- About
-
The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
provided by the
Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
Search results
Showing 181 to 189 of 189 (0.025 seconds)| 181 |
No entry without strategy : an evaluation of UN transitional administration approaches to building the rule of law in disrupted statesBull, Carolyn, Humanities & Social Sciences, Australian Defence Force Academy, UNSW January 2006 (has links)
As a mode of intervention in which the UN assumed direct authority over disrupted states, transitional administrations represent unique examples of ambitious state-building projects. This thesis investigates the apparent failure of transitional administrations to establish the rule of law in Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor. It identifies nine explanatory factors which are tested against each case study. In addition, it seeks to enhance conceptual understandings of the UN???s state-building agenda and to add to empirical studies regarding attempts by external actors to establish the rule of law in disrupted states. Three findings emerge. First, in each case, UN transitional administrations failed in each of the following ways: to make the best use of their mandate; to establish effective state justice institutions; to build local commitment to the rule of law as a value system; to promote social relationships supportive of the rule of law; to ensure sufficient state capacity post-intervention; to maintain adequate levels of security; to address the existence of informal justice structures; to deal with the legacies of the past; and to ensure an adequate level of mission performance. Of these, establishing effective state justice institutions, building local commitment and addressing informal justice structures proved most crucial. Second, the state-based ???enforcement??? approach adopted by transitional administrations proved ineffective. Enacting laws and establishing coercive state structures such as judicial, police and prison services were critical to, but could not be equated with the rule of law. This approach did not account sufficiently for the importance of entrenched informal justice institutions, of the voluntary consent of local actors, or of appropriate institutional design choices. As a result, it did not offer real solutions to real problems faced by local actors. Finally, the UN failed to consider fully how to create an enabling ???space??? in which internal processes of change could occur, to engage appropriately with local actors, to overcome the tyrannies of truncated deployment, or to address these issues at the ???front-end??? of the mission. This ???entry without strategy??? approach to state-building seriously undermined the UN???s ability to establish the rule of law, as the self-declared touchstone of its state-building agenda.
|
| 182 |
Autoavaliação institucional da educação superior: uma experiência brasileira e suas implicações para a educação superior de Timor LesteMartins, Francisco Miguel January 2010 (has links)
302 f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-24T17:11:28Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Tese _ Francisco Martins Seg.pdf: 1492575 bytes, checksum: f87ac104b4f7de090d8c185720800a05 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Auxiliadora Lopes(silopes@ufba.br) on 2013-04-30T18:33:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
Tese _ Francisco Martins Seg.pdf: 1492575 bytes, checksum: f87ac104b4f7de090d8c185720800a05 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-04-30T18:33:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Tese _ Francisco Martins Seg.pdf: 1492575 bytes, checksum: f87ac104b4f7de090d8c185720800a05 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2010 / O estudo situa-se no campo das políticas e da gestão em educação, tendo em mira analisar a experiência brasileira, especificamente a desenvolvida pela Universidade Federal da Bahia (UFBA), buscando informações para subsidiar a formulação de um modelo de autoavaliação institucional da educação superior para a Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e (UNTL). Destaca, inicialmente, aspectos da educação no Timor em três períodos: colonização portuguesa, ocupação da Indonésia, jornada da educação após independência do País, enfatizando a educação superior e a UNTL. Analisa, também, as concepções fundamentais e as características da autoavaliação institucional, bem como o processo de implantação e os resultados de experiências de autoavaliação institucional na UFBA. A coleta de dados e informações sobre o processo de autoavaliação institucional na UFBA envolveu três