Uppsatsen ämnar undersöka huruvida politiska möjlighetsstrukturer och inramningar i sociala medier kan förklara det ökade stödet för miljöorganisationen Sierra Club. De politiska möjlighetstrukturerna har analyserats utifrån McAdams (1996) fyra dimensioner för att förstå den politiska strukturen i USA. Inramningsperspektivet har använts som verktyg i innehållsanalysen av Sierra Clubs Twitterinlägg som systematiskt valts ut under en treveckorsperiod under 2015 respektive 2016. Inramningsperspektivet inom rörelseforskningen utvecklades av David Snow och Robert Benford som en anpassning av Erving Goffmans ramteori, för att möjliggöra analys på gruppnivå. För att kunna urskilja förändringar i Sierra Clubs retorik har två olika tidsintervaller granskats. Innehållsanalysen visar att Twitter-inläggen ändrat karaktär 2016 och bär på stridslystna undertoner med en tydligt definierad skuldbärare. I analysen av de politiska möjlighetsstrukturerna framkommer en bild av att valet 2016 bidragit till instabilitet i elitgrupperingar. De valda teoriperspektiven har möjlighet att kombinerat förklara Sierra Clubs ökade stöd. Med detta sagt betyder det inte att dessa perspektiv utgör den enda förklaringsmodellen. / This study explores the evolution of the environmental organisation Sierra Club, in relation to the United States presidential election in 2016, through a theoretical perspective. It examines if the theories of framing and political opportunity structures can explain the organisation’s success. The political context was analysed using McAdam’s four dimensions of political opportunity structures in order to determine its restrictions for social movements. A content analysis was applied to Sierra Club’s Twitter posts from a three week period in 2016 and 2015 respectively for the purpose of comparing the rhetoric during the two different time periods based on the key concepts of Benford and Snow’s framing theory. The results show that the election itself contributed to instability between elite alignments while Sierra Club’s Twitter-posts changed tone to become more aggressive and more specific in focusing the blame. The chosen theories proved suitable for analysing the occurrence but we cannot however disregard the possibility of other results emerging when using a different theoretical approach.

The aim of this study is to examine how an organization works with adjusting to a problem from the top to the bottom in solving of the problem. The study is being done during a period of 10 weeks within a local government authority in Sweden. An audit that was carried out some years ago criticized the organization regarding the lack of coordination between the different levels of management, both the political and administrative. The organization attempted to change the way it manages its planning and monitoring has not been successful. This study investigates how these changes have been implemented throughout all levels of the organization. This study concludes that changes in organizations within a government need time when implementing changes. Local governments are regulated by laws that will have an impact on when changes might be needed or possible. Other conclusions are that managing by objectives may not lead to a better coordination between different levels of management. In fact it might lead to less coordination. / Syftet med studien har varit att undersöka hur åtgärder insatta i en verksamhet får genomslag uppifrån och ned. Studien är genomförd under en 10 veckors period i en mindre kommun i Sverige, där kommunen utifrån en revision upplevt problem med ledning och styrning av sin verksamhet. Efter insatta åtgärder har en studie av hur dessa fått effekt i verksamheterna gjorts. En fallstudie är gjord på en enhet inom organisationen för att kartlägga hur de arbetar med målstyrning vilket var den metod kommunen införde som åtgärd för att förbättra ledning och styrning. Studiens resultat tyder på att effekterna har uteblivit på den granskade enheten, men att det fått effekt ned till en viss nivå i organisationen. Teorier kring organisationsstruktur, ledarskap och tidigare forskning kring maktförhållande och målstyrning i kommuner har använts för att finna möjliga orsaker till hur ledning och styrning får effekt ut i verksamheter. Studien visar att effekter har svårigheter att nå ut i verksamheter beroende på bland annat interna förutsättningarna för planering och uppföljning där yttre påverkan genom lagar kan försvåra kommunernas förmåga att leda och styra sin verksamhet. Men även att det är viktigt att låta förändringar få ta lång tid. Andra viktiga slutsatser studien kommer fram till är att målstyrning kanske inte leder till en bättre röd tråd vilket var det revisorerna efterfrågade i sin rapport.

The purpose of this study is to investigate whether organizational factors can influence the success of social movements. This is accomplished through a qualitative comparative case study where the women's suffrage movements, Women's Social and Political Union and Landsföreningen för Kvinnans Politiska Rösträtt are compared. The study also aims to increase the understanding and knowledge of the two movements' organization and exercise to answer the question, why both movements succeeded. The study provides an in-depth picture of how the female suffrage movements worked and the similarities and differences between the movements. Finally, the study finds that the organization of the movements did impact the outcome of the movements and can thus explain the success of WSPU and LKPR.

