本研究基於女性參政的理論基礎，主要探討從事政治幕僚工作的民進黨女黨工，看待黨務工作的看法，除了政治參與的意涵外，還存在何種可能？此外，本研究也試圖從性別世代的角度理解，不同世代的民進黨女黨工看待黨務工作有何認知差異。關於世代劃分，本研究初步透過民主化歷程、民進黨重要的發展階段以及台灣婦運發展經驗，將民進黨黨工區分出兩個主要世代。在世代概念操作上，切劃的時間點是以受訪者出生年在1971年前後為界，1971年及以前出生者為九0前黨工世代，1971年以後出生者則為九0後的黨工世代。 研究結果發現，如同世代研究的理論預設，時代的改變透過經歷不同政治民主經驗以及不同的性別意識氛圍影響，形成了民進黨兩個世代女黨工對工作的認知差異。對年長黨工而言，她們看待黨務工作似乎較偏向「政治參與取向」，而九0後黨工則較傾向「工作職業取向」的認知。九0前世代偏重政治參與的認知，是因為這群黨工們所處的時代背景主要是威權轉型階段，她們看待「政治」的角度經常是懷有一種高度的價值目標。而九0後黨工成長於民主時代，「政治」不再是一種高不可攀的精神價值，而是存在於每個人日常中的生活議題。民眾對「政治」的想像，也就隨著民主制度的落實逐漸與前世代的看法產生變異。時代的遞嬗改變了政治，時代同時也對民進黨的組織制度產生影響，隨著工作條件與環境改變，這些因素都使傳統政治工作中充滿的政治味被沖淡許多。 透過90年代以後的性別平等改革，台灣女性參與政治不再是一件遙不可及的事，在傳統公私領域逐步鬆動的界線下，女性面對「政治」與面對政治「工作」便與前一世代有著截然不同的認知圖像。然而，雖然兩個世代面對不同時代的性別經驗有所差異，但兩個世代也並非截然不同，女性的政治參與在兩個時代中，同樣需要面對工作與家庭間的兩難問題，只不過兩個世代的處理方式不盡相同，而這也再次突顯出兩個世代黨工看待黨務工作的角度差異。

近年來，隨著台灣政治民主化、經濟自由化和社會多元化的快速變遷，政府所要處理的事務，愈趨複雜化、分殊化與專業化。公共政策本身就是以價值為基礎，如果政治被界定為社會性價值的權威性分配，那麼公共政策代表配置及分配那些價值的手段。分配價值的主事者即為行政機關，而行政機關所分配的依歸必須合乎公務倫理，再者價值分配的過程中必定與利害關係人有極密切的互動，其中之一即為地方派系，地方派系影響地方政治甚鉅台灣地方派系在戒嚴時期威權統治及開放自由走向民主化的轉型過程中，扮演著極為關鍵性的角色。它，操控著地方選舉，影響了地方政治，甚至與黑金結合，藉以要求政府政策。 本研究主要透過台南市海安路個案中，運用質性研究方法，以四者連環關係行動者作表示，主要架構是建立在利害關係人的理論上，透過文獻歸納的政策三要素，以及地方派系在地方政策系統的作用下，使擁有公權力的行政人員如何在各種連鎖利益的夾擊衝突下因應，已達多方面的兼顧與自身地位與利益的保全。

臺灣在1949年以後，自由民主發展受到強人威權體制的壓制，人權保障長期無法獲得實現。直到1980代以後，自由化、民主化才開始在臺灣社會逐步展開；1992年立法院三讀通過「刑法」第一百條修正案，不僅代表臺灣人權邁向新的里程碑，也讓臺灣告別了「白色恐怖」。 這段臺灣人民突破強人威權體制、爭取自由民主的過程，向來是學界相當重要的探討課題。然而，現有的相關研究成果，多半是由統治者的態度、政治反對運動的努力及國際壓力等因素及角度加以探究，較少以1980年代蓬勃發展的社會運動團體對臺灣自由民主、人權發展的影響進行討論。 1984年12月10日成立之「臺灣人權促進會」（簡稱「臺權會」）是第1個由民間成立、非官方、主張超越任何黨派的國際性人權組織，以關心人權議題為主要訴求。本文目的即是以臺權會為對象，藉由分析臺權會關心的人權議題、訴求及爭取人權的行動，探究作為民間社會運動團體臺權會在臺灣自由化、民主化改革及人權發展過程中所扮演的角色。 本文以臺權會成立的1984年為起點，立法院三讀通過「刑法」第一百條修正案、臺灣告別白色恐怖的1992年為終點。運用「台灣人權促進會人權檔案數位典藏計畫」資料庫，透過整理該時期臺權會的主要刊物《人權雜誌》、出版品《人權報告》及籌備委員會、第一到八屆執行委員會的會議紀錄，分析、探究臺權會在面對侵害人權的事件發生時，如何主張、採取行動及其所產生的影響。此外，亦查閱相關人權事件發生前後各報刊雜誌的報導，一方面以補臺權會刊物內容之不足；另一方面，則藉此理解政府部門、社會輿論對相關人權議題、事件的主張及反應，作為探究臺權會在該議題、事件中的所扮演的角色及影響的評估。