focos: preparação, implementação e resultados de três grandes experiências - Grupo de Avaliação Institucional - GAI (1995/1996), Pró-Reitoria de Ensino de Graduação e Comissão Central de Avaliação de Graduação – PROGRAD/CCEAG (1999/2003) e Comissão Própria de Avaliação – CPA em seus dois mandatos (2005/2007 e 2008/2010). Utiliza para o levantamento de informações qualitativas e quantitativas fontes documentais e entrevistas. A discussão e análise das experiências de autoavaliação institucional na UFBA colocaram em destaque os padrões nacionais de avaliação institucional: o Programa de Avaliação Institucional das Universidades Brasileiras - Paiub (1993-2004) e o Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior - Sinaes (a partir de 2004). Destaca o ensino da graduação como foco da autoavaliação nas experiências do GAI e da PROGRAD/CCEAG, enquanto na experiência da CPA esse foco é ampliado, envolvendo várias dimensões. A análise e discussão das experiências, bem como, os capítulos teóricos da tese revelaram lições importantes relacionadas com a política educacional; o conhecimento técnico; a participação. Quanto à política educacional, a autoavaliação da educação superior, ao considerar a qualidade da educação, focaliza o interesse público, ultrapassando as dimensões individuais e se vinculando às metas sociais e econômicas representadas pelas demandas do Estado, do mercado e de outros setores organizados da sociedade. Neste contexto, a avaliação exige da burocracia o cumprimento da legislação, na perspectiva da legitimação, levando em conta instrumentos de regulação, de alcance nacional. Também importante é a disponibilidade dos recursos financeiros necessários para efetuar o processo de autoavaliação. Em relação ao conhecimento técnico, a referência era o “saber fazer e saber agir”, ou seja, “zelar e velar” pelo processo de implementação da autoavaliação na mira das normas gerais e das diretrizes estabelecidas. Sobre a participação dos segmentos, a referência é o princípio da avaliação democrática, como um processo que requer maior participação de todos os segmentos da comunidade, tanto interna quanto externa, ao mesmo tempo em que se reforça a responsabilidade social e legitimidade política. Tais lições podem ser consideradas pela comunidade universitária da UNTL quando da definição de seu modelo de autoavaliação institucional. Tudo isto deve ser organizado na perspectiva do conhecimento do desempenho da UNTL, para que a partir desse ponto, sejam estabelecidas as mudanças necessárias para se alcançar a melhoria desejada, em termos de formação de recursos humanos, produção de conhecimento e prestação de serviços ao povo timorense. / Salvador
|
| 183 |
Deliberative peacebuilding in East Timor and SomalilandNakagawa, Yoshito January 2016 (has links)
This thesis is a theoretical and empirical inquiry into ‘deliberative peacebuilding’, seeking to explain the ‘failures’ and ‘successes’ of peacebuilding in East Timor and Somaliland. While warfare has increased globally since the end of the Cold War, the UN has made efforts to build peace (e.g. Boutros-Ghali 1992). While peacebuilding has become an internationally applied set of ideas and practices, one of the theoretical gaps is deliberation. This research thus conceptualises ‘deliberative peacebuilding’, and associates this with peacebuilding in the non-Western, post-colonial, and (post-)conflict context. This research identified East Timor and Somaliland as its case studies. Despite similarity in the ‘legitimation problem’ with vertical (state-society) and horizontal (‘modernity’-‘tradition’) inequalities/differences based upon cultural and historical backgrounds, East Timor and Somaliland undertook different approaches in a decade after the end of their civil wars. While East Timor accepted UN peace operations, Somaliland rejected them. Yet both experienced similar transitions to make political order between ‘failure’ (political de-legitimation/societal dissent) and ‘success’ (political legitimation/societal consent).Accordingly, this thesis poses two questions: 1) what caused the UN to have ‘failed’ (to prevent the ‘crisis’ from recurring in 2006) in East Timor, and 2) what caused East Timor and Somaliland to have experienced ‘equifinality’ (making similar progress along different paths) in building peace (in East Timor from 1999 to 2012 and in Somaliland from 1991 to 2005). Findings, among others, include different paths in transition: a ‘hybrid’ path with external intervention in East Timor and an ‘agonistic’ path without it in Somaliland. Asymmetry in power relations urged deliberative agencies to address the ‘legitimation problem’ differently.