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This essay aims to study the Swedish suffrage movement, LKPR from an emotional historical perspective. How did the activists in the early 1900s relate to emotions, in a time in which women were described as “too emotional” to participate on the public stage? What do the emotions that got expressed actually mean and how could this affect the practical actions of the organisation? Do the activists share an emotional language, simply because they share the same restrictions and goals in life? The study will be formed as a discourse analysis, which will show us the importance of understanding that language and practical actions are interrelated. In time, we will see how the Swedish organisation actually used quite an aggressive rhetorical language, which differs from their practical actions. They used words such as unworthy, threatening, guiltand shame, belligerent, etc. And I came to realize just how willing and well the organisation and the actors within this compound actually adapted their language and the emotions that they described depending on the social, religious and political context that they found themselves to be in. The LKPR:s own journal very rarely held back emotions in any way, while actors within the organization that also wrote in other journals adapted to the preconceptions that could be found within those surroundings and readers. And based on this fact, the language of the LKPR:s actors and journal differs quite a lot from other common newspapers that were published at the same time and that discussed the same kind of issues. I would not hesitate tosay that the language of the LKPR actually does remind quite a lot about the english suffragettś rethorics, and therefore, I will argue, that further studies would gain from studying the relationship between the swedish activists and the english suffragettes, how this relationship affected the language and emotions and the practical actions.

As the need for action to tackle climate change grows, it has been stated that the corona pandemic mightconstitute a political opportunity for social movement organisations to advocate societal transformation. Thisthesis investigates the issue by answering if and how the young climate movement organization Fridays ForFuture Sweden has changed their framing of the climate crisis after the outbreak of Covid-19. Through aninductive frame analysis based on the collective action frames of Benford and Snow and applied on social mediaposts by the youth movement, the results show that a change in framing indeed has taken place. The mainfindings include how Fridays For Future Sweden has increased and dispersed their framing activity, intensifiedtheir use of a crisis frame and decreased the emphasis they put on intergenerational injustice. The studytherefore contributes empirically with an example of how a social movement organisation adapts to the politicalopportunities arising with the Covid-19 pandemic.

The aim of this essay was to study the extent to which president Nayib Bukele applies the ideologies of the party Nuevas Ideas in accordance with the wishes of the Salvadoran people. Nueva Ideas party ideology consists of democratic, decentralized, plural, and inclusive political definitions. Using populism as a theoretical framework, the essay provided various explanations that describe the extent to which Nayib Bukele starts from populism to understand the connection between the president and defined concepts in populism: identity politics, anti-pluralism, and anti-elitism. The essay has created a greater understanding of the president's political procedure. The research problem has been studied with the help of the theory that fulfills an important function as it is at the center of the study's question. The chosen method for this research is a qualitative case study. The results show that the president is portrayed as the populist leader in El Salvador, but Bukele's political procedure can not be defined as populist because the president does not act fully in accordance with the ideas he advocated.

The general view among researchers is that a well-functioning democracy rests in the handsof the political behaviour of citizens. In this behaviour, political interest is one of thecornerstones. Thus, there are reasons to regard it as a threat to democracy when young peopletend to have ever-lower levels of political interest. Therefore, to know how interest couldincrease, there is a need to know where it comes from and why it differs. There is yetuncertainty regarding this, notably since political interest as a concept rarely is used as adependent variable. Consequently, this thesis was aimed to explain why political interestdiffers among upper-secondary school students in Sweden. The focus was on the two types ofnational programmes, political socialization and socio-economic background. The findings of survey data (N=398) suggest that the average youth has low levels of politicalinterest. As hypothesized, there are, on average, higher levels of political interest amongstudents in preparatory academic programmes compared to vocational programmes. Alonethough, this pattern cannot explain variations of interest. Instead, agents of politicalsocialization have strong explanatory power, in particular friends and media. Also, family dohave a direct effect on political interest. However, this relationship appears to be dependent onsocio-economic background. The school as a political socialization agent cannot explaindifferences in political interest.

