本文根據中國1980至2008年之前的發展以及俄羅斯1990至2005年的發展得到如下研究成果：兩國制度環境不一而發展階段不一。本文認為，俄羅斯非營利組織的發展傾向未定型，已經不屬於「進口導向的模式」，但還沒有變成「本土化發展的模式」，而中國非營利組織發展模式比較傾向於「本土化發展的模式」。 使用俄羅斯和中國比較途徑，本文試圖釐清影響非營利部門發展因素的問題。這個途徑的優勢在於穩定的可比性：兩個處於轉型時期的後極權主義的社會提供完整的比較框架，從研究方法來分析，這種途徑屬於同中求異的研究方法。 在俄羅斯非營利部門漸進地發展以及「合法化」過程的起點，可以回溯至1980年代中期合作社以及其他種類的社會組織的建立，和1990年代初期的全面開放，到了2002年有0.8%經濟活動人口從中獲得就業機會。而改革開放時期是中國大陸單位制的轉型產生了大量不以營利為目的的自願組織，代替了原本屬於政府體系的龐大部門。如有研究指出，到2002年中國非政府部門創造的就業機會將近300萬，比起金融等相關行業的就業規模還要大。但與此同時，這些組織所佔的經濟活動人口的比例為0.36%，與工業和服務業相比是中國最低的由此可知，中國大陸和俄羅斯非營利部門規模之近，但是這些籠統的數據背後有著不同的實質發展過程以及結構特質。 本研究的宗旨為釐清制度環境對社會非營利部門的影響。筆者對中國大陸和俄羅斯社會組織的制度環境進行對照之後，推論出有助於釐清非營利部門發展因素為何。本文以「非營利組織」為研究對象，試圖找出中國大陸和俄羅斯社會發展的比較基礎。跨國比較研究需要為了自變項和依變項找出詳細並且有包容度的操作定義，才能夠順利地完成之。 關鍵字： 非營利組織，第三部門，公民社會，社會轉型，跨國比較

摘 要 台北市經過百年發展面臨都市老化的問題，政府面對都市發展之趨勢與需要，在時代環境變遷過程有不同之配套措施，而現今社會人口高齡化及少子化，政策從擴大都市計畫衍生以老舊社區更新為主軸，卻面臨整合不易的窘境。因此政府於民國87年11月11日公佈實施都市更新條例，將都市更新獨立於都市計畫法之外，使民間可自行整合後提交都市更新計畫，但卻依然成效不彰。多數研究認為法定權利人為此一困境之罪魁禍首，並以「貪得無厭」形容法定權利人在協商過程的態度。本研究認為都市更新計畫實屬於公眾利益，僅將問題全指向法定權利人實有欠公平，因此本研究將深入探討影響法定權利人的參與及選擇意願。 都市更新計畫的參與者，可分為法定權利人、實施者、公部門及更新從業人員。為探討影響法定權利人參與更新事業意願選擇行為之問題，本研究針對台北市四件正在進行中的都市更新計畫採取問卷方式進行實例分析，並將79位訪談對象分為法定權利人及其餘參與者兩大類，以不同層面深入探討法定權利人之重要性及與其餘參與者之間的互動關係，並根據問卷調查統計分析結果，了解法定權利人與其餘參與者認知之差異。本研究結合相關參考文獻之論點及「有限理性」抉擇行為理論為分析觀點，討論在都市更新計畫實施的過程中，影響法定權利人參與意願的原因，依據分析結果針對法制面及執行面不足之處建議配套措施，使都市更新之美意得在公開、公平及公正下實現，成為都市發展之動力。 本研究針對法定權利人多方討論，但實施者及公部門的部分則須更多研究人員繼續深入探討，並期望未來能針對相關法規尚未釐清之課題，共同突破都市更新長年以來效果不彰之困境。 關鍵字：都市更新法定權利人、實施者、公部門。 / Abstract Taipei city is facing city of aging problems after hundred years development. The government adapts the change and requirement of city in various periods by establishing different policies in different generation. Because of aging society and declining birthrate, the main urban renewal strategies are changed from city expansion to revitalization of communities, but they still face the difficult of integrated problem. Therefore, the government in Taiwan isolated the urban renewal statute from the urban renewal planning strategies on November 11th, 1988, so that citizenry can make urban renewal plan by themselves. However, the effects are still limited. Most researches think that the legal right of people is the reason in this difficult situation, and they use “Insatiable” to describe their attitudes during negotiations. This study believes the urban renewal plan is common interests for every participant. It is not fare to say the only one problem is legal right of people. Therefore, this study is going to have deeper discussion about the effects of their wills to attend and their choices. The participants in urban renewal plan can be separated to legal right of people, implementers, authority department, and professional employees of urban renewal plan. In order to understand the issue of legal right of people’s wills to participate and choices, this study uses a survey to analysis 4 processing cases in Taipei city by interviewing 79 participants, which are sorted to two types; legal right of people and the others. It uses different aspects to discuss the importance of legal right people, their interaction with the other participants, and their cognitive difference by analyzing the results of the survey. This research combines the related references and “Bounded rationality”, the theory of choice behavior, to be the viewpoint, to discuss the reason to affect legal right of people’s will in the negotiations and reveal the supporting suggestion of law and executive aspects, so that the original purpose of urban renewal becomes the motivation of city development under public, equity, and justice factors. This research is only focus on legal right of people version; not implementers or authority department. Therefore, for the unclear issues of relative polices, this study might provides important information to help further researches and ascertain the urban renewal difficulty. Keywords: The legal right of people of urban renewal, implementer, authority department.