蘇聯時期性質單一的「意識型菁英」在戈巴契夫的政經改革下開始分化成政治菁英與經濟菁英兩大類。到了葉爾欽時期，由於國家制度不彰、政府職能紊亂以及聯邦從屬關係被破壞，再加上總統本人執政後期健康情形不佳而導致大權旁落等緣故，造成各方菁英團體為了自身利益而彼此傾軋不已，也形成了以地方勢力、反對派政黨以及經濟寡頭為箭頭的「分散型菁英」。進入普丁時期，新執政者承繼了前朝唯一「正面」的遺緒 –「集權總統制」，再佐以個人的施政風格與高人氣支持，於第一任期內便大抵完成收編菁英的政治改革：於新設立的七大聯邦區派駐聯邦權力代理人 – 總統全權代表；改革聯邦委員會以削弱地方首長勢力；組建權力黨「統一俄羅斯黨」 並掌控國家杜馬。而在「共識型菁英」的氛圍下，作為普丁政權主要幹部甄補來源的「聖彼得堡幫」成員當中，又以所謂的「強力部門幹部」為大宗。其軍警情治背景與國家治理手法不僅為普丁治下的俄羅斯型塑了「軍事政體」的外觀，更讓後共俄羅斯或多或少出現了「蘇維埃化」的傾向。 / The single-natured “ideocratic elite” of the Soviet Union begins to differentiate into political and economic elite under the impact of Gorbachev’s reforms. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yeltsin’s elites jostled with each other for their interests and transformed into the “fragmented elite,” characterized by regional leaders, opposition parties and economic oligarchs. This occurred due to the malfunction of state institutions, disorder of government functions, destruction of central-peripheral relations and the regency by the President’s cronies during his illness in the second term. Later in Putin’s Russia, with the only “positive” legacy – “authoritarian presidential rule” that the new ruler inherits from his predecessor as well as his own personal ruling styles and high popularity, Putin achieves the approximate incorporation of Russian elites with the political reforms in his first term, including the delegation of Presidential Plenipotentiary Envoys as federal agents in the seven new federal districts, the weakening of regional elites by reforming the Federation Council, and the seizure of the State Duma with the party of power – “United Russia.” Under the atmosphere of the “consensual elite,” the “Petersburgers” – especially the so-called “siloviki” – constitute the main source of cadre recruitment in Putin’s Russia. The security-intelligence background and state governance tactics of these siloviki not only mold the façade of “militocracy” for Putin’s regime, but more or less contribute to the tendency of “sovietization” in post-communist Russia.

本文探討離散族裔(Diasporas)的組成特性，以及離散政治的成形對東道國與母國間跨國關係的影響。以離散理論化為出發點，進一步以非國家行為者研究作為輔助，並提出離散族裔在跨國關係上的實際動員並產生影響力的方式，說明離散族裔是作為非國家行為者，以連結東道國與母國政治領域的重要角色。文中以法國的阿爾及利亞離散族裔作驗證，探究阿爾及利亞離散族裔如何在法國地區所從事的組織及動員，並且積極參與母國地區政治經濟事務，成為影響兩國跨國關係與國家政治的要素。

本文採用 Grossman and Helpman (1994) 所建立的政治獻金模型為架構，來分析國內外廠商如何透過政治獻金的捐贈，以達到影響政府對於貿易管制政策中關稅或配額政策的偏好，進一步我們可得出關稅與配額等價性成立與否之結論。本文研究發現，首先，在兩國廠商皆無政治獻金遊說的情況下，關稅與配額等價性的命題不會成立。其次，在兩國廠商有政治獻金遊說的情況下，除了一個特例的情形外，本國政府均會偏好採用從量關稅政策，此時，關稅與配額等價性的命題將無法成立。 / This paper applies the original model of Grossman and Helpman (1994) and analyzes how the domestic and foreign firms may influence the incumbent government’s choice of trade policy via political contributions. Besides, we can examine whether the arguments for the equivalence of tariffs and quotas, may in fact hold or not given the political contributions. It is shown that in the case of no campaign contributions, the equivalence of tariffs and quotas will not hold. Furthermore, when the firms in the two countries lobby by political contributions, the domestic government will adopt a tariff policy except some special case. Then the equivalence of tariffs and quotas will not hold.

