Today, two phenomena are growing; the constant increase in xenophobic hate crimes and the rampant presence of political and media representatives engaged in right-wing populist rhetoric aimed at defending the people from all threats. The question of how right-wing populist rhetoric influences the occurrence of these violent acts has only been addressed indirectly and partially in the academic world. This thesis tries to fill this gap, by proposing the following argument: right-wing populist rhetoric, through a process of continuous growth and affirmation, gradually creates an enemy who is ethnically “different” from the “native” people, leading to a social reaction and therefore to a consequent increase in xenophobic hate crimes. In order to verify this claim, an analysis of two periods of Italian history is conducted by means of Process Tracing. A primary case (1935-1939), focused on the Fascist Party and Mussolini with respect to two ethnic targets: Ethiopians and Jews. A secondary case (2013-2016), focused on the Lega Nord party and Salvini with respect to immigrants. The empirical results achieved provide good general support and suggest the need for further research, in order for countermeasures to be enacted by policymakers to avoid history repeating itself.

Die Arbeit setzt sich mit Abwertungsmechanismen und Ressentiments auseinander. Es wird ausgeführt, was unter Vorurteilen zu verstehen ist und welche sozialpsychologischen Prozesse damit einhergehen. Weiterhin wurden exemplarisch zehn verschiedene Vorurteilsformen vorgestellt sowie das Konzept Gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit erläutert, wonach der Kern einer ‘Ideologie der Ungleichwertigkeit‘ als allgemeine Charakteristika ursächlich hinter allen Ressentiments steht. Ein starker Fokus wurde in dieser Arbeit auf eine Erforschung möglicher Ursachen von Vorurteilen gelegt. Neben einer Reihe von Theorien über den Einfluss soziodemographischer Charakteristika, wurden die Konzepte der Relativen Deprivation, des Autoritarismus und der Anomia ausführlich behandelt. Die empirischen Auswertungen belegen, dass Autoritarismus als zentrale erklärende Variable für das Vertreten von Vorurteilen zu verstehen ist. Zusammenfassend kann ausgeführt werden, dass Menschen mit geringem Bildungsgrad und Personen, die in Ostdeutschland leben, besonders stark dazu neigen autoritäre Einstellungen zu vertreten, was nahezu deterministisch mit der Abwertung von schwachen Gruppen einhergeht.:1. Einleitung 2. Das Problem 3. Theorie 3.1. Stereotype 3.2. Vorurteile 3.2.1. Offene und subtile Vorurteile 3.2.2. Ausprägungen von Vorurteilen 3.2.3. Gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit 3.3. Sozialpsychologische Erklärungsmodelle von Vorurteilen 3.3.1. Theorie der sozialen Identität 3.3.2. Theorie der Selbstkategorisierung 3.3.3. Terror Management Theorie 3.3.4. Autoritarismus 3.3.5. Anomia 3.3.6. Relative Deprivation 3.4. Sozialstrukturelle Erklärungsmodelle von Vorurteilen 3.4.1. Bildung 3.4.2. Urban-Peripherie-Differenz 3.4.3. Geschlecht 3.4.4. Ost-West-Differenz 3.4.5. Alter 3.5. Bielefelder Desintegrationsansatz 4. Hypothesenbildung 5. Methodische Vorbemerkungen 5.1. Daten 5.2. Gewichtung 5.3. Operationalisierung 5.3.1. Vorurteilsformen 5.3.2. Hypothetische Konstrukte als Einflussfaktoren 5.3.3. Soziodemographie 5.4. Methodenkritik 5.5. Exkurs Strukturgleichungsmodelle 6. Empirische Auswertung 6.1. Thesenkomplex 1: Welche gesellschaftlichen Gruppen vertreten Vorurteile besonders explizit? 6.2. Thesenkomplex 2: Lässt sich das Syndrom Gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit empirisch belegen? 6.3. Thesenkomplex 3: Welche Determinanten beeinflussen die Ausprägung von Vorurteilen? 7. Zusammenfassung 8. Diskussion Literaturverzeichnis Anhang