自知識經濟時代來臨以降，文化藝術的價值不再僅如宋代理學家周敦頤所言：「可遠觀而不可褻玩焉」，反之，文化藝術本身除卻原有美感，令人賞心悅目外，倘若以經濟學的角度探勘，則其附加的產業價值更為不遑多讓。近來，各國紛紛竄起的文化創意產業，便足以用來解釋此種文化藝術的附加經濟價值，據此，台灣更不待言，從行政院二００二年的「挑戰2008，國家發展重點計畫」即顯而易見。此外，文建會更於二００三年成立創意產業專案中心」，期透過專案管理、專責的精神，積極推動文化創意產業之發展，並以踏實的行政執行與方案實施，亦步亦趨建構文化創意產業法治制度及輔導機制，提供完整的系統服務平臺，以求扮演藝術家與企業家互動的媒合角色，期此不僅讓企業家瞭解藝術文化，於此同時也讓藝術者認清何種藝術有發展文化創意產業的可能性。職是之故，本論文希冀從我國文化藝術團體之觀點進行檢視並評估我國文化創意產業政策之成效並佐以跨部門治理觀點理論，企盼於我國洋洋灑灑之文化政策底下拋引出文化藝術生態未來之生機。此外，本論文之研究發現亦陳述如下： 一、核心價值 對於政策來說，核心價值是否具備即是一項政策是否能夠成功的最大關鍵因素。說穿了，除了制訂政策時妥善規劃、政策形成後的執行與評估等面向，基本上，核心價值對於政策制訂者而言，實遠比任何政策階段更形重要。其中又分為： （一）、文化創意產業的概念 （二）、文化創意產業的定位 （三）、政府制訂文化創意產業的動機 （四）、政府制訂文化創意產業的願景 二、互動模式 誠已悉知，本論文的主要研究問題之一即在於探討文化創意產業政策中，政府、企業、文化三者的互動模式及各自在其中扮演的角色為何？這樣的互動模式是令人期待的。其中又分為： （一）、政府與文化互動形式。 （二）、政府與文化的互動管道。 （三）、政府與文化的互動障礙。 （四）、文化與企業的互動形式。 （五）、文化與企業的互動管道。 （六）、文化與企業的互動障礙。 （七）、文化與企業之互動收穫。 （八）、政府與企業的互動形式。 （九）、政府與企業的互動管道。 （十）、政府與企業的互動障礙。 三、發展影響 文化創意產業的出現，無非為文化藝術的發展帶來新的思維與方向。誠如多數研究報告所欲瞭解一般，文化創意產業究竟能為文化藝術引領何種未來？又可分為： （一）、對藝文表演者本身。 （二）、對文化教育整體。 （三）、對藝文環境。

風險性資訊之揭露，為目前財務報導中較為缺乏的部分，企業雖有風險管理之政策，然而多數公司對外揭露採取保留態度。因此，使用者難以從財務報導中了解企業對於風險管理的實際狀況，且難以評估該風險狀態對於使用者之影響。本研究針對公司經營層面進行分析，將風險性資訊劃分為營運策略與關係人交易二類加以探討，其中營運策略部分，欲瞭解公司內部經營多角化程度、跨國性程度以及銷貨對象是否會改變公司系統風險；關係人交易之揭露，欲檢視關係人交易之產生，是否為策略聯盟或轉投資之經營型態下所產生之現象，抑或是公司用以進行不合常規交易之管道，以及其與公司系統風險之改變是否有所關聯。本研究以風險性資訊與公司系統風險進行迴歸分析，實證結果發現，公司之跨國性程度對於系統風險具有顯著之關聯性；關係人交易部分，在銷貨及進貨兩項達到顯著之負相關，代表公司可能以與關係人之交易來穩定公司之主要營運，業外的部分反而會提高公司之風險。使用者得以透過該等資訊之揭露，了解企業所面臨的風險，進而評估其投資策略，並加強財務報導對於報表使用者之效用。 / There are very limited disclosures of risk information in financial reporting. Risk management policies exist within the enterprises, however, most enterprises are not eager for disclosure as a result, users are difficult in evaluating risk status of a corporation through financial reporting system. This study divides risk information into: 1) operational strategy and 2) related-parties transactions. The former intends to find out whether the degree of diversification, and multi-national operation, and clientele concentration has an effect on systematic risk or not. The related-parties transactions are intended to test whether they are the result of strategic alliance and reinvestment strategy, or the vehicle for irregular transactions, and their effect on company’s systematic risk. Regression analysis showed that company’s degree of multi-national operation is positively correlated with systematic risk. On the other hand, purchases and sales transactions among related parties transactions are negatively correlated with systematic risk, which suggests that corporations may be engaging in related party transactions to stabilize company’s major operation. The findings of this research suggest that disclosure of company risk management policies in financial reporting improves the quality of accounting information.

近年來，就業者樣態趨向多元化，除了傳統受僱於私人企業及公部門的就業者，還有一群人選擇投入自營作業，成為自營作業者或無酬家屬工作者；他們是屬於「非正式部門」就業的類型。非正式部門是與傳統正式部門相對應的概念，在我國就業人口中佔有一定的比例；這些勞動者的工作特性與一般受僱者不同，他們的工作時間具有不確定性，難以區分工作報酬結構，更要承擔所有工作風險。因此與受僱者相比，其勞動條件與勞動權益有較為不足之可能。故本研究著重於我國非正式部門就業者勞動條件與勞動權益探討，藉由相關文獻回顧與整理，瞭解非正式部門的形成背景、定義、概念、所遭遇的問題；再透過我國現有法規與深度訪談，瞭解實務上勞動條件與權益之情況。勞動條件包括工作時間概況、賺取收入報酬之手段、工作安全衛生與職業災害補償等議題。勞動權益則從非正式部門就業者參與工會組織、相關就業保障及老年保障等面向著手。 經由文獻探討與訪談結果歸納，研究發現非正式部門就業者營業收入不穩定，易產生工作時間過長現象；整體缺乏職業災害預防觀念，且加入職業工會意願較低。勞動權益部分，就業不穩定的非正式部門就業者缺乏發聲管道，就業安全保障不足。故針對研究結論提出以下政策建議： 一、加強營業登記，建立良好就業環境。 二、鼓勵非正式部門就業者加入職業工會投保勞工保險，並輔導職業工會提供就 業安全、工作安全衛生等課程訓練。 三、將非正式部門就業者納入就業保險及擴大其他勞動政策適用範圍。 四、針對特定族群制訂政策，以滿足各年齡層就業者需求。

