京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第21518号 / 法博第235号 / 新制||法||166(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 曽我 謙悟, 教授 待鳥 聡史, 教授 建林 正彦 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第24369号 / 法博第292号 / 新制||法||179(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 建林 正彦, 教授 待鳥 聡史, 教授 曽我 謙悟 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第23626号 / 文博第883号 / 新制||文||712(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院文学研究科現代文化学専攻 / (主査)教授 小野沢 透, 教授 塩出 浩之, 准教授 藤原 辰史, 永原 陽子 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Letters / Kyoto University / DGAM

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第23648号 / 法博第268号 / 新制||法||173(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 毛利 透, 教授 土井 真一, 教授 曽我部 真裕 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

本論文定名「我國選舉罷免法的政策分析」，寫作的目的在運用政策科學及政治學的 若干觀念，對六十九年制定的「動員戡亂時期公職人員選舉罷免法」作整體性分析。 論文分為四章： 第一章〔選舉罷免法的政策流程〕，主旨在描述選舉罷免法的流程，分為兩節，第一 節「政策流程圖」提出一套筆者改定的政策流程模式。第二節〔選舉罷免法政策流程 〕應用上述的模式來描述選舉罷免法流程的決策。 第二章〔選舉罷免法的決策分析〕，主旨在解釋選舉罷免法的決策、研究方法、採用 政治學中的團體理論。分為兩節，第一節〔團體理論的決策分析〕提出筆者建構的「 團體競爭決策模式」。第二節〔選舉罷免法決策過程中的團體競爭〕運用上述的模式 來描述並解釋選舉罷免法的決策。 第三章〔選舉罷免法的評價〕，主旬在對選舉罷免法作系統性評價。分為兩節，第一 節〔公共政策評價模式〕提出筆者建構的「公共政策評價模式」。第二節〔選舉罷免 法的評價〕運用上述模式評價選罷法。 第四章〔結論－選舉罷免法的修正建議〕。在這一章中，筆者申論「選舉病理」的觀 念，並提出個人對選罷法的修正意見。 附錄部份極為龐大，包括選罷法制定過程中出現的四個方案：１）內政部草擬「動員 戡亂時期公職人員選舉罷免法草案」；２）吳延環草擬「動員戡亂時期公費選舉罷免 法草案」；３）姚嘉文、林義雄、張德銘草擬「選舉罷免法草案試稿」及４）康寧祥 、黃順興、費希平草擬「台灣地區公職人員選舉罷免法試擬案」。此外，還包括內政 部草案的初稿，以及「動員戡亂時期公職人員選舉罷免法施行細則」。

本篇論文探討的是，台灣「五○年代白色恐怖」政治案件的「集體記憶」（collective memory）保存、復甦和建構的社會過程。 自1949至1987年，我國在戒嚴體制的控制下，「五○年代白色恐怖」的集體記憶曾經長期受到抹黑及消音，當時受難者及其團體在此一記憶的保存上，扮演了關鍵的角色，透過他們私下的集結與聯絡，在團體的脈絡中鞏固了此一記憶。 解嚴前後，過去被壓抑的許多記憶浮上檯面，透過紀念儀式、平反活動、修改法令、保存歷史地標等活動，各方主體重新召喚、組織、競爭詮釋集體記憶，端賴資源不同，決定了競爭結果。但是由於五○年代白色恐怖蘊含的意識型態和國族認同，不完全符合當時社會的需要，因此並未馬上進入國家論述。 隨著舊政權逐漸退出執政集團，新的國民黨政權有「建構新國家」認同的需要，同時遭受地方反對黨政府的強烈挑戰；配合社會控制鬆綁，文化媒介的傳播，民間記憶更加浮現。最後在「朝野大和解」等現實環境的配合之下，受難者團體採取迴避意識型態的論述策略，發揮了臨門一腳的功效，終於讓此一集體記憶進入正式論述，新的「人權論述」的建構和認同也在這個過程中悄悄的重構、凝塑。 但是目前呈現的集體記憶仍是經過篩選、組合後的結果，紀念碑的概念如「人權」、「民主」等，已獲得這一波國族建構的認可；但是相對的，由於兩岸的僵局未解，左翼思潮和運動仍然被排除在外；少數族群、弱勢性別的詮釋權也相對被忽略。目前各種不同主體，仍在互動中持續移動建構，或許下一次大規模的記憶召喚，隨時可能在適當的時機，再度出現在公共論域。

當前主權國家仍是人民利益的最高集中表現，亦是人類歷史發展形成現代文明的主要標誌，這事實命題預告著主權國家的功能與地位，在國內與國際之間的中介重要性。概括地說，研究西方國家的理論與方法，構成了認知現代文明標準的途逕和框架，對於邁向現代化國家的參照體，實有具體的模仿對應。環顧國際社會，對於西方國家所建立的現代文明，具有潛在挑戰性或威脅性的最大變數應屬中共，即強調有「中國特色」的因素，在於中共與國際接軌的同時，亦是「麻煩製造者」的產生，特別是在冷戰後的中共所代表的意義與影響。 　　從兩極格局瓦解所開啟冷戰後的新歷史時期，中共益顯自信對於「時代問題」的預判。換言之，強調「經濟因素」在國際層面上，是主導國際政治格局未來發展的關鍵力量，憑藉著槓桿原理將國家由邊陲位置轉向至核心地位，在制高點透過規範機制予以設計出有利於中共的國際政治、經濟新秩序。而在國內層面上，「經濟因素」亦是共產主義理論再創新的活力源泉，專注於中共治理的主權國家內部範疇，並保證共產黨執政的最大績效與人民的滿意度。構成了當前中共以共產主義中國化的本質，卻採取西方國家的市場經濟制度，即在綜合國力逐漸提升之際，西方國家深信地認知「中共崛起」的相對意義，卻是「中國威脅論」的序幕開始。 　　本文運用「認知途逕」去分析中共的世界觀，據以觀察其對國際形勢的變遷，是由於中共內因作用的影響，來理解中共的對外思維，實係有別於西方國家的世界觀，此部分亦說明了雙方結構性矛盾之所在。特別是在冷戰後的中共，在國際政治格局轉換的期間，表現出對於國際機制積極參與者和建構者的旺盛企圖，譬如以國際政治權力和利益的水平分權化為原則的多極化格局推動，認知是中共朝向大國之林的外交奮鬥目標。又例如2001年中共成為「世界貿易組織」第143個會員國，代表著中共經濟地位的戰略轉變。這是在中共與西方國家互動行為的歷史經驗積累，所得到「實力政治」的總結，使得中共在冷戰後的整體表現更傾向是現實主義的維護者。 / The thesis contends that an understanding of the effective and significant intermediate role of sovereignty both in the national and international relations. Sovereignty is not only the most advanced development of collectivity, but also the reform process of the modern civilization. The importance of this research is brought into focus by recent changes in broader economic and social reform programmes, political decentralization and reforms in China. By 1978 China was ready for major shifts in political and economic policy. Hong Kong had become essential as a vital source of foreign exchange for the Chinese economy. In addition, the return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally heralded the end of European extra-territoriality in China. 　　