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In this thesis, I argue that discourses of victimhood, victory, and xenophobia underpin both Sinhalese and Tamil nationalist and religious fundamentalist movements. Ethnic discourse has allowed citizens to affirm collective ideals in the face of disparate experiences, reclaim power and autonomy in contexts of fundamental instability, but has also deepened ethnic divides in the post-war era. In the first chapter, I argue that mutually exclusive narratives of victimhood lie at the root of ethnic solitudes, and provide barriers to mechanisms of transitional justice and memorialization. The second chapter includes an analysis of the politicization of mythic figures and events from the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahāvaṃsa in nationalist discourses of victory, supremacy, and legacy. Finally, in the third chapter, I explore the Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam’s (LTTE) rhetoric and symbolism, and contend that a xenophobic discourse of terrorism has been imposed and transferred from Tamil to Muslim minorities. Ultimately, these discourses prevent Sri Lankans from embracing a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nationality, and hinder efforts at transitional justice. By shedding light on the discourses underlying popular nationalist movements, I hope to promote understanding and further post-war reconciliation between ethnic groups in Sri Lanka. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

The research sought to study the integration experiences and challenges of immigrant students in a private secondary school in the Tshwane North district in Gauteng. The study focused on investigating the experiences of immigrant learners when integrating with the local learners at the private secondary school. Integration denotes how various cultural groups interact within the bounds of a single society. Scholars argue that the dominant group in a society sets the tone and determines the nature of the integration activities and objectives. However, in other instances integration is facilitated by both the immigrants and the host people. Literature review helped the researcher to gain a broader and deeper knowledge base of the concept of migration and experiences faced. Literature review indicated the sociological and economic explanations for migration. Literature covered integration of immigrants, assimilation and acculturation. Sources of stress for immigrant students and cross-cultural adaptation were also outlined. The investigation was a case study research. Mixed methods were used to collect data. The researcher used questionnaires, interviews and observations. Questionnaires were issued to 28 immigrant learners who participated in the study. The 28 immigrant learners were also interviewed in order to obtain richer data. All indications show that the integration process at the school was positive. The results of the study showed that most immigrant learners have friends among local learners. The immigrant learners disclosed that local learners were friendly to them. Many immigrant learners indicated that they would be interested in learning local languages. / M. Ed. (Socio-Education)

Abstracts in English, Afrikaans and Southern Sotho / The prevalence of hate victimisation in South Africa remains unknown, as does its full impact. Anecdotal evidence, borne out by recent research findings, suggests hate-based attacks on non-nationals have increased in recent years, distinctly reflecting a picture of heightened vulnerability. For several reasons, the severity of such victimisation, and their physical and psychological impact, go mostly unseen. Hate-motivated incidents, such as hate speech and intentional unfair discrimination, are possible precursors to additional criminal victimisation. Records of such incidents can be helpful to demonstrate both a context of harassment and evidence of escalating patterns of violence. Worldwide, under-reporting of hate victimisation is a longstanding concern and requires an urgent solution. In South Africa, under-reporting has contributed to the nonrecognition of hate crime as a separate crime category. Towards aiding in finding a solution, this study explored the psychological barriers to reporting xenophobic victimisation to relevant authorities. The study, furthermore, explored with a group of victims who experienced xenophobia whether they reported victimisation, the reasons for reporting and under-reporting, and their thoughts and opinions on the workability of a third-party reporting mechanism. Non-probability sampling, specifically applying convenience and purposive sampling was used to obtain 19 participants for the four semi-structured focus groups. While all participants reported being victimised because of their nationality, the study found that multiple psychological barriers prevent such victims of xenophobia from reporting victimisation to authorities. Many of the participants do not believe in the