本研究透過研究者從實務工作角度，整理自身和相關領域社工員於公部門從事社會工作之服務過程與經驗，以深度訪談的方式探究公部門社工員所擁有的專業自主發揮空間，以及提供專業服務過程常需考量及面對之問題，並歸納其存在之歸因與因應方式，從中思考社工專業制度是否有助於公部門社工專業自主性之發揮，並重新檢視社會工作專業存在於公部門扮演之角色及定位，找出可能的修正方向，期讓公部門的社會工作服務能與專業助人機制進行結合，讓社工專業能更貼近服務個案思考及服務。 　　本研究結果發現：（1）公部門社工專業角色定位不明，影響專業認同度；（2）政府的科層體制限制了公部門社工專業自主發展；（3）學校專業教育訓練是社工專業自主的基礎；（4）現行社工證照制度對於提升公部門社工專業自主性影響有限；（5）公部門督導功能受限於科層體制，影響公部門社工專業自主性的發揮。 根據研究結果，針對行政機關提出四點建議，包含：（1）建立公部門社工專業定位，釐清社工角色及職責；（2）各項福利申請或安置處遇的行政程序應盡量最簡化，減少繁瑣的行政作業，提升社工專業效能；（3）攸關弱勢權益的法規限制放寬其彈性，賦予社工員更多自主裁量空間，以彌補福利法規之不足及限制；（4）建構完善職前訓練制度。此外，針對目前社工專業制度提出三項建議，包含：（1）學校教育應重視培養社工獨立思考及專業自主能力；（2）重新檢視現行社工師證照資格認定方式，落實社工專業服務；（3）強化公部門督導專業角色，建立信任督導關係。最後，針對社會工作者自身則提出三項建議，包含：（1）堅定自我專業信念，建立專業自信及專業認同；（2）善用同儕支持與經驗分享，強化專業信念及專業知能，建構維持公部門社工專業自主的工作模式；（3）強化自我專業知能，累積實務工作技巧及能力，以實踐專業自主。 / The study by researchers from the substantive point of view, organizes their and public sector social workers’ service process and experience of social work and related areas. With in-depth interviews, the study explores that social workers of public sector have independence to develop their profession, finds the problems that often need to consider and face when providing professional services, and concludes with the cause and solution. Thus, it can further think if social worker’s profession system helps the public sector’s social workers have independence to develop their profession and re-examine the role and position that the social workers perform in public sector to find the way o amendments. Therefore, the public sector can be combined with a professional helping mechanism which allows the service to be closer to the social work profession case thinking and service. 　　The results of the study found that: (1) the role of public sector social worker is unknown that affects the degree of professional identity; (2) Government bureaucracy system limits the development of profession; (3) Professional schools of social work education and training is the foundation of professional autonomy (4) The current licensing system for enhancing the social public sector limited the autonomy of the social work profession influence;(5) Supervisory function is limited to the public sector bureaucratic system which affects public sector workers to develop professional autonomy. According to the research results, there are four-point proposal for the executive authorities, including: (1) Establish public-sector social work professional position and clarify the roles and responsibilities of social workers. (2)The placements of the case of an application for benefits or administrative procedures should be simplified as much as possible and be reduced cumbersome administrative operations in order to enhance the effectiveness of the social work profession. (3) The regulation of minority’s benefits should be more flexible so that it gives social workers more autonomy discretionary