|
| 184 |
Do Timor-Leste a Paraíba: percepção ambiental e as representações sociais de meio ambiente de professores e educandos do ensino médio.Jesus, Ana Jesuina Fernandes de 04 March 2013 (has links)
Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:08:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
ArquivoTotal.pdf: 1971118 bytes, checksum: f405ab721e45ddeece44beb8d41c91d2 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2013-03-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The study of environmental perception of a population is important to understand their interrelationships with environment. In this context, the study aimed to analyze the environmental sense and its social representation as teachers and students from senior high school in Timor-Leste and Paraiba. The questionnaire method was used as a data collection instrument applied to teachers and students for qualitative analysis which characterize as a detailed accepting of significance and characteristics of a situation demonstrated by interviewees. The researcher pursues to understand phenomena due to social performers perspective of studied situation and traces her analysis about phenomena studied. As was used features of phenomenological research which is concerned with essentials study (perception and consciousness). By collected data analysis used questionnaires filled through teachers and students of Timor-Leste and Paraiba was verified that environmental awareness in these schools find in fragmented plan when do not reserve implications for the present and future. So as a result, the author point out the relevance of pedagogical practice especially in schools of Timor Leste which assist social personals to merge their knowledge to unified understanding about environment correlations. Environmental perception creates opportunities for reflection and sensibility of social personals concerning the environment conservation. New understanding perspectives about environment approaches from those who share a new way of thinking to act and being in flagrant divergence with anthropocentric tradition, new social consciousness from environmental education practice should consider the social representations. Thus, this study aims to contribute both to strengthen the schools of Timor Leste on perception and awareness of the environment. / O estudo de Percepção Ambiental de uma população é fundamental para compreender as inter-relações da mesma com o seu ambiente. Dentro desse contexto este trabalho teve como principal objetivo analisar a percepção ambiental e as representações sociais de meio ambiente de professores e educandos do Ensino Médio de escolas públicas do Timor-Leste e Paraíba. Foi utilizado o questionário como um instrumento de coleta de dados aplicados aos professores e educandos, pressupostos da pesquisa qualitativa a qual se caracteriza como uma compreensão detalhada dos significados e características de uma situação apresentada pelos entrevistados. O pesquisador busca entender os fenômenos segundo a perspectiva dos atores sociais da situação estudadas e a partir daí situa sua interpretação dos fenômenos estudados. Assim como se utilizou elementos da Pesquisa Fenomenológica a qual se preocupa com o estudo das essências (Percepção e consciência). A partir da análise dos dados coletados nos questionários preenchidos pelos professores e educandos de Timor-Leste e Paraíba verificou-se que a percepção ambiental destas escolas encontra-se num plano fragmentado, quando não distante das implicações para o presente e para o futuro. Portanto, como resultado o autor aponta a relevância de uma prática pedagógica principalmente nas escolas de Timor-Leste que auxilie os agentes sociais a aglutinarem seus conhecimentos para uma compreensão mais unificada de todas as relações que compõem o meio ambiente. Acreditou-se que a percepção ambiental cria oportunidades à reflexão e sensibilização dos atores sociais no que tange à conservação do meio ambiente. Novas perspectivas de entendimento a respeito do Meio Ambiente provêm do campo daqueles que compartilham um novo modo de pensar, de agir e de ser, em flagrante discordância com tradição antropocêntrica, uma nova consciência social a partir da prática da Educação Ambiental será mais abrangente se considerar as representações sociais. Desta forma essa pesquisa tem a finalidade de contribuir tanto de fortalecer as escolas de Timor-Leste sobre a percepção e a consciência do meio ambiente.
|
| 185 |
Australia's military intervention in East Timor, 1999Pietsch, Samuel, sam.pietsch@gmail.com January 2009 (has links)
This thesis argues that the Australian military intervention in East Timor in 1999 was motivated primarily by the need to defend Australias own strategic interests. It was an act of Australian imperialism understood from a Marxist perspective, and was consistent with longstanding strategic policy in the region.¶
Australian policy makers have long been concerned about the security threat posed by a small and weak neighbouring state in the territory of East Timor. This led to the deployment of Australian troops to the territory in World War Two. In 1974 Australia supported Indonesias invasion of the territory in order to prevent it from becoming a strategic liability in the context of Cold War geopolitics. But, as an indirect result of the Asian financial crisis, by September 1999 the Indonesian governments control over the territory had become untenable. Indonesias political upheaval also raised the spectre of the Balkanisation of the Indonesian archipelago, and East Timor thus became the focal point for Australian fears about an arc of instability that arose in this period.¶
Australias insertion of military forces into East Timor in 1999 served its own strategic priorities by ensuring an orderly transfer of sovereignty took place, avoiding a destabilising power vacuum as the country transitioned to independence. It also guaranteed that Australias economic and strategic interests in the new nation could not be ignored by the United Nations or the East Timorese themselves. There are therefore underlying consistencies in Australias policy on East Timor stretching back several decades. Despite changing contexts, and hence radically different policy responses, Australia acted throughout this time to prevent political and strategic instability in East Timor.¶
In addition, the intervention reinforced Australias standing as a major power in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. The 1999 deployment therefore helped facilitate a string of subsequent Australian interventions in Pacific island nations, both by providing a model for action and by building a public consensus in favour of the use of military intervention as a policy tool.¶
This interpretation of events challenges the consensus among existing academic accounts. Australias support of Indonesias invasion and occupation of East Timor from 1974 was frequently criticised as favouring realpolitik over ethical considerations. But the 1999 intervention, which ostensibly ended severe violence and secured national independence for the territory, drew widespread support, both from the public and academic commentators. It has generally been seen as a break with previous Australian policy, and as driven by political forces outside the normal foreign policy process. Moreover, it has been almost universally regarded as a triumph for moral conduct in international affairs, and even as a redemptive moment for the Australian national conscience. Viewing the intervention as part of the longstanding strategy of Australian imperialism casts doubt on such positive evaluations.