After the Cold War, China seems to be potentially regarded as a ‘trouble maker’ in western societies. Unlike Russia, with the emergency of Chinese historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation, China has adopted a gradualist part-privatization policy based on ‘the characteristics of Chinese nationalism’, slowly opening its economy to the global economy while resisting democratic political reform. The thesis examines whether the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central apparatus. 　　In addition, China has succeeded in combining stability with political-economic change on the mainland. The thesis views the fact that China has drawn the increasing attention from international perspectives in the western world. With its confidence, Chinese government has predicted the epoch belonging to China in terms of the powerful economic growth at the turn of the century. Although the successful EU integration and such international factors as the strategic perceptions of the USA may partially determine the future of the configuration of world power, China has taken a special position on the establishment of diplomatic relations from marginal position up to the vital status. Moreover, by concentrating on the internal affairs within China, Chinese government could remain the authority and legitimacy of the communism party. Chinese communism party has adopted the western marketization (free marketing system), which is now implicit in the development of successful ‘China Rising’; meanwhile, it has the potential to be propelled by the powerful trends of globalization and policy reformulation transferred into the stage of ‘China Threatening’ in international relations. 　　In this study, the perceptive approach is the main research methodology in analyzing Chinese global perspective on the diplomatic development as well as the political economy and international diplomatic relations of transition in China. Clearly, this study includes an examination of the influence of the powerful economic growth on the reproduction of the communism party in China. With ‘backdoor privatization’ through opening up the economy and the encouragement of foreign direct investment and non-state owned enterprises in the form of township-and village-owned enterprises, the Chinese economy has undergone dramatic transformation during the past two decades. However, control remains firmly in the hands of the Chinese communist party. 　　The thesis concludes that, to broaden the horizon in the western community, after the Cold War, China has been active and proactive on the establishment of diplomatic relations with western countries, and China has a tendency to commit itself to the guardian of realism. For example, China became a party of the 143rd member in World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which formally marked the milestone of the Chinese economic power in the world. These consistent changes have indicated that China embarked on its open policy and the western community evolved into the major economic and political force in the world.