space to compensate for the lack of regulations and restrictions on welfare; (4) Establish a concrete pre-employment training system. In addition, there are three suggestions for the current system of social work profession made, including: (1) School education should focus on cultivating independent thinking and professional autonomy for social workers (2) Re-examine the existing qualification of social worker’s certificates to implement social work professional services; (3) strengthen the role of the public sector professional supervision and build a trust relationship of supervision. Finally, social workers themselves have proposed three suggestions, including: (1) firming self-professional belief and establishing professional confidence and professional identity; (2) use peer support and experience sharing, strengthen professional beliefs and professional knowledge and construct maintain professional autonomy of public sector workers working mode; (3) strengthen the self-professional knowledge, skills and ability to accumulate practical work to practice professional autonomy.

蘇聯時期性質單一的「意識型菁英」在戈巴契夫的政經改革下開始分化成政治菁英與經濟菁英兩大類。到了葉爾欽時期，由於國家制度不彰、政府職能紊亂以及聯邦從屬關係被破壞，再加上總統本人執政後期健康情形不佳而導致大權旁落等緣故，造成各方菁英團體為了自身利益而彼此傾軋不已，也形成了以地方勢力、反對派政黨以及經濟寡頭為箭頭的「分散型菁英」。進入普丁時期，新執政者承繼了前朝唯一「正面」的遺緒 –「集權總統制」，再佐以個人的施政風格與高人氣支持，於第一任期內便大抵完成收編菁英的政治改革：於新設立的七大聯邦區派駐聯邦權力代理人 – 總統全權代表；改革聯邦委員會以削弱地方首長勢力；組建權力黨「統一俄羅斯黨」 並掌控國家杜馬。而在「共識型菁英」的氛圍下，作為普丁政權主要幹部甄補來源的「聖彼得堡幫」成員當中，又以所謂的「強力部門幹部」為大宗。其軍警情治背景與國家治理手法不僅為普丁治下的俄羅斯型塑了「軍事政體」的外觀，更讓後共俄羅斯或多或少出現了「蘇維埃化」的傾向。 / The single-natured “ideocratic elite” of the Soviet Union begins to differentiate into political and economic elite under the impact of Gorbachev’s reforms. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yeltsin’s elites jostled with each other for their interests and transformed into the “fragmented elite,” characterized by regional leaders, opposition parties and economic oligarchs. This occurred due to the malfunction of state institutions, disorder of government functions, destruction of central-peripheral relations and the regency by the President’s cronies during his illness in the second term. Later in Putin’s Russia, with the only “positive” legacy – “authoritarian presidential rule” that the new ruler inherits from his predecessor as well as his own personal ruling styles and high popularity, Putin achieves the approximate incorporation of Russian elites with the political reforms in his first term, including the delegation of Presidential Plenipotentiary Envoys as federal agents in the seven new federal districts, the weakening of regional elites by reforming the Federation Council, and the seizure of the State Duma with the party of power – “United Russia.” Under the atmosphere of the “consensual elite,” the “Petersburgers” – especially the so-called “siloviki” – constitute the main source of cadre recruitment in Putin’s Russia. The security-intelligence background and state governance tactics of these siloviki not only mold the façade of “militocracy” for Putin’s regime, but more or less contribute to the tendency of “sovietization” in post-communist Russia.