|
| 186 |
Political Environment and Transnational Agency: a Comparative Analysis of the Solidarity Movement For PalestineCassanos, Sam 20 October 2010 (has links)
No description available.
|
| 187 |
Processes of feelings in a society with a violent past : A qualitative study of the communication for Societal healing in the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Sri Lanka and Ghana between 2002-2011Lindeby, Susanna January 2013 (has links)
The research investigates in what extent and how communication for meeting feelings is provided in Truth Commission work. It examines if and in what way feelings are addressed in the communication officially published by the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Ghana and Sri Lanka, occurring between 2002-2011. The research is also looking at the healing processes in a time perspective to find out if there is a communication for Societal healing to be continued in a longer term. My conclusion is that two cases of three in my research, the TRCs in Ghana and East Timor, have communication clearly directed to meet feelings caused by the war. One of the three cases (East Timor) has a communication with a clear ambition to heal over a longer period, to continue after the existence of the Truth Commission. The research suggests that communication with a clear ambition to reach out widely in the society, a communication directed to meet and process feelings over a longer period, can make Societal healing more effective. It also concludes that, in the future, Societal healing, as a field in conflict resolution, will be more based on representational media than today, provided through web communication.
|
| 188 |
Demokratie und pacta sunt servandaFulda, Christian B. 10 October 2002 (has links)
Das Demokratieprinzip ist im Völkerrecht verankert. Seine normativen Grundlagen sind zum einen das Vertragsrecht, insbesondere der Internationale Pakt über bürgerliche und politische Rechte, sowie die regionalen Verankerungen in Europa und in Amerika durch die Satzungen der jeweiligen internationaler Organisationen und ihrer Menschenrechtsinstrumente. Substantielle vertragliche Verpflichtungen ergeben sich auch aus den bilateralen Verträgen der EG. Zum anderen fußt es auf der Staatenpraxis, insbesondere im Rahmen der UNO. So ist die internationale Gemeinschaft auf die Errichtung demokratischer Strukturen verpflichtet, wenn sie staatliche Funktionen in failed states übernimmt oder den Wiederaufbau eines Staatswesens begleitet. Die Demokratieresolutionen der UNO lassen erkennen, daß alle Staaten verpflichtet sind, das Ziel der Demokratie anzustreben und erreichte demokratische Errungenschaften zu gewährleisten. Das Demokratieprinzip beinhaltet normativ die Legitimation staatlichen Handelns durch freie Wahlen und die Absicherung durch Menschenrechte, Gewaltenteilung und Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Staatliche Entscheidungen bedürfen daher einer legitimierenden Rückbindung an den frei geäußerten Willen des konstituierenden Staatsvolkes, wobei die Freiheit dieser Willensäußerung in dynamischer Perspektive die Freiheit der Willensänderung garantiert. Sowohl der Vertragsschluß als Akt staatlichen Handelns als auch der Inhalt des Vertrages bedürfen der Legitimation, und zwar über die Zeit hinweg. Das geltende Völkervertragsrecht berücksichtigt das Demokratieprinzip jedoch nur unzureichend. Die Verletzung innerstaatlichen Rechts beim Vertragsschluß kann nur eingeschränkt geltend gemacht werden. Es existiert auch kein Verfahren, mit dem die fortdauernde Legitimation eines Vertrages überprüft werden könnte. Angesichts der Zunahme von Verträgen, die innere Angelegenheiten der Gesellschaften regeln, bedarf das Spannungsverhältnis einer Lösung. Das Problem wird illustriert durch Frankreichs Ausstieg aus der NATO, Senegals Kündigung der Seerechtskonventionen, den Streit um den deutschen Atomausstieg, das Verfahren um den Donaustaudamm Gabcíkovo Nagymaros, die Frage der Vereinbarkeit von Drogenkonsumräumen mit den UN-Anti-Drogenkonventionen, das Schiedsverfahren zwischen Aminoil und Kuwait sowie der Kündigung des ABM-Vertrages durch die USA. Ein erster Ansatz zur Lösung kann in einer Neuinterpretation der völkervertragsrechtlichen Regeln liegen. So bietet sich der Grundsatz der "demokratiefreundlichen Interpretation" an. Internes Recht, das der Kontrolle der Exekutive dient, muß beim Vertragsschluß Berücksichtigung finden. Und Verträgen, die "innere Angelegenheiten" betreffen, kann ein implizites Kündigungsrecht zugebilligt werden. Der wesentliche Ansatz ist aber kautelarjuristischer Natur. Revisions-, Experimentier- und Kündigungsklauseln können bei der Abfassung von Verträgen die Vertragsbeziehung so ausgestalten, daß zukünftige Meinungsänderungen berücksichtigt werden können. Schließlich ist de lege ferenda ein Recht auf Revision, kombiniert mit einem subsidiären Kündigungsrecht, wünschenswert. Mit einem solchen Mechanismus könnten neue normative Lösungen eingeführt werden und die Legitimation bestehender Normen auf den Prüfstand gestellt werden. / International law provides for a democratic