Denna studie berör medieplattformen Instagram och hur den används inom svensk politik. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur Instagram påverkar svenska riksdagspartiers arbete och hur arbetet kan anpassas till användarna av Instagram. Studien har genomförts med hjälp av en kvalitativ metod, där semistrukturerade intervjuer utgör resultatet. Studien behandlar tre svenska riksdagspartier, samt inkluderar fyra användare av Instagram. Resultatet har genomförts med teori som innefattar utvecklingen av Instagram i Sverige, politik och användningen av Instagram i politik utanför Sverige. Studiens slutsats visar på att politiska partiers användning av Instagram öppnar upp för en ny målgrupp, bidrar till nya kommunikationssätt och ger möjlighet till att engagera fler i sin politik. / This essay concerns the Instagram media platform and how it is used in Swedish politics. The purpose of the paper is to investigate how Instagram affects the work of the Swedish parliament and how it can be adapted to the users of Instagram. The essay has been conducted using a qualitative method, where semi-structured interviews constitute the result. The essay deals with three Swedish parliamentary parties and includes four users of Instagram. The result has been conducted with theory that includes Instagram's development in Sweden, politics and Instagram's use in politics outside of Sweden. The conclusion of the essay shows that the use of Instagram by political parties opens up to a new target group, contributes to new ways of communication and allows for more involvement in politics.

I Sveriges val 2018 fick åtta partier mandaten i Riksdagen: M, C, S, V, L, KD, SD och MP. Partiernas organisation finns på tre nivåer. Partiföreningen finns på lokal nivå och omfattar vanligtvis en kommun. Partidistriktet kallas den länsvisa organisationsnivån. Distriktsorganisationer är sammanknutna i en riksorganisation. Lokala partiföreningar är registrerade som ideella föreningar.  På årsmöte väljer medlemmar styrelsen, kassör, revisorer och revisorssuppleanter. Revisorer valda på årsmötet kan vara en yrkesverksam revisor eller en lekmannarevisor det vill säga någon som ställer upp ideellt och som inte yrkesmässigt arbetar med revision. Revisorn skall ha en kontrollerande funktion i föreningen därför kommer det bli lärorikt att studera hur revisorerna lever upp till sin roll i svenska lokala partiföreningar.  Revisorn roll i partiföreningar handlar om vilka möjligheter som finns för att kunna utföra det uppdrag som revisorn har i dessa föreningar. Det finns både interna och externa faktorer som påverkar revisorns handlingsutrymme. Dessa faktorer studerades för att skapa en tydligare bild av revisorns roll i lokala partiföreningar.  Frågeställning: Vilka faktorer påverkar revisorernas handlingsutrymme i lokala partiföreningar?  Syftet med denna studie är utforska faktorerna som påverkar revisorernas handlingsutrymme i dessa föreningar.  Slutsats: samtliga intervjuade revisorer i de lokala partiföreningarna upplever att deras handlingsutrymme räcker gott och väl. Revisorerna är medvetna om sin kontrollerande roll. Deras granskningsarbete utgör också ett stöd och trygghet för medlemmar och för styrelsen.  Resultatet kan användas för att öka kunskap om revisorns roll i lokala partiföreningar och göra partiföreningar medvetna om vilka faktorer som påverkar revisorernas handlingsutrymme samt klargöra vikten av dessa när partiföreningen utser revisorer i framtiden. / In Sweden's 2018 elections, eight parties were given the mandate in Parliament: M, C, S, V, L, KD, SD, MP. The parties' organization exists on three levels: party associations at the municipal level and district organizations linked together in a national organization. Party associations at the municipal level are registered as non-profit associations.  During annual meetings, members elect the board, treasurer, auditors, and deputy auditors. Auditors elected at the annual meeting may be a professional accountant or a lay auditor, i.e. someone who does not professionally work with auditing but who is volunteering. The auditor has a controlling function in the association, so it will be instructive to study the role of the auditors in Swedish party associations at the municipal level.  The role of the auditor in party associations is about what possibilities exist to be able to do their job, which the auditor has in these associations. There are several internal and external factors that affect the auditor's discretion. These factors were explored to create a clear picture of the auditor's role in party associations at the municipal level.  There is no previous research on which factors affect the auditor's discretions in party associations. The result can be used to increase knowledge of the auditor's role the municipal level as well as to make party associations aware of the factors that affect the auditors' scope and clarify the importance of these when the party association appoints auditors in the future.  Question: What factors affect the auditors' discretions for party associations at municipal level?  The conclusion of the study is that all auditor in party associations feel that their discretion is more than enough. The auditors are aware of their controlling role. Their audit work it is support and security to the members as well as the board.  The purpose of this study is to probe the factors that affect the auditor's discretion within these associations.