鄉鎮市公所是我國政治體制最基層之地方自治團體，與民眾第一線接觸之政府層級。其所擁有之財政預算權是重要權力之一，但隨著民主政治的邁進，形成以選票為導向之地方自治。行政首長背負著選票與連任壓力，為實現其選舉支票或取悅選民，或許會產生以有限之資源實現其無限之願景，漠視其財政責任。 本文以台北縣之29個鄉鎮市公所，取用自89年至97年之預算資料，以單變數檢定之實證分析加以探討地方選舉對地方政府預算分配的影響，作為地方政府治理之參考依據。 實證結果顯示，台北縣29個鄉鎮市公所的預算分配於選舉年時整體預算規模並未大幅增加，但某些政事別支出卻明顯高於非選舉年。表示為刺激選情、替選舉加温，會有以加重某些政事別支出而排擠某些資本門建設經費之政策操作。 當只考慮政黨因素時，分立政府之總歲出較一致政府明顯偏高，顯示在分立政府之府會關係下，為化解僵局、使政策推動順遂，在雙方妥協、談判下，有不斷增加各部門預算的現象。 當選舉因素與政黨因素同時考量時，分立政府與一致政府之預算分配並無太明顯差異，在總預算規模不擴增情況下，以調動資本門經費用以增加可刺激選情之經常門經費，並以增加交通支出之資本門經費以突顯其建設地方、促進經濟發展之政績。 關鍵詞：預算分配、分配理論、政治景氣循環 / This paper analyzes the impact of election and government structure factors on municipal budget behavior. For the purpose of empirical analysis, we have obtained 29 townships of Taipei County during a nine-year period from 2000 to 2009, with Univariate tests for each selective budget expenditure variable affect by selective political factor. Empirical evidence is found no significant influence in the local budget to manipulate the economy at election year. When consider the political party factor, the divided government is significantly higher total expenditure than unified government. When consider both election and political party factor, budget distribution has no significant difference between divided government and unified government. The total budget scale does not increase but transfer capital expenditure to general expenditure and increase the capital expenditure of traffic topic for stand out political achievements to construct the place and promote the economic development. Keyword：Budget Distribution, Distribution Theories, Political Business Cycle

中國大陸從民主國家引進「聽證會」制度，是一種「有組織、有結構」的表達機制。要瞭解中國「聽證會」制度的全貌與意涵，首先掌握民主國家聽證理論，並在「民主政治」、「自然正義」、「正當法律程序」及「公開與公民參與」等立論原則，來加以探索民主國家對聽證之成因與面貌。另在文獻蒐集與探討中，從1993年至今，完整編織中國「聽證會」的發展背景動機和歷史演變，透過聽證理論與「聽證會」發展之比對分析，藉以說明中國與民主國家在「聽證」觀點上之差異。 在現行中國聽證會制度之法制規範上，從「聽證會」在中國大陸司法、行政立法過程之相關會議資料，和中央、地方近年來之施行情形，探求其制度正處於何種地位，瞭解中國「聽證會」之地位後，陸續歸納中國憲法內相關對聽證的立憲基礎，還有全國人大、全國人大常委會、國務院及地方等行政立法機關，在司法、行政立法聽證的法律規章之聽證法源依據，進而分析聽證在大陸的適法範圍及功能。另由司法賠償、行政立法及行政處罰之聽證個案實例，進一步深層瞭解「聽證會」實際操作面向。 文內採用文獻探討法，就已蒐集中國大陸司法、行政立法聽證之意涵、種類、政策基礎、規範原則、運作程序等百篇文獻，對與主題有關的縱向因素之因果關係加以整理、掌握，並藉以分析聽證之本質內涵，在透由探討與發現問題，將有系統對中國聽證會在司法聽證、行政立法聽證及民主政治等方面的問題影響加以整理說明。最後提出結論與建議，以提供問題解決方向。 / Communist China adopts the hearing system, a well organized and structured expression mechanism, from the western democracies in 1993. With this background, understanding the hearing theories of the western democracies becomes the prerequisite to study the full context and implications of China’s hearing system. Those who are interested in the creation of the western hearing system must realize that the system is based on theories such as democracy, natural justice, due process of law, and public civil participation. With thorough researches of documents and analyses, the motivation and history of China’s hearing system shall be studied and the differences between China and the western democracies shall be analyzed by comparing the theories and evolution of the two hearing systems. In order to identify with the role of China’s current hearing system, related materials collected from several important meetings carried out by China’s judicial and administrative-legislative authorities, as well as implementation of hearing at the central and local levels are investigated. When this investigation is concluded, how hearing system functions within the scope of China’s constitution will be induced. Furthermore, how hearings are functioned and supported by China’s existing laws when they are performed at National People Congress (NPC), NPC’s Standing Committee, State Council and local authorities will also be examined. Case studies of hearings regarding to judicial compensation, administrative-legislative and administrative penalties are provided to further help understand the real performance of the hearing activities in China. The literature review methodology is taken on in this thesis . Over one hundred periodicals, papers, and documents on the subject of hearing are collected and studied. These materials include the definition, types, principles, norms and procedures of China’s judicial and administrative-legislative hearings. By studying the literature and identifying the cause and effect, a systematic explanation of the correlation between China’s judicial and administrative-legislative hearing structure and democracy is concluded and possible solutions are recommended.

