冷戰結束，適值全球因應國際體系解構與重建之時，2001年9月11日美國境內卻突然發生嚴重之恐怖攻擊事件震驚全球，此一事件除迅即引起全球強烈之反應，亦且挑戰當代國際安全研究規範，更將導引未來國際安全政策制訂之方向。 「戰爭」活動自歷史以觀，多以國家行為者行之，惟國家亦須按國際法規範使用武力。但「九一一」後，美國及恐怖主義組織在使用武力之具體實踐上，首先打破了戰爭僅能發生於國家之間的情況；其次，美國依「自衛原則」執行其特立獨行的「先發制人」反恐戰略，亦暴露出當代國際法無法有效規範武力使用之困境。 在恐怖主義犯罪日益猖獗及恐怖活動無所不用其極、危害不斷加重之情勢下，國際社會遂逐漸加大反恐力度，聯合國及相關國際組織亦針對恐怖主義犯罪制訂相關多邊公約，以遏制恐怖組織活動之蔓延，美國亦將反恐戰爭指導原則做為其國防政策執行重心，全力推動全球反恐行動，而境內擁有近二億穆斯林之東南亞地區，已成為美國在中東地區以外，首重之反恐戰場。 印尼為全球穆斯林信眾最多之國家，在印尼政治發展的過程中，伊斯蘭教與穆斯林組織一直扮演著極為重要的角色，另由於印尼境內多島嶼之地理特性，有利於恐怖分子藏匿及連結，為恐發展成為恐怖主義溫床，美國對東南亞反恐亟欲肅清印尼地區，故與印尼合作反恐則成為必然之趨勢。長期以來，美國與印尼保持廣泛之合作關係，但在1999年東帝汶事件後，便中斷軍事合作關係，直到2005年11月，美國基於全球反恐戰略利益之考量方始恢復。 基於「九一一」後之多極體系國際政治環境與全球反恐趨勢，並為前瞻國際安全研究及安全政策新方向，本論文透過美國與印尼反恐合作之政策與實踐，探討美國東南亞反恐戰爭對區域安全的影響，並進一步瞭解美國此際於印尼之反恐戰略佈局，在實踐過程當中產生之互動與影響。並藉由美國與印尼在反恐戰爭之結盟意圖，單邊與多邊合作之實踐，及印尼對美國之反恐合作態度進行探討，從而分析美國與印尼反恐合作之目的及評估美國與印尼反恐合作成效；最後亦對我國未來之安全政策與反恐機制相關規劃，提供新的思考方向。 關鍵詞：恐怖主義、東南亞反恐戰爭、反恐合作、地緣戰略、國家利益

自 1955 年，中國與印度和緬甸簽署「和平共處五項原則」之後，又在改革開放時期，提出了「和平與發展」是當今時代的兩大主題起，「和諧世界」理念便開啟了國際的視窗，至 1999 年代初期，中國學者基於「國際觀」的理念，提出未來「中國崛起」對國際權力平衡結構將造成影響的討論，此時國際間便興起「中國威脅論」及「中國即將崩潰」的論點研究。 有鑑於此，鄭必堅於 2004 年 4 月 22 日在北京人民大會堂繼續舉行第三單元主題報告會，在最後一場報告會上發表題為「中國和平崛起的發展道路」的演講中，曾提到「和平怎麼會威脅？崛起又怎麼會崩潰？和平崛起是對中國威脅論和中國崩潰論最有利的回擊」。因此提出「和平崛起」理念，來企圖推翻「中國威脅論」及「中國即將崩潰」的論點，因為中國認為唯有藉創造「和諧環境」與「善意的回應」，才能轉移國際焦點，把國際經濟重點引向中國大陸。 中國談「和平崛起」，在政治上「無非是想建立一個對他有利的區域國際環境」，在經濟上「主要在加強與東亞各國的經濟合作，營造中國經濟崛起所需要的周邊環境」，在軍事上「主要在增加東亞地區國家對中國的依賴，成為區域大國」；美國雖然不願意看到「中國的崛起」，影響其美國在東亞地區的主導地位，但自發生「九一一恐怖攻擊」事件後，基於地緣戰略需要，為確保亞洲地區的安全，反而依賴中國在亞洲區的優勢戰略條件，使中國佔有舉足輕重的地位，美國欲藉中國在亞太地區的影響力，牽制「資恐國家」的軍事力量擴張與恐怖組織力量的蔓延，所以此舉也替中國帶來「和平崛起」的契機與國際環境，但是必須克服「東亞各國政治理念分歧」、「歷史宿怨與政治相悖」等主要限制因素，中國才能達到主導東亞事務的目的。 中國向以「強勢國家」自居，從近年來國防武器發展來看，在東亞地區已影響區域軍事均衡，日本也已警覺到「中國」所帶來的威脅，所以也積極尋求國家支持日本軍力的擴展，今後，東亞地區的和平與否，「中、日」兩國是關鍵，兩國若無建立合作機制，求得共同利益的環境，必會導致軍事競賽的情形發生，那麼「東亞地區」真的就如同亞洲的彈藥庫一般，實不得不注意。 / Since 1955, after signing the Treaty of “Five Principles concerning Peaceful Co-existence”with India and Burma, and after proposing that “Peace and Development”were two major issues of contemporary times during the period of reformation and opening, China has promoted the idea of “Harmonious World”to open the international view. At the beginning of 1990s, Chinese scholars launched the discussion about how “The Rising of China”will influence the structure of balance between international powers, on the basis of the idea of “International View”, there arose the study of theses of “China is a threat” and “China is going to collapse”among international scholars. According to this fact, in the conference held in April, 22nd, 2004, in Peking People’s Hall, Chen Pi-Gen presented a