本論文的問題意識在於，中國是否將與其古代帝國一樣，在力量強大時追求以武力或其他強制手段達成戰略目標，並試圖建立以其為核心的東亞勢力範圍與國際秩序，結果導致升高與周邊國家甚至美國在內的其他亞太強國的緊張關係與衝突發生機率，與其所宣稱的「和平發展/崛起」、「和諧世界」不符。 中國戰略菁英繼承了帝國時代遺留下來的天下觀、內政導向戰略文化與陸權性格等地緣戰略遺產。同時，缺乏海軍戰略傳統的中國也在1950年代從同為大陸強國的蘇聯之處承接了19、20世紀的法國、德國、蘇聯等歐陸國家發展出來的以劣抗優的大陸國家縱深防禦海軍戰略與積極防禦艦隊海戰戰略。這些遺產與當代外來海軍戰略共同促成了中國的陸權式海洋地緣戰略。 在中國的陸權式海洋地緣戰略中，古代天下觀在當代因為中國的國力迅速發展與中國戰略菁英的自信加強，而逐漸形成強調中國制度與文化優越性的新「中國中心主義」。此一新中國中心主義配合中國追求實現其領土主權聲索的現代「九州一統」周邊地緣政治密碼，壓倒日本、印度、東協等區域競爭對手，組織以其為核心的東亞地緣戰略領域的區域地緣政治密碼，以及中國自冷戰時期起就發展出的追求全球體系多極化與建立國際政治經濟新秩序，和在冷戰後希望消除美國於東亞的影響力，追求將亞太地緣政治次體系轉變為美中並立兩極結構的體系/次體系地緣政治密碼，使得中國難以成為一個維持現狀的國家。而中國的內政導向戰略文化雖然強調對內優先於對外，但其實際上具備相當重視權力政治與武力在國際事務中效用的強現實政治特徵和備戰本質。而中國的陸權性格與從蘇聯繼承而來的陸權式海洋地緣戰略，使當代中國的地緣戰略重心與方向皆位於東亞大陸與周邊海域，並未真正跨出亞太邊緣地區，只是將西太平洋的島鏈作為海上長城、島鏈周圍的海洋作為新的資源開發地區與戰略緩衝區，以此區隔與美國在亞太的勢力範圍，並按照安西、靠北、爭東南的地緣戰略操作來組織受其支配的東亞地緣戰略領域。 本論文認為中國擴大參與東亞整合的原因，只是為了因應目前其實力尚無法獨力以軍事、政治等強制性手段完成組織受其支配的東亞地緣戰略領域的戰略目的的間接戰略運用，目的是藉此極大化中國的利益，並取得東亞整合的主導權。中國並無意在傳統安全議題與領土爭端和周邊國家與其他亞太主要強國妥協，並利用多邊傳統安全國際建制達成地緣政治安排，促成亞太地緣政治均衡。中國的陸權式海洋地緣戰略雖然限於中國的海上戰略交通線控制能力，最終目的並不在取代美國成為體系中的新海權，但卻能嚴重威脅美國的海權地位，以及其他亞太主要強國和中國周邊中小型濱海國家的地緣政治利益。因此安西、靠北、爭東南的地緣戰略操作除了在北線地緣之外，皆激起其他次體系主要大國與東協的競爭性權力平衡反應。此種戰略反饋又使中國增強本身的競爭性權力平衡作為，難以形成達成均衡必要的協作性權力平衡。因此，中國的地緣戰略仍是傳統爭奪控制戰略交通線與要地的類型，不是為了追求和諧世界與地緣政治均衡的新類型，故無法促進目前不存在均衡的亞太地緣政治次體系達成均衡，反而可能升高與周邊國家甚至美國的衝突機率。 但是，中國受制於本身有限的戰略交通線控制能力，目前仍無法形成其他次體系主要強國真正的傳統安全威脅，更為了繼續實施經濟建設，必須盡力維持周邊國際環境的穩定。其他亞太主要強國為了繼續藉由與中國的交往獲得的龐大經濟利益，在中國還未成為真正戰略威脅的情況下，亦不願意真正與中國敵對，導致亞太地緣政治次體系的局勢將逐漸走向中國與海洋國家之間政治上經常引發緊張關係，但其他方面互動熱絡，不致立即引發武裝衝突危機的「冷和平」狀態，無法形成真正的地緣政治均衡。 關鍵字：中國、亞太地緣政治次體系、權力平衡、地緣政治均衡、地緣政治密碼、戰略文化、地緣戰略 / The research question of this dissertation is that whether China might seek to apply coercive measures to create an East Asia Geostrategic Realm and to dominate the turf by itself, which just like what pre-modern China’s Empires did. Because of the increasing possibility of armed conflicts between China and other regional powers, including the United States, these measures will put the international security of the Asia-Pacific region in jeopardy. Furthermore, this is not according to what China’s claim on “peaceful development/rising” or the so-called “harmonious world.” Modern Chinese strategic elites inherit three main geo-strategic legacies such as the Chinese traditional concept of “Tianxia” (天下觀), domestic-oriented strategic culture, and national land-power nature in China’s history. China also receives the European thought of continental-oriented naval strategy from the Soviet Union while Maoist China built its navy which supported by the Soviet’s help in the 1950s. These legacies and foreign naval strategic thought not only shape modern China’s “Land-Power Maritime Geo-strategy,” but also affect the nature, gravity, directions, and the major operations of the geo-strategy. Base on China’s rapid economic growth and military modernization, the self-confidential Chinese elites gradually transform the traditional concept of Tianxia into the new “Sino-centricism,” which stress on the superiority of China’s culture and politico-economic systems. In terms of the geopolitical codes of modern China, they pursue the realization of territorial claims for the purpose of “union” on the local level; overwhelming the competitions of leadership in East Asia from Japan, India, and the ASEAN for creating a Chinese-dominated East Asian Geostrategic Realm on the regional level; pursuing multi-polarization of the international system and, establishing new international politico-economic orders on the systemic level, and dispel the influence of United States in East Asia by transforming the Asia-Pacific geopolitical structure into a bipolarity on the sub-systemic level. Over all, these three levels of geopolitical codes and the new “Sino-centricism” would not make China be a status-quo power in the Asia-Pacific geopolitical sub-system. Additionally, with regard to the domestic-oriented strategic culture, although it stresses the priority of domestics, it also values power politics and the effectiveness of forces in the