隨著一九八○年代「第三波」民主化浪潮的來臨，學者們對於第三世界國家的關注焦點乃不再僅限於經濟層面，同時也開始重視其政治發展過程以及與經濟活動間的互動關係。特別是針對東亞與拉丁美洲這兩個發展中的區域；由於它們各自有一些重要國家繼引人注目的經濟表現後，接著在政治民主化方面也有著大幅突破，因此逐漸成為學界的研究重心之一。在此，我們便企圖以台灣與墨西哥這兩個區域性的代表國家為例，來進行深入的比較研究。 儘管上述兩個國家各自擁有著不同的歷史文化背景與社會組織結構，地緣環境方面也相距極遠，但它們在從傳統社會邁向現代民主國家的過程中，不論是政黨體系、政治運作規範、國家發展途徑、經濟成長表現、民主化變遷歷程，以及最近的整體轉型特徵方面，都有甚多可供統合歸類的相似之處；這些共通點同時也構成我們進行比較研究的根本基礎。 在本篇論文中，我們希望藉由對民主概念的整理，利用「國際政治經濟學」的觀察視野，並透過「現代化理論」與「新制度主義」研究途徑間的互相補充，針對台灣與墨西哥這兩個國家的長遠歷史進行綜合與深入的剖析；一方面設法獲致其政治發展的真實面貌，同時也期盼對區域研究以及民主化理論做出一定的貢獻。 / In the 1980s, after the coming of a strong current of democratization called "the Third Wave", scholars who study about the Third World began to transfer their main focus from the economic level to the process of political development and the interactions of economic liberalization and political democratization. Especially to some counties in Eastern Asia and Latin America ( such as Taiwan and Mexico ), their achievements of reform have become more and more eye-catching. In spite of the different backgrounds of historical development, social structure and geographical position, Taiwan and Mexico have owned many points of similarity, for example, the party system, political norms, developing approach, process of democratization, and so on. Except for providing the analogy between above two countries, such similarities also constitute the foundation of my comparative studies. In this dissertation, I tried to view the matter of democratization with the approach of international political economy and neo-institutionalism. On one side, I will analyze the long history of Taiwan and Mexico deeply; and on the other hand, I hope simultaneously to make a contribution to the area study and democratization theory.

