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Le présent mémoire constitue une tentative de circonscrire - par l’étude d’un corpus textuel principalement emprunté à l’œuvre vernaculaire (allemande) de Maître Eckhart de Hochheim (1260-1328) – le rôle joué par certains motifs conceptuels caractérisant la notion moderne de sujet-agent au sein de la pensée de ce philosophe, théologien et prédicateur. Plus précisément, il y est question de déterminer en quoi le « je » (ich) décrit en plusieurs lieux textuels de l’œuvre d’Eckhart présente les caractères d’autonomie et de transparence à soi qui sont l’apanage de la subjectivité telle que la conçoit majoritairement une certaine modernité postcartésienne. Notre argument, qui se déploie sur trois chapitres, adopte sur le corpus faisant l’objet de cette étude et la conceptualité qu’il déploie, trois perspectives différentes – lesquelles perspectives sont respectivement d’ordre ontologique (premier chapitre), existentiel ou éthique (second chapitre) et anthropologique (troisième chapitre). La première approche – ontologique – explicite le sens que donne Eckhart aux notions d’être, de néant, d’intellect et d’image, ainsi que la manière dont elles se définissent dialectiquement en rapport les unes avec les autres. Le second chapitre, dont l’approche est existentielle, expose les applications éthiques des concepts abordés au chapitre précédent, analysant la méthode de détachement prescrite par Eckhart pour parvenir à l’état de béatitude. Le troisième et dernier chapitre cherche, quant à lui, à définir de quelle manière l’homme se définit par rapport à l’union à laquelle l’invite Eckhart, et ce autant sur le plan spécifique que sur le plan individuel. / The following dissertation attemps to establish the presence of certain conceptual motives pertaining to the modern conception of subjectivity (as exemplified by the cartesian understanding of the self), in the middle-high german works of Master Eckhart of Hochheim, philosopher, theologian and predicator who was born in 1260 and died in 1328. In order to do so, it develops a three-fold argument taking place over three chapters, each of which presents a different approach - a different perspective - on Eckhart’s thought. The first chapter presents an ontological argument designed to explicitate the meaning of the key eckhartian notions of being, nothingness, intellect and image, whereas the second chapter exploits the existential consequences of Eckhart’s outlook on those notions – consequences which in ethical terms translate into the necessity for the human individual to practice a systematic annihilation of oneself in order to achieve an absolutely pure union with God. The third and last chapter of this dissertation attemps to explicitate de notion of “I” (ich), used by Eckhart to designate the identity that the detached human soul and God share, a type of identity in which we find similarities with the modern conception of the self – conception which Heidegger thought of as being entirely absent from precartesian philosophy.

This thesis is a socio-economic history of the relationship between music technology and organisational practices in twentieth-century Australia. It argues that the history of technology in the Australian music economy is dependent not only upon the changing technical characteristics of musical instruments and electronic consumer goods but also upon government policy-making, management practices in music technology manufacturing firms and patterns of music technology consumption. The thesis examines economic statistics regarding the import, export and local production of music technology in Australia. The economic statistics have not previously been examined in relation to the history of music technology in Australia. The historical analysis is structured according to a four-part periodisation which includes the Electric Age (1901-1930), the Electronic Age (1930-1950), the Transistor Age (1950-1970) and the Information Age (1970-1990). This periodisation enables the analysis to continually be refocussed as the key technological and socio-economic dynamics change. With this perspective, the history of the relationship between technology and organisation in the Australian music economy has been demonstrated to be dependent on a number of key technological changes. The thesis examines changes including the shift from acoustic to electric recording; the development of transistor-based consumer electronics goods; and the advent of digital information technology. However, a number of key social determinants, particularly organisational modes, are examined including changes from protectionist to more deregulated trade policy; lack of business skills in areas such as marketing, manufacturing technique and industrial research and development; and the development of a sense of popular modernity which is expressed in the consumption of new, technically advanced and glamorous music technology. In addition to the new perspectives on the history of music technology provided by the analysis of empirical economic data, this thesis contributes to the historiography of technology. The analytical framework it proposes locates music technology within what is described as an assemblage of technologies: technologies of production, technologies of sign systems, technologies of power and technologies of the self. This approach makes clear the interdependence of technological and social factors, and the inadequacy of narrow technological determinist and social constructivist accounts. The notion of an assemblage of technologies is further embellished by drawing upon key elements of recent theories of systems analysis: the seamless web, evolution and chaos theory. Through this analytical framework and the socio-economic analysis of the relationship between music technology and organisational practices, the thesis demonstrates that the history of technology cannot be understood unless it is seen as part of a complex and interacting technical, social, economic and institutional system.

