardSweden’s current and future use of nuclear energy in its energy supply. This was investigatedvia a survey experiment (n=202). No significant effect from frame-exposure to attitudestoward nuclear energy could be observed for any frame. Most Swedish citizens seems to havefairly stable beliefs in this issue, and do not let their attitudes get influences with ease. Leftrightideology was identified a decisive factor in Swedes attitudes toward this issue, and avery convincing phenomena is required to change these attitudes, at least in the short term.

This paper examines the hypothesis that a change in the elite increases the probability of armed conflict onset. The paper combines the newly constructed WhoGov dataset on cabinet members, with UCDP data on armed conflicts and rebel group. It analyzes changes in the retention rate among cabinet members and average years in cabinet, and how they affect armed conflict – measured as armed conflict onset and rebel group onset. A linear regression model, with country- and year fixed effects, in addition to time-varying control variables, is applied to test the main hypothesis. In addition, three heterogeneity tests are conducted. First, the paper examines whether there are any differences between democracies and autocracies. Second, it examines the differences between changes in cabinet size (widening or shrinking). Third, it analyzes if the effects are bigger for large changes in the elite. Four main conclusions are reached in the paper. First, the results indicates that a decrease in retention rate increases the probability for both conflict and rebel onset. The magnitudes of the estimated effects seem to be sizeable. They are larger in conflict onsets than rebel onsets, in relation to their respective means. Second, for armed conflict onset, the results are driven by autocracies. Third, the probability for armed conflict is larger following a large change in the elites (retention rate). Fourth, no difference in changes to cabinet size is observed.

There have been discussions about why men in Sweden to a greater extent vote for right-wing parties, the discussion about why women, on the other hand, vote on the left-wing parties is less often discussed. What really makes women and men vote so differently in a supposedly equal country like Sweden? This essay is a quantitative study where the aim is to contribute to increased understanding of the different voting preferences. The data used in the essay comes from the SOM institute from the University of Gothenburg. Previous research has shown that a shift took place around the 60s and onwards, women then started getting an education and jobs that did not only involve the home and family. With this, women began to vote more on the left-wing parties. Regression analysis and factor analysis have been carried out to find connections between how different perceptions of violence and socio-economic factors influence whether one votes left or right. The theoretical frameworks for this essay are the silent revolution, GAL-TAN and ethics of care. The results show that there are differences between women's and men's political preferences, where women are more to the left and men more to the right on the political left-right scale. The cultural factor ethics of care is connected to the aspect that social vulnerability is considered to be a contributing factor to the violence in society, and is the factor that most affects the gender gap in political preferences. The impact that structural factors have on political preferences is consistent with previous research. Finally, we have discussed limitations and recommendations for future research.

Konflikter är en naturlig del av arbetslivet som orsakas av olika bakgrundsfaktorer. En övergripande trend i konflikthantering är metoder som främjar kommunikation och samarbete. Mot denna bakgrund avser denna studie att undersöka hur ett fallstudieföretag hanterar konflikter, med hjälp av Bolman och Deals bok “Nya perspektiv på organisation och ledarskap”. Arbetet analyserar konflikter och konflikthantering utifrån fyra perspektiv: strukturella, HR, politiska och symboliska. Det konceptuella ramverket presenterar dessa perspektiv individuellt, samt modeller och teorier som är relaterade till ämnet. Det empiriska materialet utgår från nio intervjupersoner från olika avdelningar och positioner för att få en inblick i deras syner på konflikter, de involverade aktörerna samt hur konflikter hanteras. Sammanställningen av intervjuerna analyseras med det konceptuella ramverket för att identifiera samband och förbättra konflikthanteringsmetoder. Avslutningsvis visar studien att en flerperspektivistiska syn är fördelaktig för att undvika att fastna i en ensidig syn på konflikter. / Workplace conflicts arise from a variety of underlying causes and are an inevitable aspect of the job. The application of techniques that foster cooperation and communication is a common trend in conflict resolution. In light of this, this study uses the paradigm provided by Bolman and Deal's book "Reframing Organizations: Artistry, Choice and Leadership" to examine how a case study organisation manages conflicts. Four perspectives are used in the study to analyse conflicts and conflict management: structural, HR, political, and symbolic. These viewpoints are presented separately in the conceptual framework, together with pertinent models and theories. Nine people from various departments and roles were interviewed for the empirical material in order to learn more about their perspectives on conflicts, the parties involved, and conflicts resolution techniques. The conceptual framework is applied to the analysis of the interview compilation in order to find patterns and enhance dispute resolution techniques. The study concludes by demonstrating the benefits of adopting a multi-perspective strategy in order to prevent taking a biassed stance on conflicts.