international politics. The domestic-oriented strategic culture of China, therefore, has the strong characteristics of hard “realpolitik” and “parabellum”. China’s traditional land-power nature aside, its continental-oriented naval strategy is developed from the thought of the Soviet naval strategy and put the gravity and directions of China’s “Land-Power Maritime Geo-strategy” in East Asian continent. China does not go beyond the “Asia-Pacific Rim” actually. What China does is using the “two island-chain” defense in West Pacific as a “Great Wall at Sea,” and the seas around the island chains as strategic buffer zone to distinguish the sphere of influence between China and the United States. China applies the strategic principles of “stabilizing West, relying on North, competing for the Southeast” to organize the region in the west of the island chains and shaping its dominance in the East Asian Geostrategic Realm. The dissertation argues that since China cannot organize the East Asian Strategic Realm by political and military means at present, China’s participations in East Asian integrations are indirect strategic behavior. The purposes of indirect approaches are to utilize China’s economic interests and to obtain the leadership of East Asian integrations. China would not like to compromise with its neighbors and other Asia-Pacific Powers on highly sensitive traditional security issues, like territorial disputes essentially. Nor does China attempt to shape multi-pole geopolitical arrangements to achieve the geopolitical equilibrium of Asia-Pacific Geopolitical Sub-system by applying multi-pole international regimes. Furthermore, the purpose of China’s “Land-Power Maritime Geo-strategy” is not to replace the United States as the Sea Power in the system just because China lacks the ability of controlling global strategic sea lines of communications. The Chinese naval strategy of active layer defense can still seriously threaten the Sea Power status of the United States and the important geopolitical interests of China’s neighbors. Therefore, the implementations of aforesaid geo-strategy of “stabilizing West, relying on North, competing for the Southeast,” seriously raise “adversary balance of power” in both West and Southeast fronts due to the convergences of geopolitical interests between China and other powers. Nevertheless, the adversary balancing feedback of other Asia-Pacific powers and even the ASEAN countries enhance China’s adversary behavior as well. This reciprocal process cannot create the necessary “associational balance of power” of geopolitical equilibrium. In other words, China’s geo-strategy belongs to the “traditional” type, which stresses the importance of controlling strategic communication in the Asia-Pacific region. It is not the “new” type of pursuing “harmonious world” and geopolitical equilibrium. Therefore, China’s geo-strategy cannot advance the equilibrium of Asia-Pacific geopolitical sub-system. On the contrary, it may raise the possibility of conflicts between China and Asia-Pacific countries, even the United States. China is not deemed as major traditional threat by other major Asia-Pacific regional powers due to lacking the capabilities of controlling strategic communication of Asia-Pacific geopolitical sub-system. China must do its best to maintain the stability of the surrounding international environment to continue its economic development. Other major Asia-Pacific powers would like to obtain huge economic interests by engaging with China. As a result, the security of Asia-Pacific geopolitical sub-system will gradually develop into a “cold peace” situation, but not the situation of geopolitical equilibrium. The “cold peace” is a situation not only can fill with geopolitical tensions between China and other major Asia-Pacific powers, but also can interact closely with each other on social, economic, cultural and other dimensions, which prevent the crisis of the outbreak of immediate armed conflicts in the region. Key Words: China, Asia-Pacific Geopolitical Subsystem, Balance of Power, Geopolitical Equilibrium, Geopolitical Code, Strategic Culture, Geo-strategy