This thesis is a socio-economic history of the relationship between music technology and organisational practices in twentieth-century Australia. It argues that the history of technology in the Australian music economy is dependent not only upon the changing technical characteristics of musical instruments and electronic consumer goods but also upon government policy-making, management practices in music technology manufacturing firms and patterns of music technology consumption. The thesis examines economic statistics regarding the import, export and local production of music technology in Australia. The economic statistics have not previously been examined in relation to the history of music technology in Australia. The historical analysis is structured according to a four-part periodisation which includes the Electric Age (1901-1930), the Electronic Age (1930-1950), the Transistor Age (1950-1970) and the Information Age (1970-1990). This periodisation enables the analysis to continually be refocussed as the key technological and socio-economic dynamics change. With this perspective, the history of the relationship between technology and organisation in the Australian music economy has been demonstrated to be dependent on a number of key technological changes. The thesis examines changes including the shift from acoustic to electric recording; the development of transistor-based consumer electronics goods; and the advent of digital information technology. However, a number of key social determinants, particularly organisational modes, are examined including changes from protectionist to more deregulated trade policy; lack of business skills in areas such as marketing, manufacturing technique and industrial research and development; and the development of a sense of popular modernity which is expressed in the consumption of new, technically advanced and glamorous music technology. In addition to the new perspectives on the history of music technology provided by the analysis of empirical economic data, this thesis contributes to the historiography of technology. The analytical framework it proposes locates music technology within what is described as an assemblage of technologies: technologies of production, technologies of sign systems, technologies of power and technologies of the self. This approach makes clear the interdependence of technological and social factors, and the inadequacy of narrow technological determinist and social constructivist accounts. The notion of an assemblage of technologies is further embellished by drawing upon key elements of recent theories of systems analysis: the seamless web, evolution and chaos theory. Through this analytical framework and the socio-economic analysis of the relationship between music technology and organisational practices, the thesis demonstrates that the history of technology cannot be understood unless it is seen as part of a complex and interacting technical, social, economic and institutional system.

This thesis is a socio-economic history of the relationship between music technology and organisational practices in twentieth-century Australia. It argues that the history of technology in the Australian music economy is dependent not only upon the changing technical characteristics of musical instruments and electronic consumer goods but also upon government policy-making, management practices in music technology manufacturing firms and patterns of music technology consumption. The thesis examines economic statistics regarding the import, export and local production of music technology in Australia. The economic statistics have not previously been examined in relation to the history of music technology in Australia. The historical analysis is structured according to a four-part periodisation which includes the Electric Age (1901-1930), the Electronic Age (1930-1950), the Transistor Age (1950-1970) and the Information Age (1970-1990). This periodisation enables the analysis to continually be refocussed as the key technological and socio-economic dynamics change. With this perspective, the history of the relationship between technology and organisation in the Australian music economy has been demonstrated to be dependent on a number of key technological changes. The thesis examines changes including the shift from acoustic to electric recording; the development of transistor-based consumer electronics goods; and the advent of digital information technology. However, a number of key social determinants, particularly organisational modes, are examined including changes from protectionist to more deregulated trade policy; lack of business skills in areas such as marketing, manufacturing technique and industrial research and development; and the development of a sense of popular modernity