workability of third-party reporting mechanisms. / Dit is onbekend hoe algemeen viktimisering op grond van haat in Suid-Afrika voorkom, en daarom ook wat die volle impak daarvan is. Onlangse navorsingsresultate dui egter daarop dat aanvalle op nielandsburgers wat uit haat voortspruit, toegeneem het die afgelope paar jaar, wat hulle groter kwesbaarheid duidelik weerspieël. Die intensiteit van hierdie viktimisering, asook die fisieke en sielkundige impak daarvan word in die meeste gevalle om verskeie redes ook nie bekendgemaak nie. Voorvalle wat uit haat voortspruit, soos haatspraak en doelbewuste onregverdige diskriminasie, is moontlik voorlopers van verdere kriminele viktimisering. Die optekening van sulke gevalle kan help om bewys te lewer van die teisteringskonteks, sowel as van patrone van toenemende misdaad. Die gebrekkige aanmelding van viktimisering op grond van haat is wêreldwyd lank reeds ’n probleem, en een waarvoor daar dringend ’n oplossing gevind moet word. In Suid-Afrika het gebrekkige aanmelding daartoe bygedra dat haatmisdaad nie as ’n aparte misdaadkategorie erken word nie. Ten einde ’n oplossing te help vind, het die navorser vir die doeleindes van hierdie studie die sielkundige faktore ondersoek wat verhoed dat xenofobiese viktimisering by die betrokke owerhede aangemeld word. Die studie bevat ook die terugvoer van ’n groep slagoffers van xenofobie oor hulle aanmelding van die viktimisering al dan nie, die redes waarom hulle dit aangemeld het of nie aangemeld het nie, en hulle gedagtes en menings oor hoe lewensvatbaar ’n stelsel vir derdeparty-aanmelding is. Niewaarskynlikheid-steekproefneming, en spesifiek doelbewuste en gemaksteekproefneming is gebruik om 19 deelnemers vir die vier semigestruktureerde fokusgroepe te vind. Alhoewel al die deelnemers bevestig het dat hulle geviktimiseer is op grond van hulle nasionaliteit, het die navorser met hierdie studie bevind dat verskeie sielkundige faktore die slagoffers van xenofobie verhoed om die viktimisering by die owerhede aan te meld. Talle van die deelnemers glo nie dat stelsels vir derdeparty-aanmelding ’n werkbare oplossing is nie. / Hore na tshwaro e mpe ka lebaka la lehloyo e atile hakae Afrika Borwa ho ntse ho sa tsejwe, le ditlamorao tsa yona ha di tsejwe. Bopaki bo sa netefatswang, bo hlaheletseng dipatlisisong tsa morao tjena, bo bontsha hore ditlhaselo tse etswang ho batho ba tswang dinaheng tse ding di eketsehile morao tjena, e leng se bontshang hore ba kotsing le ho feta. Ho na le mabaka a mmalwa a etsang hore ho pharalla ha tshwaro e mpe jwalo, ho hlokofatswa mmeleng le maikutlong ho se ke ha bonahala. Diketso tse hlohleletswang ke lehloyo, tse kang dipuo tse nang le lehloyo le kgethollo e etswang ka boomo, e ba selelekela sa diketso tsa bonokwane tsa tshwaro e mpe. Ho tlalehwa ho diketso tseo ho ka thusa ho bontsha maemo a lebisang tshwarong e mpe mme ha fana ka bopaki ba hore diketso tse mabifi di ntse di eketseha. Lefatsheng ka bophara, taba ya ho se tlalehwe ha tshwaro e mpe e hlohleletswang ke lehloyo haesale e le qaka mme ho hlokahala tharollo ka potlako. Afrika Borwa, ho se tlalehwe hona ho entse hore diketso tsa bonokwane tse hlohleletswang ke lehloyo di se ke tsa nkwa e le diketso tse ikemetseng tsa bonokwane. Ho thusa ho fumana tharollo, phuputso ena e lekola mathata a maikutlo a sitisang matswantle ho tlaleha tshwaro e mpe ho ba boholong ba ikarabellang. Ho feta moo, phuputso ena e lekola matswantle ao e leng mahlatsipa a tshwaro e mpe hore na a ile a e tlaleha, mabaka a entseng hore a e tlalehe, a se ke a tlaleha le hore na a nahanang ka ho sebediswa ha mokena-dipakeng. Ho kgethilwe bankakarolo ba 19 ka hloko e le sampole, ba kgethwa ka sepheo le morero o tobileng hore ba be dihlopheng tse nne tse sa hlophiswang ka ho feletseng. Le hoja bankakarolo bohle ba tlalehile hore ba tshwerwe hampe ka lebaka la botjhaba ba bona, phuputso e fumana hore ho na le mathata a mmalwa a maikutlo a thibelang mahlatsipa a tshwaro e mpe ya matswantle ho tlalehela ba boholong. Bankakarolo ba bangata ha ba dumele hore ho tlalehela mokena-dipakeng ho tla thusa. / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