本論文之研究目的在於探討1992-2000年期間俄羅斯政經環境對台俄經貿關係之影響。台灣與俄羅斯的貿易自1992年開始，貿易量雖有起伏，但大體來說仍可謂是正成長。然而，當俄羅斯開始走向市場經濟路線、施行震盪療法，經濟轉型不如預期中的順利，再加上金融風暴的發生，導致俄羅斯經濟一蹶不振。到1998年時，由於受到盧布大幅貶值，造成我國部分業者無法收到貨款或訂單被取消，使得業者暫停對俄貿易而改採觀望的態度，台俄貿易量也為之遽減。由此我們發現，俄羅斯政經狀況對台俄經貿關係有相當程度的影響。本論文認為俄羅斯的政治環境與經濟情勢是影響台俄經貿之主因；而由於當前俄羅斯的政經情勢逐漸轉好，因此可以預期未來的台俄經貿情況將會漸至佳境。此一假設命題可再引申為下列邏輯相關的子命題： （一）俄羅斯的政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響有正、負兩方面 1. 俄羅斯的國內政治環境與對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 2. 中俄關係對台俄經貿關係的影響為負相關 （二）俄羅斯的經濟情勢對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 1. 俄羅斯的經濟改革對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 2. 俄羅斯的經濟體質對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 3. 俄羅斯的銀行體系對台俄經貿關係的影響為正相關 （三）根據H-O定理，台俄經貿仍有相當大的發展空間。加上普欽執政後，俄羅斯政經情勢逐漸改善，因此可以預期未來的台俄經貿情況必然會漸至佳境。 上述的三個子命題，構成本論文的核心論點；而對應此三個論點，本論文將分六章探討。第一章為緒論，說明研究動機與研究目的、文獻述評與研究方法、假設命題與研究架構。第二章：台俄經貿之開展及商品結構。此章分為兩節：分別為台俄經貿之開始與推展及台俄貿易之商品結構。第三章：俄羅斯之政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響。此章分為三節：分別為俄羅斯國內政治環境對台俄經貿關係的影響、中俄關係對台俄經貿關係的影響及小結。第四章：俄羅斯之經濟情勢對台俄經貿關係的影響。本章將先說明俄羅斯的經濟改革，再從俄羅斯的經濟體質及銀行體系兩方面，探討俄羅斯之經濟環境對台俄經貿關係的影響。第五章：台俄經貿的未來走向。本章將依據三、四章之討論結果，對台俄經貿的未來走向做預測。本章分為三節：普欽執政後的政治環境、普欽執政後的經濟情勢及小結。第六章：結論。總結整個論文之重點及研究之結果。 / This thesis is to discuss the influence of Russian Political and economic environment to Taiwan-Russia economy and trade during the period of 1992-2000. Taiwan-Russia trade has started since 1992. Roughly speaking, the amount of the trade was growing. However, when Russia started to change their economic strategy, and carried out the shock therapy, the route of economic reform was not as smooth as expected. The outbreak of financial crisis leaded to the crash of Russia economy. In 1998, some Taiwanese businessmen couldn’t receive payment of goods or the orders were canceled because of the evaluation of ruble. It has made those businessmen change their attitude and stop trading with their Russian counterparts. The amount of Taiwan-Russia trade became decreasing. According to this reason, we found that Russia political and economic situations have great impact upon Taiwan-Russian economic and trade relationship. This dissertation is taking the position that Russian political environments and Russia economic situations are the main reason which influent the economy and trade relation between Taiwan and Russia’s economy and trade relation between Taiwan and Russia. The present Russia political and economic situations are getting better, so we can forecast that Taiwan-Russia economic and trade situation will be better and better in the future. This hypothesis can be further developed into the following three logically intertwined propositions： (一) The impact of Russian political environments upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship has both positive and negative sides. 1. The impact of Russian domestic political environments upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 2. The impact of China-Russia relation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is negative. (二) The impact of Russian economic situation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 1. The impact of Russian economic reform upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 2. The impact of Russian economic construction upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. 3. The impact of Russian banking system upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship is positive. (三) According to H-O therapy, the economy and trade between Taiwan and Russia still have large potential. After Putin took power, the Russia political and economic situation gets better. Therefore, we can forecast that Taiwan-Russia economic and trade situation will be better and better in the future. These three interwoven propositions above constitute the core points of this thesis. In accordance with these points, this thesis will be discussed in six chapters. Chapter 1 is introduction, it will explain the motivation, purpose, method, hypothesis and framework of this study. Chapter 2：The start and goods structure of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade. This chapter has two sections, they are the start of Taiwan-Russia economy and trade and the structure of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade. Chapter 3：The impact of Russian political environment to Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relation. This chapter has three sections, including the impact of Russian domestic political environment upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship, the impact of China-Russia relation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship, and the initial conclusion. Chapter 4：The impact of Russian economic situation upon Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relationship. In this chapter, first we explain the Russian economic reform. Then we discuss Taiwan-Russia economic and trade relation through the aspects of Russian economic construction and the Russian banking system. Chapter 5：The trend of Taiwan-Russia economic and trade relation in the future. This chapter will make a forecast to the trend of Taiwan-Russia economy and trade relation. This chapter has three sections, including the political environment after Putin took power, the economic situation after Putin took power, and the initial conclusion. Chapter 6：Conclusion.