which is expressed in the consumption of new, technically advanced and glamorous music technology. In addition to the new perspectives on the history of music technology provided by the analysis of empirical economic data, this thesis contributes to the historiography of technology. The analytical framework it proposes locates music technology within what is described as an assemblage of technologies: technologies of production, technologies of sign systems, technologies of power and technologies of the self. This approach makes clear the interdependence of technological and social factors, and the inadequacy of narrow technological determinist and social constructivist accounts. The notion of an assemblage of technologies is further embellished by drawing upon key elements of recent theories of systems analysis: the seamless web, evolution and chaos theory. Through this analytical framework and the socio-economic analysis of the relationship between music technology and organisational practices, the thesis demonstrates that the history of technology cannot be understood unless it is seen as part of a complex and interacting technical, social, economic and institutional system.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:05:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GiovanninniLFB_DISSERT_pag_1_a_118.pdf: 7226413 bytes, checksum: dc94a6ed83c5371cec55bbc2522ef23a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-26 / The use of the History and the Philosophy of Science (HPS) for the teaching of science and scientific subjects has been advocated in recent decades. It has been pointed out that the History of Science could make for a deeper learning of scientific concepts, since it would promote a contact with the problems which that knowledge has set out to solve. Furthermore, historical episodes would serve to put the discussions about the nature of scientific knowledge into context. With a view to explore those potentialities, the literature in the field has sought to identify the challenges and obstacles for the didactic transposition of subjects from the History of Science. Amongst many aspects, the deficiencies in the training of teachers, so that they can work with the insertion of HPS in the classroom have been highlighted. Another aspect that has been mentioned to be a challenge has to do with the didactic transposition of the Primary Sources, that is, of the original texts on the History of Science. The Primary Sources have significant potentialities: making a connection possible between scientists and concepts, showing the difficulties faced during scientific endeavors, perceiving the role of mistakes as obstacles to be surpassed, not as defeat, etc. On the other hand, there has been little exploration of these concepts in an educational context, due to their own peculiarities. The original texts are often hard to understand and their interpretation demands knowledge of the historical and scientific context in which they were written, as well as skills pertaining to the conduction of research in the field of the History of Science. With this scenario in mind, the research towards this Professional MSc degree starts from the challenge of elaborating and discussing proposals which could enable the didactical transposition of the Primary Sources. We have worked specifically with Primary Sources on the History of the Vacuum and of the Atmospheric Pressure, because of the insertion of these subjects in the Brazilian High School curriculum, in connection with the didactical textbooks. "Historic Journals" were made up from clippings of the original historical texts, as was a Didactical Unit, which takes the usual textbooks as a basis and contemplates using the Journals and the entire Primary Sources in High School. At last, we have elaborated and implemented a course designed for the preparation of teachers and for being an opportunity for the discussion of the feasibility of putting these kinds of proposal into practice / Tem-se advogado nas ?ltimas d?cadas a respeito da utiliza??o da Hist?ria e Filosofia da Ci?ncia para o ensino de conte?dos cient?ficos e sobre a ci?ncia. Aponta-se que a Hist?ria da Ci?ncia poderia possibilitar um aprendizado mais aprofundado dos conceitos cient?ficos, uma vez que permitiria o contato com os problemas a que esses conhecimentos buscaram resolver. Os epis?dios hist?ricos serviriam, ainda, como contextualiza??o para discuss?es a respeito da natureza do conhecimento cient?fico. Tendo em vista o interesse em explorar essas potencialidades, a literatura da ?rea tem buscado identificar os desafios e obst?culos da transposi??o did?tica da Hist?ria da Ci?ncia. Dentre muitos aspectos, as lacunas na forma??o dos professores para atuar na inser??o da HFC no Ensino t?m sido apontadas. Outro