本研究試圖將雙邊關係導入區域整合的解釋範疇，主要探討東南亞國家之間雙邊互動關係的解釋因素，以及東協對應成員國間衝突本質的制度建構，從而推進區域合作的進程。 從理論文獻與經驗事件，本研究運用「雙邊層次理論」（dyadic level theories）解釋東南亞國家間的互動現象，選擇「相對權力」、「軍事實力」、「政體類型」、「貿易互賴」、「經濟發展」作為開發中國家雙邊關係的解釋變數，用以理解東協成員國走向衝突與合作的選擇，並對「衝突－合作」的理論命題進行檢驗，據以提出適用於東協國家雙邊互動變異的解釋模式。本研究主張，開發中區域內雙邊關係受到國家屬性與相對特質的影響，爰須從個別國家互動交往的變遷軌跡予以觀察，其解釋變數將持續影響未來的整合道路。 在理論檢證的操作上，本研究參照「事件資料分析」（event-data analysis）方法，設計「雙邊互動的衝突—整合量表」（the Conflict-Integration Continuum, CIC），蒐集自1990年至2012年的「時間序列與橫斷面資料」（TSCS），並建置「東協成員國雙邊互動關係時間序列資料庫」（ASEAN-TSCS Data set）。透過資料庫分析和預測模型之建構，本研究釐清東協雙邊關係變異的解釋因素，並確認對於開發中國家間互動關係的影響關係。 為周延地理解東南亞次區域體系中單元層次（國家間互動）與整體層次（東協整合）的互動連結，本研究對東協歷年構建的安全制度與爭端解決機制進行文本分析，擇取區域內各組雙邊關係進行案例研究。透過對東協國家相對特質與互動事件的比較，進一步檢證次體系內國家間互動行為的關聯特徵，本研究期能為東南亞的整合研究提供一種理論啟示。 / This study aims to interpret regional integration through the lens of bilateral relations. It primarily addresses the factors in bilateral interactions between the Southeast Asian nations and delves into the process in which the ASEAN put forth an architecture to resolve the inherent conflicts between its member states to further promote regional cooperation. Based on theoretical literatures and historical events, this study uses dyadic-level theories to explain interactions among the Southeast Asian countries, chooses “Relative Power,” “Military Capability,” “Regime Types,” “Trade Interdependence,” and “Economic Development” as explanatory variables for bilateral relations between developing countries in this region for the purpose of understanding the choices made by the ASEAN member states towards either conflict or cooperation, and inspects the theoretical proposition of “conflict-cooperation” so as to put forth an explanatory model applicable for changes in the bilateral interactions between the ASEAN countries. The author argues that the bilateral relations in a developing region are not only influenced by the objective characteristics of each country, but also the relative relation to other countries. Therefore, observing the interactions between each individual country to others is required. The independent valuables are also dynamically influencing the approach of integration in the future. In terms of theoretical validation, a conflict-integration continuum (CIC) is designed for this paper with reference to event-data analysis approach, time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data between 1990 and 2012 is collected, and an ASEAN-TSCS data set is established. By means of database analysis and construction of a prediction model, this research clarifies the explanatory factors for changes in bilateral relations between ASEAN countries and determines the effects that they have on interactions among developing countries. For the purpose of comprehensively understanding interactive linkages between the unit level (interactions amongst nations) and the overall level (ASEAN integration) in the Southeast Asia sub-regional system, this paper performs a text analysis on security regimes and dispute settlement mechanisms constructed by the ASEAN over the years and selects bilateral relations of pairs in the region as case studies. In addition to the data-driven analysis above, comprehensive knowledge of the interactive linkages between individual country and the overall ASEAN are also required. Therefore, a text analysis on security regimes and dispute settlement mechanisms constructed by the ASEAN is also conducted in this thesis. Several pairs of countries are used as case studies to investigate the bilateral relations in this region. By comparing relative qualities and interactional events of ASEAN countries, correlative features of interactions among the countries in the subsystem are further validated, as such, this paper aims to provide a theoretical revelation for research on the integration of Southeast Asia.