Blaming those who are different from us because of skin colour, nationality and language when things do not go right during the process of reconstruction is common among those who are faced with such a task. This assertion is confirmed by our examination and evaluation of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel. In South Africa socio-economic and political reasons are cited for the rejection of African immigrants by some South Africans. The Jews in the post exilic period understood their religious, social and economic problems to be caused by others. What is more disturbing is that the Jews understood their xenophobia to be demanded or legitimised by God. These reasons for them necessitated hatred, isolation, stigmatisation and sometimes negative actions against foreigners. When we compare xenophobia in both post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel in this study, we find that factors such as identity, notion of superiority, negative perception of those who are different and use of power, play a major role in the exacerbation of xenophobia. In evaluating both situations, using the African principle of Ubuntu and Christian moral values, we are able to demonstrate that xenophobia as found in both situations is morally wrong since it is inhuman, selfish, racist/ethnocentric, discriminatory and often violent. Ubuntu and Christian values and principles such as human dignity, human rights, reciprocity, love, compassion, forgiveness, hospitality and community were sacrificed by South Africans and Jews in their dealings with foreigners in their respective situations. It is argued here that among other things in the case of South Africa, the reduction of inflammatory statements by government representatives and the media, education of the unemployed, the youth and workers; and the meeting of spiritual, material, humanitarian and moral needs by the Church, will help sensitise South Africans to the plight of African immigrants and migrants and will further deepen the ubuntu and Christian values. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Th.(Theological Ethics)

This study deploys the decolonial epistemic perspective in an attempt to unmask the spectre of xenophobia. The decolonial epistemic thinking is in turn predicated on three important concepts, namely coloniality of power, coloniality of being and coloniality of knowledge. The study is focused on understanding the dynamics of the violent May 2008 attacks that took place in Alexandra and Yeoville. It problematised the use of the term xenophobia. The term occludes rather than enlightening the complex phenomenon of violence. Such violence has consistently and systematically engulfed people living in poor predominantly black areas of residence such as Yeoville and Alexandra. The study also used empirical evidence collected from the field to support its central arguments. What has been understood as xenophobia is in actual fact, part of the manifestation and outcome of abject living conditions of the poor. This study argues that what manifests itself as xenophobia is an additional element to various forms of violence taking place in locales such as Alexandra and Yeoville, places that decolonial theorists term ‘zones of non-being,’ where violent death is a constitutive part of human existence. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Thesis (LLM)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights in South Africa’s final Constitution are, with a few exceptions, guaranteed to citizens and non-citizens alike. South Africa has seen an influx of migrants, asylum seekers and refugees since 1994, and this migratory movement has posed significant challenges to the post-apartheid legal order. This thesis is concerned with the State’s implementation of its constitutional obligations to protect and guarantee the constitutional rights of everyone within the borders of South Africa. It is important that these constitutional obligations do not remain mere aspirations but should translate into reality. Most non-citizens living in South Africa face numerous barriers to accessing justice and the processes that could enable them to realise their rights. The thesis examines the concept of “access to justice” and investigates a number of obstacles encountered by different categories of non-citizens – such as refugees, asylum seekers and documented and undocumented migrants – in trying to access justice and to realise their rights. Against this background, arrest, detention and deportation under the Immigration Act and Refugees Act are examined because these processes have often been abused by State officials