當公部門遇到突發的災害事件時，會依據災害防救體系進行危機管理，然而各部門會有各自專業領域，需要摒除本位主義進行跨部門協力合作。因此在跨域治理時，機關間常常因權責劃分不清而導致管轄權緊張，如何去化解緊張關係為本研究重要的課題。本次以德翔臺北貨櫃輪擱淺事件進行探討，原本以為是單純的船舶擱淺事件，後續卻延伸海洋油汙染的重大問題，屬於海難導致油汙染的複合性災害，在事件處理過程中，如何讓各機關及私部門進行公私協力合作並且減少衝突發生，考驗者主政者如何進行溝通協調及建立信賴夥伴關係。而本次研究目的為瞭解發生海難事故的緊急應變及分工機制外，進一步探討過程中遭遇困難時如何跨域協調，並藉由學者Kettl所提到的跨域治理需突破五項疆界圍籬，分別為任務、資源、能力、責任及課責等五大原因進行分析，找出各部門間產生的關係緊張原因，再利用跨部門協力的管理策略，找出處理過程產生的跨域問題。本研究利用文獻分析、個案研究及深度訪談法，找出跨域問題的癥結點後，回頭檢視事件後修訂之重大海洋油汙染緊急應變計畫，其中最主要變革為海難導致油汙染事件將由交通部主政，在法規面向可將事權統一，然而修法並非萬靈丹，如何藉由管理策略達成跨部門協力才是主要目標。

各章節內容如下： 第一章：緒論－研究動機、研究架構與研究方法。 第二章：企業部門－青年創業的企程與問題分析，及創業對社會、經濟之貢獻。 第三章：企業部門與輔導體系之間的溝通系統－創業者對輔導辨法之需求與期望及輔 導辨法之對外宣傳溝通。 第四章：政府部門－輔導制度的目標設定，詳細規劃，及執行動作情形。 第五章：輔導工作之事後評估－包括有形的經濟成長建設及無形的社會心理建設兩方 面，并對其癥結檢討分析。 第六章：結論與建議。

行政部門委員會為政府內具有公共參與特質的合議制組織，來自社會層級的利害關係人被納入決策圈，並共同決定政策內容，作者稱之為委員會參與機制。此決策模式結合了社會與政府對公共參與的期待，並在世界各國廣泛使用。行政管理者宣稱可透過社會代表性的提升，提高政策的正當性與回應性；但實務上，委員會卻遭遇密室協商、激化對立、政治操弄等質疑。對此，本研究提出以下疑問：公共參與是否真能回應社會的政策需求？該如何具體評估參與績效？ 依據委員會的決策結構特質，作者由公共參與的理論視野探討代表性和回應性的因果機制，提供一套以委員會為主體的參與評估標準。代表性在理論上有形式與實質代表性兩個層次，共包含參與制度、議事行為與會議影響力三個面向；回應性則強調利害關係人對委員會回應需求的主觀評價，又分為民主程序與實質利益的需求回應能力兩類。參與概念落實在制度賦權和議事行為，應該會同時強化兩類回應性。在研究方法上，本文以全民健康保險委員會為分析案例：首先透過跨國比較，分析台灣、日本、韓國、加拿大以及德國在類似的審議機制中，如何建構委員會代表性的制度。依此基礎，再針對第一屆健保會的運作進行分析，透過利害關係人問卷、健保會會議記錄內容分析、深度訪談與焦點團體等方法，深入探討健保會之政策回應能力。 研究結果發現：一、委員會參與的制度賦權和正當性皆來自代議機關，尚無法取而代之。台灣健保會之形式代表性，在行政單位主導下仍偏好具有政治動員能力的團體，較忽略社會連帶或保障弱勢的價值。二、健保會在民主功能和實質結果兩個回應性面向的評價皆為正面，而民主程序的評價又優於後者。然而，相互理解的功能評價再高，卻未對實質回應性產生顯著影響。三、是否具有健保會席次並不影響回應性評估；但直接與會者以及實際參與愈積極者，卻反而對委員會回應利害關係人需求的能力抱持較悲觀的看法。最後，在程序面和實質面評價上最為顯著的因素為會議影響力，會議影響力愈大的團體，其回應性也就愈高。 總結上述來回答核心問題：參與是否會提高利害關係人的回應性？在極大化個體利益的動機下，參與制度和行為都只提供爭取權益的機會，不必然導致實質利益。再加上負擔參與成本以及競爭資源的政治現實，參與者進入體制後，反而對委員會的政策回應能力持質疑的態度。是故，會議影響力為關鍵因素，只有在參與過程中獲利愈多者，其回應性才有直接的正面作用；若忽略參與途徑和結果的連結以及權力互動，就過度簡化了參與的政治本質。基於此，行政管理者掌握了決策結構與行政資源，若想取得較佳的回應性評價，就必須在制度和過程面中平衡不同的社會力量，才能使委員會發揮多元參與的功能，而不只是優勢團體的工具。 / Governmental committees are a kind of public participatory mechanism, whereby policy stakeholders are incorporated in the decision making procedure and negotiate with each other to policy outcomes. This mechanism accords with the expectations of both society and government and is frequently used by executive branches all over the world. Ideally, social representativeness can strengthen legitimacy and thereby increase responsiveness. However, in practice, there have also been some criticisms of the committee mechanism, including black box decision making, conflict enlargement, and administrative manipulation. To response this debate, my study addresses whether this type of public participation is responsive to policy demands as well as how to substantially evaluate its effectiveness. Theoretically, participation has a positive impact on policy demands, I provide more precise analysis using the concepts of representativeness and responsiveness. The former refers to how interests are presented in the decision making process, including in both the formal and substantive dimension. The latter refers to the committee’s ability to respond to procedural and substantive demands from society. To illustrate the theoretical framework, the