aspecto citado como desafio diz respeito ? dificuldade da transposi??o did?tica das Fontes Prim?rias, isto ?, dos textos originais da Hist?ria da Ci?ncia. As Fontes Prim?rias teriam potencialidades significativas: viabiliza??o da conex?o dos conceitos com os cientistas, visualiza??o do caminho ?rduo do empreendimento cient?fico, percep??o do o papel do erro como obst?culo a ser superado e n?o como derrota, etc. Por outro lado, esses recursos seriam ainda pouco explorados no contexto educacional devido ?s suas pr?prias peculiaridades. Os textos originais costumam ser de dif?cil leitura e sua interpreta??o requer conhecimentos a respeito do contexto hist?rico e cient?fico em que foram elaborados, bem como habilidades inerentes ? pesquisa em Hist?ria da Ci?ncia. Frente a esse cen?rio, o presente Trabalho de Conclus?o deste Mestrado Profissional parte do desafio de atuar na elabora??o e discuss?o de propostas visando a transposi??o did?tica de Fontes Prim?rias. Especificamente, trabalhou-se com Fontes Prim?rias da Hist?ria do V?cuo e da Press?o Atmosf?rica tendo em vista a sua inser??o no Ensino M?dio de forma articulada aos livros did?ticos. Foram elaborados Jornais Hist?ricos a partir de recortes dos textos hist?ricos originais, bem como uma Unidade Did?tica, que parte do material did?tico usual e contempla a utiliza??o dos Jornais e Fontes Prim?rias completas no Ensino M?dio. Elaborou-se e implementou-se, por fim, um curso voltado ? instrumenta??o de professores como espa?o de discuss?o sobre a utiliza??o desse tipo de proposta

La biographie intellectuelle de François Picavet (1851-1921) fournit l’occasion d’explorer les débuts de l’histoire de la philosophie médiévale en tant que discipline institutionnalisée, en France, de 1880 à 1920. Figure oubliée du médiévisme philosophique, Picavet fut maître de conférence à l’EPHE (section des sciences religieuses) dès 1888, puis directeur d’études à partir de 1907, secrétaire du Collège de France en 1904 et chargé de cours en histoire des philosophies médiévales à la Faculté des lettres de la Sorbonne dès 1906.Le parcours académique de Picavet s’inscrit dans un contexte particulier, qui voit l’histoire de la philosophie médiévale s’implanter de façon structurée et stable dans l’enseignement supérieur français. De même que d’autres disciplines institutionnalisées, l’histoire de la philosophie médiévale tire profit de la nécessité d’une réforme profonde du système universitaire, articulée dans les sphères politiques et scientifiques dès les années 1860 puis prolongée sous l’impulsion de la IIIe République, et qui aboutit à l’émergence de nouvellesstructures institutionnelles dans l’enseignement supérieur français (fondation de l’EPHE en 1868, création de nouveaux enseignements à la Sorbonne, dont une charge de cours en histoire de la philosophie médiévale en 1906). L’historiographie originale de Picavet restreint la signification des questions philosophiques médiévales qui demeurent liées à leur contexte historique d’origine: chaque système philosophique est ainsi l’expression partielle d’une civilisation donnée, au même titre que les expressions scientifiques, artistiques et artisanales que celle-ci est en mesure de produire et qui la caractérisent. / The intellectual biography of François Picavet (1851-1921) is an opportunity to explore the early days of the history of mediaeval philosophy as an institutionalised discipline in France from 1880 to 1920. A forgotten figure of the study of mediaeval philosophy, Picavet was a lecturer at EPHE (Religious Sciences department) from 1888 and director of studies from 1907, secretary of the Collège de France in 1904 and lecturer in the history of mediaeval philosophy at the Arts Faculty of the Sorbonne from 1906 onwards. Picavet’s academic career took place within a particular context in which the history of mediaeval philosophy came to be established in a structured and stable manner in French higher education. Like other institutionalised disciplines, the history of mediaeval philosophy benefited from the need for deep-seated reform of the university system, which was expressed in political and scientific circles from around 1860 and continued under the Third Republic, resulting in the emergence of new institutional structures in French higher education (the foundation of EPHE in 1868 and the creation of new courses at the Sorbonne, including a history of mediaeval philosophy course in 1906). Picavet’s original historiography confines the significance of mediaeval philosophical questions, which remain bound to the historical context in which they originated: thus, every philosophical system is the partial expression of a given civilisation, just like the scientific, artistic and craft related expressions which it produces and which characterise it.

