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71	Politika mezinárodních sankcí a jejich vliv na ekonomiku jednotlivých zemí - případ Ruska a Íránu / The Politics of International Sanctions and their Influence on Economy of Particular Countries - Case of Russia and Iran Poč, Marek January 2018 (has links) Sanctions are one of the ways in which individual states or the international community can enforce their rights and interests. They can vary from banning travel to boycott and embargo affecting the entire country's economy. The sanctions have recently been practiced primarily by the European Union and the United Nations, and by the United States in case of particular countries. The topic of this work is international sanctions against Russia and Iran. Both countries have been in conflict with the international community in recent years, and both countries were punished. In the case of Iran, there were concerns about the use of the Iranian nuclear program for military purposes, the main objective was to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Russia has been the subject of sanctions as a result of violations of international agreements and international law on the basis of the occupation of the Ukrainian Crimea and the development of the military conflict in the East of Ukraine. The thesis describes the reasons, course and impact of sanctions imposed on Iran and Russia, the Iranian and Russian economies and their representatives. At the same time, it seeks to assess the impact of sanctions both in the economic sphere and in terms of changes in the political direction of both countries.
72	Propaganda in International Relations: A Case Study of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict / Propaganda v mezinárodních vztazích: Případová studie rusko-ukrajinského konfliktu Kadlecová, Veronika January 2014 (has links) The thesis identifies and further examines the role of propaganda in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, more specifically in the period around the annexation of the Crimean peninsula by the Russian Federation in March 2014. Critical discourse analysis is employed in order to analyse selected speeches of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, and the President of the United States of America, Barack Obama, relevant to the topic and in the period under investigation. The first chapter introduces a theoretical framework on propaganda in international relations, its definition, history and research. The methodology is described in detail in the second chapter. The historical context of the conflict is provided at the beginning of the empirical part of the thesis closely followed by a detailed analysis of the selected speeches. The findings support the prediction that there is a presence of propaganda identified within the speeches of both political leaders, thus in the conflict itself, and offer valuable insights into the hidden meanings and possible motives behind its use. The study advances our understanding of the phenomenon and helps us to expose and confront propaganda further.
73	新古典現實主義與俄羅斯外交政策 / Neoclassical Realism and Russian Foreign Policy 帕維爾希瑟克, Hysek, Pavel Unknown Date (has links) 本論文旨在探討俄羅斯外交政策之動機與推動因素，文中以新古典現實主義做為研究架構，並結合了體系層次因素（自變項）及個體層次的中介變項（如：領導人形象和戰略文化）。本論文所探討之時間軸橫跨1991至2014年，重點著重於以下兩研究案例：2008年南奧塞提亞戰爭及2014年克里米亞危機。針對此兩研究案例，作者使用「過程追蹤」和「歷史敘事」的研究方法，以驗證體系與個體層次因素對於俄羅斯外交政策的影響。分析結果印證了新古典現實主義的主要假設：俄羅斯在相對物質權力提升的情況下，會同樣地擴大外交政策行動上的野心與版圖。雖然由第一個研究案例可得知，所謂的體系修正因素（如：地理位置、限制/允許因素、和體系明確性）對於俄羅斯介入喬治亞的決策有著重要的影響。而第二個假設提到，「總統普丁選擇設計、校正、調整策略上的選擇，反映文化上可接受的偏好，以維持國內的政治支持度」這個說法也已經被印證。本研究分析顯示，體系因素和個體層次中介變項對於2008年介入喬治亞及2014年併吞克里米亞的決策皆有影響。整體而言，當分析一個國家的外交政策時，新古典現實主義確實是個強而有力的架構，但作者也深知仍有進一步研究的必要。 / This thesis aims at contributing to the debate on the motives and drivers of Russian foreign policy. It uses neoclassical realism as an enhanced research framework which combines systemic stimuli (independent variable) and unit-level intervening variables such as leader images and strategic culture. The work investigates the period from 1991 to 2014 with focus on two case studies, namely the Russo-Georgian war in 2008 and the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014. This two case studies use process-tracing method and historiography to test the effect of systemic and unit level factors on the Russian foreign policy. The analysis has confirmed the main neoclassical realist expectation that an increase in the relative material power of the Russian Federation will lead to a corresponding expansion in the ambition and scope of Russian foreign policy activity. Although, especially the first case study showed, that the so called systemic modifiers, such as geography, restrictiveness/permissiveness and systemic clarity had significant effect on the decision to intervene in Georgia. The second hypothesis stating that, “President Putin chooses to frame, adjust, and modify strategic choices to reflect culturally acceptable preferences to maintain domestic political support” was also confirmed. The analysis has shown that both systemic stimuli and unit level intervening variables influenced the final decision to intervene in Georgia in 2008, and to annex Crimea in 2014. Overall, neoclassical realism proved to be enhanced and a useful framework for analyzing foreign policy of a state. But the author is fully aware that a further research is needed. 新古典現實主義俄羅斯外交政策 2008年南奧塞提亞戰爭 2014年克里米亞危機領導者形象戰略文化 Neoclassical realism Russian foreign policy Russo-Georgian War in 2008 Annexation of Crimea in 2014 Leader images Strategic Culture