National Health Insurance Committee (NHIC) in Taiwan is taken as my case study. The empirical section is divided into two parts, Fist, I explore original guiding values and institutional design of five committees that emerged under different political-social contexts in Japan, South Korea, Canada, Germany and Taiwan. Based on the results of this comparison, the NHIC in Taiwan is my main topic in the second part. The participatory behavior of committee members and their evaluation of the NHIC system are discussed through the various research methods, such as interviews, focus groups, stakeholder surveys, and also context analysis of meeting minutes. Four results of the study are illustrated as follows: 1. Because the legitimacy of the committee mechanism is empowered by traditional representative authority (the elected legislative or executive branch), it serves a supplementary rather than substitutive function to the existing system. Especially in Taiwan, the administration prefers the advantaged groups more capable of mobilizing social supports over the vulnerable groups which may bring the values of social solidarity and justice into the decision-making of the committee. 2. Stakeholders positively appraised the NHIC’s responsive capacity, both in the procedural and substantive dimensions, with the former appraised more highly than the latter. However, a high level of communication functions had no impact on responsiveness. 3. The institutional variable has no impact on responsiveness. However, direct participation in meetings was associated with more pessimistic views of the NHIC when compared to the non-participators. In addition, the more actors were involved in the NHIC, the more negative their evaluations were. 4. The most significant variable for responsiveness is the decision influence of stakeholders. Does participation strengthen stakeholders’ responsiveness? Under the condition that individuals are motivated by interest maximization, while institutional design and participatory behavior seek to pursue individual interest, it may not always realize substantial benefits. Furthermore, after becoming institutional insiders, the costs of participation and the political reality of power competition will make stakeholders more skeptical about the responsiveness of committee mechanisms. In other words, whether participation can increase the stakeholders’ satisfaction mainly depends on the benefit they can obtain from it. Without taking into account the link between participatory approaches and results, as well as the interaction between various stakeholders, we cannot gain a full picture of the nature of policy participation. In terms of practical reforms, to increase performance responsiveness, administrators who control the structures and resources of the NHIC should incorporate different social forces and interests on the input and process dimensions. This will enable the committee mechanism to perform the function of pluralistic participation, rather than simply serving as a political tool for advantaged groups.