principle. It is based both on treaty law and customary law. The International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights as well as the regional treaties in Europe and the Americas - the statutes of the respective regional organisations and their human rights instruments - form a substantial body of treaty obligations toward democracy, which is complemented by bilateral treaties of the EC safeguarding democracy. State practice, especially within the framework of the UN, indicates an obligation to establish democratic structures whenever the international community takes upon itself the task of nation building in failed states. The democracy resolutions of the UN point out that all member states are obliged to strive for democracy and uphold democratic achievements so far. The normative democratic principle includes the legitimation of public affairs through free and fair elections and the guarantee of human rights, separation of powers and the rule of law. Acts of states therefore must be legitimised through the freely expressed will of the people. Under a dynamic perspective, the free will includes the possibility for changes of policy. The conclusion of treaties as an act of state as well as the content of the treaty as a rule of law need to be legitimised through the times. The current law of treaties does not acknowledge the democratic principle, however. Violations of internal law at the conclusion of a treaty can only be claimed to a limited extent. Nor does international law provide for a formal procedure to validate the on-going support for the content of the treaty. Facing an ever-growing expansion of the number of treaties dealing with the internal affairs of societies, solutions must be found. The problem is being illustrated by France's withdrawal from NATO, Senegal's withdrawal from the Geneva Conventions on the Law of the Sea, the dispute related to the question of the use of nuclear energy in Germany, the judgement of the ICJ in the Gabcíkovo-Nagymaros case, the question of the compatibility of drug consumption rooms with UN anti-drug conventions, the dispute settlement award in the Aminoil case and last not least the denunciation of the ABM treaty by the US. Realigning the interpretation of the law of treaties to the democratic principle is one way to deal with the problem. Interpretation of treaties should take into account the democratic principle. Internal law controlling the executive has to be complied with where conclusion of treaties is concerned. And treaties dealing with "internal affairs" can be considered to contain an implicit right of withdrawal or denunciation. The proper solution lies in respecting the democratic principle when drafting treaties, though. Clauses of revision, clauses allowing for experiments and clauses of denunciation or withdrawal help shaping a contractual relationship that can take into account changes of the political will. Last not least, a right of revision is recommended de lege ferenda, combined with a subsidiary right of denunciation or withdrawal. Such a mechanism allows for introducing new normative solutions and for validating the on-going legitimation of existing treaty rules. (See also the English summary at the end of the thesis.)
|
| 189 |
Low Intensity Conflict: Contemporary Approaches and Strategic ThinkingSearle, Deane January 2007 (has links)
Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) is a significant feature of the contemporary world and it is a particular challenge to the armed forces of many states which are involved is such conflict, or are likely to become so. This thesis is not concerned with how such difficult conflict situations arise. Rather it is concerned with how, from the point of view of the state, they may be contained and ultimately brought to a satisfactory resolution. The work is thus concerned with the practicalities of ending LIC. More specifically, the purpose of this research is to establish a framework of doctrinal and military principles applicable to the prevention and resolution of LIC. The principles of this thesis are based in numerous historical examples of LIC and six in depth case studies. These distilled principles are analysed in two central chapters, and are then applied in two latter defence force chapters so as to ensure there practicality and resilience. Numerous defence academics and military practitioners have been consulted in the production of this thesis; their contribution has further reinforced the functionality of the principles examined in this research. The research illustrates the criticality of a holistic approach to LIC. The function of this approach is to guarantee the stability of the sovereign state, by unifying civil, police, intelligence and military services. The effectiveness of the military elements must also be ensured, as military force is central to the suppression of LIC. Consequently, the research makes strategic and operational prescriptions, so as to improve the capability of defence forces that are concerned with preventing or resolving LIC.
|
Page generated in 0.0549 seconds