74	Jazyková situace v původem českých komunitách na Jižní Ukrjině (zejm. na Krymu a ve vesnici Novgorodkovka) / The Language Situation in the Originally Czech Communities in South Ukraine (esp. In Crimea and in Novgorodkovka) Sukhanek, Oleksandr January 2014 (has links) Abstract. The work is analysing the language situation in Czech communities in Crimea and Novgorodovka village. Fieldwork data from those communities and archive material studies present main reasons of migration from Czech lands to imperial Russia and development of Czech settlements in southern Russian regions. The description of Russian and Ukrainian influence on Czech language phenomena and transformations on all language levels is given, as well as some features of Northeast Bohemian preserved in spoken Czech of Crimean settlers. Key words: Crimean Czech, Crimea, Taurida governorate, Alexandrovka, Bohemka, Tabor, Carekvich, Novgorodkovka, Czechohrad, Czech community, ethnic minority, language community, migration, pronunciation deviation, Northeast Bohemian, cross- language interference.
75	Český jazyk na Krymu / Czech Language in the Crimea Wildová, Zuzana January 2011 (has links) The text deals with the current state of the language of the Czech minority in Crimea. Based on field research, it describes phenomena and changes that occurred in the language of Crimean Czechs that were caused by the influences of the foreign language and culture environment. Main focus of the text is phonetics, i.e. the way how speakers are affected by the Russian pronunciation standards. The text contains historical and cultural context relevant to the departure of Czechs to Crimea and the shape of the Czech minority nowadays. Individual chapters are dedicated to specific phenomena: deviations in the pronunciation of vocals in first syllables of words, changes in the pronunciation of the consonant [j], labialization in pronunciation of consonant [v], changes in the pronunciation of loanwords, pronunciation of consonants [ ] and [ ] in Czech words, pronunciation of toponyms, prosthesis and elimination of speech sounds from the beginning of words, deviations in the pronunciation of speech sounds from the middle of words, vocalization of prepositions and influences of Russian language standards on the use of their vocalized form.
76	Wem gehört die Krim?: Putins Rechtfertigung der Krim-Annexion Guttke, Matthias 23 June 2020 (has links) Given the doubtfulness of the legal justification of Crimea’s declaration of independence on March 11 2014, which was followed by a referendum on March 16 that culminated in the peninsula’s treaty with Moscow to join the Russian Federation, Mr Putin used his speech on March 18 to put historical arguments forward in an effort to legitimise the Russian course of action in front of his own population. The speech counters the international community’s legal assessment, which classified Crimea’s accession to Russia as an annexation, with a historical legitimisation full of symbolism and mysticism that blatantly reinterprets Russian history and delegitimises the territorial integrity of Ukraine. This article analyses Putin’s attempt to justify Russia’s annexation of Crimea and tries to infer the mindset and aims that lie behind his historic-political argumentation. info:eu-repo/classification/ddc/940 ddc:940
77	Illusionisten Putin : Strategisk överraskning genom vilseledning - en fallstudie av rysk krigföring på Krim 2014 / Putin The Illusionist : Military Decepetion - A case study of Russian military activities during Crimea annexation 2014 Johansson, Daniel January 2020 (has links) I efterbörden av Rysslands annektering av Krim 2014 uppstod diskussioner kring rysk krigskonst och hybridkrigföring. Bland tvetydigheterna som uppstod identifieras bland annat vilka strategier som det samtida Ryssland har för att uppnå strategisk överraskning. Denna studie har syftat till att undersöka rysk militär vilseledning i samband med Rysslands strategiska överraskningsanfall på Krim 2014. Studien har genomförts som en teoriprövande fallstudie varvid såväl västerländska som sovjetiska/ryska vilseledningsteorier prövats på det ryska agerande under annekteringen av Krim 2014. Sammantaget visar studiens resultat på förekomster av ryskt agerande i enlighet med samtliga av studiens prövade teorier varvid det i huvudsak var distraktion, dolda aktiva åtgärder samt desinformation som bidrog till den ryska strategiska överraskningen. Studiens oväntade resultat pekar på ett aktivt deltagande av den ryske presidenten personligen varvid det inte går att underskatta betydelsen av en politisk företrädare som Vladimir Putin. Studiens resultat kan vidare tolkas som att den vilseledning som Ryssland genomförde får ses vilande i huvudsak på tidigare dokumenterade