speech entitled “The Developing Way of Peaceful Rising of China ”in the final session of the third topic, and mentioned that “How does peace become a threat? How does rising become collapse? Peaceful rising is the most useful response for the theses of “Chinese threat” and “Chinese collapse”. He proposed the idea of “Peaceful Rising”, therefore, in order to overthrow the theses of “Chinese Threat” and “Chinese Collapse”. He argued that China can shift international focus and introduce important international economy into mainland China only by inventing “Harmonious Environment” and “Friendly Responses”. For China, to talk about “Peaceful Rising”, is to “build a regional international environment good for herself”on the political ground, to “strengthen mainly economic cooperation with South-east Asian countries, to construct the circumstance necessary for the economic rising of China” on the economic ground, and to “increase the dependence of East Asian countries on China, in order to become a regional great country”. The United States is not willing to see “The Rising of China”which affects the leading role of U. S. A. in the region of East Asia. However, after the event of “911 Terrorist Attack ”, the United States relys on the dominant role of China in Asian strategic situation in order to protect the peace of Asia. The United States wishes to use Chinese influence on Asian countries to prevent the military expansion of conntries which support terriorism as well as the increase of the power of terriorist organizations. This measure has brougnt the opportunity and international environment of “Peaceful Rising”for China. Nevertheless, for the purpose of leading international affairs in East Asia, China has to overcome the limiting factors of “divergence of political ideas among East Asian countries”and “the contradictin of historical hatred and politics”. China has long been proud of being a “Strong Country”. From the evidence of Chinese development of defense weapons, we can find China has influenced regional military balance in East Asia. Japan has awared the threat from China, and trys eagerly to look for national support for expanding military power. From now on, China and Japan will play key roles in peace-keeping in East Asia. If there is no cooperation mechanism constructed between two countries for their mutual benefits, there will arise for sure military competition between two countries, and East Asia will become the bomb storage of Asia. This situation deserves our close and constant attention.