to prevent non-citizens from accessing the rights and protections guaranteed in these Acts and the Constitution, and to frustrate the implementation of court orders vindicating the rights of non-citizens. The application of the Immigration and Refugees Acts is discussed through the lens of sections 12(1), 33, 34 and 35(2) of the Constitution which ensure that arrest, detention and deportation are done in a lawful and procedurally fair manner, as opposed to the arbitrariness that most non-citizens experience on a daily basis. Secondly, the thesis also examines access to justice for non-citizens in the context of xenophobia and bias based crimes. The State has in the past failed to respond in a coordinated and timely fashion in the face of violent manifestations of xenophobia. Against this background, the State’s obligation to protect non-citizens from violence from either public or private sources in terms of section 12(1)(c) of the Constitution is discussed and analysed. The role, accessibility and effectiveness of Equality Courts are also examined in light of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act and the cases that were brought before them emanating from xenophobic incidents. The thesis concludes with proposals on areas which require better implementation of existing laws; and areas in which legislative reform is needed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regte wat in die Handves van Regte in Suid-Afrika se finale Grondwet veranker is, word op enkele uitsonderings na vir burgers en nie-burgers gewaarborg. Sedert 1994 het Suid- Afrika instroming van migrante, asielsoekers en vlugtelinge beleef, en hierdie verskuiwing het wesenlike uitdagings aan die post-apartheid regsorde gestel. Hierdie tesis is gemoeid met die Staat se implementering van sy grondwetlike verpligting om die grondwetlike regte van almal wat hul binne Suid-Afrika se landsgrense bevind, te beskerm en te waarborg. Dit is belangrik dat hierdie grondwetlike verpligtinge nie blote aspirasies bly nie, maar ’n werklikheid word. Die meeste nie-burgers wat in Suid-Afrika woon staar talle hindernisse in die gesig wat dit vir hulle moeilik maak om toegang tot geregtigheid te verkry en om hul regte te verwesenlik. Die tesis ondersoek die begrip “toegang tot geregtigheid” en bekyk aantal struikelblokke in die weg van verskillende kategorieë nie-burgers – soos vlugtelinge, asielsoekers en gedokumenteerde en nie-gedokumenteerde migrante – wat toegang tot geregtigheid probeer verkry en hul regte probeer verwesenlik. Teen hierdie agtergrond word arrestasie, aanhouding en deportering ingevolge die Wet op Immigrasie en die Wet op Vlugtelinge ondersoek, aangesien hierdie prosesse dikwels deur staatsamptenare misbruik word om nie-burgers te verhinder om toegang te verkry tot die regte en beskermings wat in hierdie wetgewing en in die Grondwet gewaarborg word, en om geregtelike bevele wat die regte van nie-burgers afdwing, te verydel. Die toepassing van die Wet op Immigrasie en die Wet op Vlugtelinge word deur die lens van artikels 12(1), 33, 34 en 35(2) van die Grondwet bespreek, wat probeer verseker dat arrestasie, aanhouding en deportering op regmatige en prosedureel billike manier geskied, in teenstelling met die willekeur wat nie-burgers op daaglikse basis ervaar. Tweedens ondersoek die tesis toegang tot geregtigheid vir nie-burgers in die konteks van vreemdelingehaat en misdade wat op vooroordeel gebaseer is. Die Staat het in die verlede in gebreke gebly om in die aangesig van gewelddadige manifesterings van vreemdelingehaat op gekoördineerde en tydige manier te reageer. Die Staat se verpligting om ingevolge artikel 12(1)(c) van die Grondwet nie-burgers teen geweld van hetsy openbare hetsy private oorsprong te beskerm, word bespreek en ontleed. Die rol, toeganklikheid en doeltreffendheid van gelykheidshowe word ook bespreek in die lig van die Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act en die sake wat deur hierdie howe beslis is wat uit xenofobiese voorvalle voortspruit. Die tesis sluit af met voorstelle oor terreine waar beter implementering van bestaande wetgewing benodig word, asook terreine waar wetgewende hervorming verlang word.

The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was dealt with and how it was exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life.   This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.