Cette étude souhaite contribuer à une meilleure connaissance et compréhension de l’idée de simplicité divine, qui signifie l’absence en Dieu de toute composition. Pièce centrale de la pensée théologique médiévale, elle fut redécouverte il y a 35 ans par des philosophes de tendance analytique, qui en contestèrent la cohérence. Elle est depuis lors l’objet d’un débat philosophique fourni, mais le détour par l’histoire de la philosophie est nécessaire pour dégager le réseau de concepts, d’arguments et de problèmes qui lui donne sens. Après avoir étudié la première élaboration de cette idée dans les textes antiques et patristiques, puis son traitement par Pierre Lombard à la veille du IVe concile de Latran de 1215, qui intègre pour la première fois la simplicité divine dans une profession de foi authentique du magistère, nous nous concentrons sur les œuvres de Bonaventure de Bagnoregio et de Thomas d’Aquin, qui accordent à cet attribut divin un rôle fondateur dans leur étude du mystère de Dieu. L’idée de simplicité divine s’y trouve sans cesse prise dans la dialectique de la ressemblance et de la dissemblance entre Créateur et créature. Tandis que Thomas associe de façon unilatérale la simplicité absolue à la transcendance de l’incréé, Bonaventure propose également des similitudes créées de la simplicité divine qui en favorisent l’intuition. Loin d’apparaître comme incohérente, l’idée de simplicité divine est un outil puissant pour ouvrir notre intelligence à un plan de réalité supérieur, certes mystérieux, mais néanmoins lumineux. / This study seeks to contribute to a better understanding and comprehension of the idea of divine simplicity, which means the absence in God of any composition. Cornerstone of medieval theological thinking, divine simplicity was rediscovered 35 years ago by philosophers of analytical leanings, who challenged its coherence. It has since formed the subject of abundant philosophical debate, however, the detour via the history of philosophy is necessary in order to draw out the network of concepts, arguments and issues, from where divine simplicity derives its meaning. After the study of the first development of this idea in ancient and patristic texts, and its treatment by Peter Lombard on the eve of the 4th Council of Lateran in 1215, which integrates for the first time divine simplicity in a genuin profession of faith of the magisterium, we shall focus on the works of Bonaventure of Bagnoregio and Thomas Aquinas, who grant this divine attribute a founding role in the study of the mystery of God. The idea of divine simplicity keeps being comprised in the dialectics of similarity and dissimilarity between Creator and creature. While Aquinas associates in an unilateral way absolute simplicity and transcendence of the uncreated, Bonaventure offers also created resemblances of divine simplicity which favour its intuition. Far from appearing incoherent, the idea of divine simplicity is a powerful means to open our minds to a level of superior reality, indeed mysterious, but nevertheless radiant.

Deux questions largement discutées par les médiévistes concernant Boèce de Dacie consistent à savoir quels sont les enjeux de la censure dont ce philosophe fut l'une des principales cibles lors de la condamnation promulguée à Paris en 1277 par l'évêque Étienne Tempier et s'il a effectivement défendu, dans son De aeternitate mundi, une doctrine qualifiée par ces mêmes historiens de « double vérité ». Si cette expression n'a pas été forgée par Étienne Tempier lui-même, on retrouve néanmoins, dans le prologue de la condamnation de 1277, une formulation qui traduit l'esprit de cette expression en affirmant que certains enseignants disaient qu'une même chose est vraie selon la philosophie, mais fausse selon la foi catholique, de sorte que nous sommes en présence de deux vérités contraires. Malgré le consensus établi chez les historiens du XXe siècle voulant que Boèce de Dacie n'ait jamais défendu une telle doctrine, nous pensons que cette question reste d’actualité dans la mesure où le texte lui-même ne semble pas totalement clair en affirmant que si la foi dit vrai absolument, le philosophe dit également vrai, mais de manière relative à ses principes. Or, une telle conception ne va pas sans problème au regard de l’interprétation des principes régissant l’épistémologie de Boèce. Notre recherche a donc pour unique question d'éclaircir et d'élucider cette mise en accusation de « double vérité » au vu de ses différents textes ainsi que les différentes interprétations que son modèle a reçu. / There are two questions widely discussed by the medievalists about Boethius of Dacia. The first consist in knowing what are the stakes of the censorship of which this