敵人刑法的概念早在1985年由 Jakobs 教授首次提出，經過一段時間後，敵人刑法在學界廣受討論，然而批判的聲音卻大於贊同！敵人刑法並非Jakobs憑空創設出了什麼法令，而儘是Jakobs就現有的法體例觀察後，做一個描述並予以命名。 本論文第二章將Jakobs一系列對敵人刑法的文章予以仔細釐清，第三章則以「符合敵人刑法概念」的德國相關法制做介紹，另一併檢視我國相關法制，是否有符合敵人刑法的規定，並論述其正當性。第四章則以針對批評敵人刑法文章中的論點，予以論述並探究，這些批評的基礎和Jakobs提出敵人刑法的基礎是否相同，若有不同則須加以釐清。 2001年911恐怖攻擊事件後，敵人刑法開始受到刑法學界的青睞，甚有論者認為可以用敵人刑法來對抗恐怖主義的論點，本文對此加以探討以一個「概念性的敵人刑法」對抗恐怖主義究竟有無效用，並於最後提出對於敵人刑法及其相關法制的評述及一己之見。

八十年代是香港電影工業的「黃金時期」，電影的類型也可說是「百花齊放」，當中包括了一批以「殭屍vs. 道士」為結構的電影，並廣受歡迎，直到九十年代初衰落。本論文就是以這批電影為研究對象，先借助電影研究中的類型研究的框架，從體裁說明這批電影本身就能自成一個類型／次類型──「恐怖喜劇」，繼而集中分析殭屍和道士這兩個主要角色，並指出這批電影其實是呼應著香港後殖民處境複雜的中港關係。 本研究提出電影中的殭屍和道士都是來自中國的「他者」，而且帶有不同程度的「怪物 性」，因此形成了不同的「自我」與「他者」的權力結構和張力。本文借用了後殖民研究的「我──他」框架以及怪物研究的「怪物性」概念，進一步解讀殭屍和道士的獨特性。最後，本文提出整個類型其實是以香港為本位，透過「馴化」殭屍和「吸納」道士來處理不同「中國他者」所引起的情緒與張力，並在流行文化中實現了中港融和的幻想。

一個國家發生大規模國家暴力之後，檢討相關人員的責任，向來是重要的轉型正義議題，可是這個議題在台灣因為多種原因，長期被忽略。長達三十八年的戒嚴期間，上萬人因叛亂、匪諜嫌疑被捕、遭判重刑，至少八百人失去生命。在這種官僚式壓迫的體系中，檢討相關人員責任前，須先了解當初他們在暴力行動的參與中如何做出決定。本文藉由判決書檔案，探索並評析軍事法官如何針對政治案件進行判案，並且將人民判處死刑。從中發現幾項事實，可供未來檢討這些法官刑事與道德責任之基礎。法官的判決與論述中，除了曾經出現違法的情形外，亦不乏相同犯罪事實，判決標準不一致，以及違反人權精神等例證。另一方面，確實也曾經出現較為人道的判決。這些事實顯示當時法官擁有裁量權，選擇空間是存在無疑的。從而，部分選擇剝奪人民生命的法官，可能面臨道德上更大的非難。 / As massive state violence subsides, the issue of holding those who carried out such violence into account has always been an important concern. Yet due to numerous reasons, such issue has been long ignored in Taiwan. During the 38-year-long martial law period, tens of thousands of citizens were arrested and severely condemned on charges of subversion or espionage. In such bureaucratic oppressive regime, the decision-making process should be studied prior to the discussion of responsibility. By studying the verdicts, this thesis focuses on exploring and analyzing how death sentences were made by military judges. The results show that not only illegal verdicts have ever occurred, but also the inconsistencies between verdicts with similar criminal facts, as well as examples in violation of human rights spirit. On the other hand, there were indeed some cases where the judges ruled more humanely. In all, these facts demonstrate that the judges did have powers of dicretion, and room for choice undoubtedly existed. Hence, the acts of certain judges, who under the same circumstances chose nevertheless to deprive lives of certain citizens, may seem to be more morally reproachable.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(教育学) / 甲第19881号 / 教博第193号 / 新制||教||161(附属図書館) / 32958 / 京都大学大学院教育学研究科臨床教育学専攻 / (主査)准教授 田中 康裕, 教授 河合 俊雄, 准教授 松下 姫歌 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Education) / Kyoto University / DGAM

博士(心理学) / Doctor of Philosophy in Psychology / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

2001年9月11日發生在美國本土的自殺式恐怖襲擊事件之後，當時的小布希總統堅決宣示展開全面性「全球反恐怖主義戰爭」（Global War on Terrorism）。美國不僅以其強大的軍事力量，對付支持及庇護蓋達組織及其分支的國家，也與各國合作共同打擊恐怖主義。由於這是一場與傳統戰爭迥然不同的鬥爭，因此美國反恐的策略不但依賴軍事武力，還必須透過政治、外交、情報、金融與教育等多元途徑，並靈活運用國際的力量，徹底打擊恐怖主義。其中情報工作在反恐戰爭中扮演著非常重要的角色，因為恐怖分子在發動任何攻擊之前，可能會有些徵兆，若在事先能獲得蛛絲馬跡的情報，就能夠防患未然並且將危機消弭於無形。 在國際方面，9/11反而促成各國的合作，美國情報單位在這場反恐戰爭中也被賦予重要的任務，將反恐情報合作的觸角伸向全世界各個角落。由於美國與各國的合作程度影響全球打擊恐怖主義的成效，故有必要對美國主導的國際情報合作進行研究。美國在國際間致力反恐情報合作之際，同時也對其國內情報機制進行改革與重整。因為9/11的發生，很多人歸咎於國內情報單位的失職，美國政府於是開始對其情報圈，展開自杜魯門總統於1947年7月26日簽署《國家安全法案》以來，最重大的改革。因此也有必要對美國在9/11後的情報改革進行探討，以瞭解美國在此事件後所進行的國內情報改革情形及成效。 / In the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks on the United States in 2001, the U.S. President George W. Bush launched the “Global War on Terrorism”. The U.S. has fight against countries that support Al-Qaeda and its affiliate with powerful military strength and cooperated with various countries on combat terrorism. This is a disparately untraditional war and consequently America’s counterterrorism strategy is multi-faceted that includes not only military but also diplomacy, financial action, intelligence, education, etc. Intelligence, in particular, plays a pivotal role in this war. Signs of terrorist threat may be discovered and attacks can possibly be prevented if intelligence agencies received information about the plots in advance. The September 11 attacks have facilitated bilateral and multilateral cooperation between countries in the globe. The U.S. especially undertakes great responsibilities in fighting against Al-Qaeda and its affiliates, and attaches strings to its counter terrorism cooperation around the world. Since the strength of the cooperative movement between the U.S. and other countries may affect the outcome of the global cooperation, conducting a study on the U.S.-led international intelligence cooperation is critical. While endeavoring to enhance international intelligence cooperation on anti-terrorism, the U.S. has conducted reform and adjustment of the domestic intelligence community. Owing to its intelligence failure on the September 11 attacks, the U.S. government initiated the greatest reform on intelligence mechanism since the former President Truman had signed the National Security Act of 1947. Therefore, study on and analysis of the results and achievement of the U.S. intelligence reform after the September 11 attacks is a must-do.

恐怖電影一直都是好萊塢主流電影中一項重要並且流行的一種類型。在一九七零年代末期，出現了一種新型的恐怖片，也就是所謂的跟蹤客/砍殺電影。雖然這類電影誇張地凸顯性別差異，不過還是以其展現出極度暴力以及色情的風格，迅速地受到廣大觀眾的歡迎。過去國外對於此類電影的研究多半由批評家蘿拉•莫薇的觀點出發，指出由於跟蹤客/砍殺電影中男性總被描寫為強壯的角色，而女性總是被窺視及性慾化的個體，因此唯有男性觀眾得以由此類電影當中獲得視覺上的快感。然而，很明顯地此一詮釋並不能夠完全解釋為何女性在跟蹤客/砍殺電影的忠實觀眾中佔有相當的份量。因此，有鑑於此，以及國內對於此類電影研究的稀少，本論文將仔細探討之前詮釋的缺失，並尋找一個更適當及周詳的理論來詮釋兩種性別觀眾的觀看議題，特別是在跟蹤客/砍殺電影這種性別刻畫差異極大的類型中。 本論文分為四個章節。第一章介紹跟蹤客/砍殺電影如何誇張地呈現性別差異，以及之前的評論家如何詮釋此類電影中的刻板元素。第二章則探討莫薇如何批評好萊塢主流電影為傳播父權意識型態的機制，以及跟蹤客/砍殺電影如何成為此意識型態的傳聲筒。第三章則指出莫薇如何為了將批判父權體系為重心而在引用佛洛依德的理論時刻意忽略了女性在獲得視覺快感的能動性。更重要地，第四章引用「幻象」的概念，指出視覺快感不應該因觀眾的性別而有所不同；唯有在「幻象」的領域中，不管是男性或是女性都可以主動地獲得視覺快感，那怕是像跟蹤客/砍殺電影這種刻意凸顯性別差異的電影類型。最後，第五章為前述論點作個總結，指出「幻象」為現有的理論中最能詮釋觀眾在觀看跟蹤客/砍殺電影時所獲得的視覺快感。 / Horror films have been an important and popular form of mainstream Hollywood films. In the late seventies, a special type of horror films, stalker/slasher films, characterized by their demonstration of extreme violence and sex, immediately attracted a huge amount of spectators despite that males are always depicted as powerful agents whereas females the powerless and eroticized objects. Previous critics analyze stalker/slasher films by adopting Laura Mulvey’s concepts, indicating that only males can require visual pleasure through the films. However, the interpretation obviously fails to account for the fact that females comprise a significant amount of stalker/slasher films spectators. As a result, the thesis aims to indicate the defects of those critics and, moreover, to search for a theory that provides a better interpretation of spectators’ visual pleasure in viewing stalker/slasher films. The thesis consists of five chapters. Chapter One introduces how stalker/slasher films dramatize gender differences and how the