本研究以「社會物質政治性」觀點主張Facebook的人際監控是由人／物共構而產生的政治性現象。Facebook所打造的物質展現，因無法避免地鑲嵌了「連結」意圖，以及由「人」集體構成的「分享」規範，在人與物的互動交引纏繞之下，而意外構成了人際監控。 本研究透過綜合式研究方法，包括田野觀察、半結構式深度訪談以及自我經驗書寫與分析，檢視Facebook使用者與Facebook之物質展現的互動關係如何構成監控與抵抗發現，人與物所產出的「網絡」及「個人脈絡」不但讓人們所設下的各種界線被無限擴張而構成了「無限擴張的網絡」、甚至因為「網絡」當中未曾消弭的各種權力關係，以及揭露人們所思所處所做的「個人脈絡」構成了「個人脈絡之曝露」，而成為了助長人際監控最重要的元素。 因此人們針對「網絡」的抵抗進行了「多重舞台隱藏設定」，以及針對「個人脈絡」進行了「展演式公開演出」抵抗。由於在強調互動與分享的Facebook當中，人與人之間形成的「監控」已不再扮演以往的霸權角色，而是形成了溢散的一種可被意識的力量之時，人們的「抵抗」亦脫離規避強權之目的性，並成為「抵抗者」為了保持自身的可視性以創造與維持社會關係，而策略性地透過Scott（1990）提出的「公開文本」進行「展演式公開演出」，以及透過「隱藏文本」進行「多重舞台隱藏設定」規避式抵抗。因此，人們在社群媒體的「抵抗」為一種挪用「公開／隱藏文本」不斷進行切換與游移的抵抗演出，進行部分的掩蓋、部分的揭露來達到人們預期目的，藉以尋求不那樣地被牽制的可能性。 透過「社會物質政治性」這樣的視野，本研究並非如以往具有科技決定色彩主張「物」牽制了人，也並未擁抱社會建構觀點，而是試圖提出由「人／物共構」的互動關係之下，因為意想不到的政治性例如物質的展現與特性、還有人們的互動實踐，皆可以扮演構成監控與抵抗的角色。 / Based on the perspective of “sociomaterialitics” this study argued that Facebook interpersonal surveillance was the political result of co-construction of human and material. Connectivity intention that hide beneath the material presentation of Facebook as well as the collective sharing normativity, entangled through the interactivities between human and material have resulted the unintentional construction of interpersonal surveillance. By using field observation, in-depth interview and analysis of self-experience, this study is able to explore the interactive relationship between human and material to find out how surveillance and resistance are co-constructed in Facebook. Network(ed) and personal context are found to have damage various boundaries of users which caused them to face “unlimited network expansion”, and because of the “underlying still-existence of power relations” in the network(ed), as well as “personal context” that caused “exposure of context”, are believed to have augmented surveillance in Facebook. People resist to network(ed) with “hidden setting of multi-stages”, and resist to exposure of personal context with “official performance”. However, as resistance was no longer the direct opposition to the oppression of dominant power in Facebook, hence “resistors” maintain their visibility and social relations strategically through the performance of “official transcript” and hiding themselves from surveillance through the “hidden transcript” in order to avoid unwanted results simultaneously (Scott, 1990). Therefore resistance in social media has transformed into “official/hidden transcripts” in which people switching their “official/hidden transcripts” constantly, continuously and strategically in order to partially performance and partially hiding themselves. As Facebook is a place that people voluntarily disclosed themselves, and hence interpersonal surveillance is seen as a conscious force in diffusion form, and people’s resistance is a self-reflexive strategic actions in liquidity form. People appropriated resistance to achieve intentional goals in order to explore possibilities of less containment derived from the co-construction of surveillance in social media. Through the perspective of “sociomaterialitics”, this study is able to escape from technological determinism and social constructionism, in order to embrace the idea of co-construction.