philosopher was one of the main targets during the condemnation promulgated in Paris in 1277 by the bishop Etienne Tempier. The second ask if Boethius actually uphold, in his De aeternitate mundi, a doctrine qualified by these same historians as ‘‘double truth’’. If this expression was not coined by Etienne Tempier himself, we nevertheless find, in the prologue to the condemnation of 1277, a formulation which translates the spirit of this expression by affirming that certain teachers said that the same thing is true according to philosophy, but false according to the Catholic faith, so that we are in the presence of two contradictory truths. Despite the consensus, established among historians of the twentieth-century, that Boethius of Dacia never defended such a doctrine, we believe that this question remains topical insofar as the text itself does not seem completely clear when it states that if faith absolutely says the truth, the philosopher also says the truth, but in a manner relative to his principles. However, such a conception is not without problems in regard to the interpretation of the principles governing the epistemology of Boethius. The sole question of our research is therefore to clarify and elucidate this indictment of ‘‘double truth’’ in view of its different texts as well as the different interpretations that his model received.

Au XXe siècle, le problème de l’illusionnisme perspectif a posé d’importantes difficultés théoriques aux historien d’arts. En effet, la compréhension de la perspective induit une conception de l’histoire de l’art. Si la perspective est conforme à la perception, alors l’art peut être objectif et son histoire participe de l’histoire des sciences. En revanche, si la perspective n’est pas conforme à la perception, alors l’art, dans son histoire, ne peut être compris comme une quête de l’objectivité. Dans ce cas, deux autres questions se posent : comment penser le rapport entre art et rationalité, et comment définir la visée de l’art? Le premier problème appelle une réflexion sur le concept de schématisme, le second une réflexion sur le rapport entre l’art et les conceptions du monde. La Perspective comme forme symbolique, d’Erwin Panofsky, est le premier texte à avoir proposé une réponse générale à ces questions. Le concept de forme symbolique, emprunté à Ernst Cassirer, lui a permis de considérer la perspective comme une forme culturelle, et de mettre au second plan la question de l’objectivité. Cette position est à l’origine d’intenses polémiques, que les débats historiographiques ne sont pas parvenus à résoudre. En confrontant les travaux de Panofsky à ceux de Philippe Descola et de Ernst Cassirer, cette thèse explicite d’abord les attendus théoriques inhérents au rapport entre forme symbolique, schématisme et conceptions du monde. Elle propose ensuite une analyse des controverses liées à la perspective et met en valeur la pensée de Robert Klein. Cette pensée travaille la phénoménologie et amène à une conception de l’histoire différente de celle proposée par Panofsky. / During the 20th century, perspective illusionism caused significant theoretical issues to art historians. That is because an understanding of perspective leads to a conception of art history. If perspective is true to visual perception, then art can be objective and its history is related to the history of sciences. On the other hand, if perspective is not true to visual perception, then art, in its own historical development, cannot be understood as a quest for objectivity. In this case, two further issues arise: how to conceive the relationship between art and rationality, and how to define the purpose of art? The first problem requires a reflection on the concept of schematism, the second a reflection on the relationship between art and different worldviews. Erwin Panofsky’s essay, Perspective as a Symbolic Form, was the first text to provide a comprehensive answer to these questions. The concept of symbolic form, borrowed from Ernst Cassirer philosophy, allowed him to consider perspective mainly as a cultural form, thus overlooking the issue of objectivity. This position has led to numerous controversies, which have not been overcome by historiographical discussions. By comparing Panofsky’s work with those of Philippe Descola and Ernst Cassirer, this thesis first clarifies the theoretical prerequisites for the relationship between symbolic form, schematism and worldviews. It then provides an analysis of several historiographical controversies and underscores the thinking of Robert Klein. His approach tackles phenomenology and leads to a different conception of history than the one proposed by Panofsky to overcome the issues raised by perspective.