previous critics analyze their conventional elements. Chapter Two discusses how Mulvey criticizes mainstream Hollywood cinema as a mechanism that spreads patriarchal ideology and how stalker/slasher films manifest the patriarchal ideology. Chapter Three, on the other hand, points out how Mulvey selectively adopts Freud’s theory because of her political nature and how her theory fails to account for a spectatorship with which both men and women can acquire visual pleasure in viewing stalker/slasher films. Most importantly, Chapter Four, introduces the concept of fantasy, indicating that spectatorship should not be demarcated along biological gender lines; within the realm of fantasy both men and women are the active agents acquiring visual pleasure through adopting multiple and fluid spectating positions. Finally, Chapter Five concludes that fantasy may be a better perspective that accounts for not only males’ but also females’ visual pleasure in viewing stalker/slasher films.

因應全球化時代國防安全的多元挑戰，國軍長期以來始終秉持憲法所賦予的使命，不斷精實壯大，期能確保國家利益與安全的終極目標。我國國防已逐步藉由「國防轉型」邁入現代化的新紀元，無論是國防理念、軍事戰略、建軍規劃與願景，都是以「預防戰爭」為依歸，以「有效嚇阻，防衛固守」為戰略構想。國防政策仍以確保國家利益與安全目標為最高準繩，透過施政方針，來達成「預防戰爭」、「國土防衛」、「反恐制變」的基本目標。 本研究目的在於探究恐怖主義相關定義與組織概況和發展趨勢，並檢視國際、區域反恐公約及法令制定與我國參與之情形，另藉由各國反恐軍事特種部隊現況，藉以提供我國修訂反恐專法之參考，補充我國反恐怖行動法第五條之內容。 本研究發現：由於各國政治立場不一，對於恐怖主義的定義亦不盡相同，導致國際恐怖組織發動攻擊之事件頻傳，而各國反恐行動亦以設置反恐特種部隊為主。當然，國際反恐公約之合作趨勢，反映出各國修訂反恐專法的必要性，以收國際反恐法與國內反恐法之成效，惟我國應儘速通過反恐專責法令，以符合法律保留與比例原則。 另方面，我國政府在反恐行動架構中面臨實務操作上之窘境，導致地方政府與中央機關在反恐成效上難保統一行事；而以國軍參與反恐之角色與定位來說：在國防政策基本目標下之國防組織再造，國軍反恐怖協調體系呈現出組織扁平化之架構，且各特勤隊需具備學習型組織之性質，突顯出我國軍事部隊終生教育之必要。 / As the challenges of national security are being more globalized, the Ministry of National Defense of ROC has achieved remarkable success in benefiting the nation and people based on the responsibility under the Constitution. All these improvements and changes carried out in the national defense system are to keep the nation away from war and guard the homeland safely. The main policy still upholds the safeguarding of national interests and security targets as the highest criterion in order to achieve the basic objectives of “war prevention”, “homeland defense”, and “counter-terrorism and contingency response” through policy implementation and directives. The main purpose of this research is to find out the definition and development of terrorism around the world, the international counter-terrorism cooperation, and the role of the R.O.C. in the international counter-terrorism system. Furthermore, this research also provides the patterns of the counter terrorist forces around the world that derives some useful adjustments for the ROC Anti-Terrorism Law. This research discovered that since the political standpoint and the definition of terrorism of each country are different, the special forces of each country are still the main counter-terrorism power. Of course, the international cooperation of anti-terrorism brought each nation to revise its anti-terrorism law. On the other hand, our government has been facing several challenges in bringing our anti-terrorism mechanism into practice. What should be improved now is to put our Anti-Terrorism Law into effect. In addition, as anti-terrorism is a very important issue around the world, further organizational transformation such as organization flattening and continuous education must be accomplished to improve the national defense system.