sovjetiska teorier. Vidare visar studiens resultat på en hög rysk förmåga till anpassning där tidigare etablerade sovjetiska/ryska teorier kring vilseledning utvecklats till dagens konfliktmiljöer. Studien visar därmed att äldre sovjetiska/ryska teorier på inget sätt är obsoleta utan i allra högsta grad fortsatt är aktuella i dagens globala världsordning. / In the aftermath of Russia's annexation of Crimea 2014, discussions arose about Russian military art of war and hybrid warfare. Questions were identified regarding strategic surprise and what strategies todays’ modern Russia was using. This study aims to investigate Russian military deception in connection with Russia's strategic surprise attack in Crimea 2014. The study was conducted as a single case study in which Western as well as Soviet/Russian theories of military deception was compared with the Russian activities during the Crimea annexation in 2014. The result shows Russian activities in accordance with both Western and old Soviet/Russian theories of deception. According to the study Russian main focus was distraction, active measures and disinformation leading to the Russian strategic surprise. The study shows unexpected results regarding the amount of personal activity involving the Russian president, Vladimir Putin. The result shows that the significance of a political representative such as Vladimir Putin cannot be underestimated. Additionally the study also shows that the military deception conducted by Russia in and around the period of the Crimea annexation 2014 mainly extracts from previously documented old Soviet theories. It highlights Russia’s ability to adapt into today's conflict environments by bending and adjusting old theories and doctrines. By that meaning old Soviet/Russian theories are in no way obsolete but instead being very much relevant in today's global world order. military studies deception strategy surprise attack Russian military operational art Crimea Russia special operations grey zone asymmetric warfare information warfare active measures krigsvetenskap vilseledning strategi överraskning rysk krigskonst Krim Ryssland Vladimir Putin gråzon informationsoperationer specialförband aktiva åtgärder desinformation specialförbandsoperationer Other Social Sciences Annan samhällsvetenskap
78	The Gothic versus the Russian. The conflict between the Church of the Goths and the Russian Orthodox Church : A comparison between the Church of the Goths (and similar churches) and the Moscow Patriarchate Nygren, Isak January 2014 (has links) This essay is mainly about the Church of the Goths and about the Russian Orthodox Church, and their conflict. The essay will be focusing about important persons in these two churches. This essay will be tracing back the roots of the Church of the Goths, since it is a church, that is unknown by most people in this world. My research will be making a distinction of the differences between the Church of the Goths and the Russian Orthodox Church. This essay will also be discussing the heritage of the Gothic people and the theories of the Goths.The methods in the essay, is academic sources, information from the Church of the Goths and from the Russian Orthodox Church. The results shows how the information was found, and now it is published for the first time about the Church of the Goths. This means the Church of the Goths has a stronger ground than first expected. The methods were comparing what the different sources says, and if it was possible to connect the Church of the Goths to the Metropolitanate of Gothia, and so on. The Russian Orthodox Church
79	The Russian Playbook : Using History & Path Dependence to Analyse How Russia Operationalises Grand Strategy in Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova. Westbrook, Justine January 2023 (has links) To predict and prevent future armed conflicts like Russia’s war against Georgia in 2008 and Ukraine in 2022, there is more value in knowing how these wars occurred rather than why they occurred. The Russian Playbook is built from three distinct “plays” employed by Moscow and organised in the theoretical framework of Historical Institutionalism through Path Dependence modelling. This research focuses on Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova as cases for comparison by building on the Soviet legacy in each state which forms the antecedent historical conditions of the Playbook’s Path Dependence. Where Play 1 focuses on offensive and defensive influence seeking as a form of structural persistence, Play 2’s shaping and weaponisation acts to counter reactive sequences. Both Plays function within path dependency’s punctuated equilibrium and appear consistently throughout Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova following the collapse of the Soviet Union. When Play 1 and Play 2 are overpowered by reactive sequences that cannot be countered, Moscow deems the disequilibrium as irremediable and the path towards conflict begins. Play 3 refers to the start of lock-in effects towards conflict, beginning with “pre-crisis” conditions. Play 3’s Lock-in Effectsserve as the period in which a predictable conflict outcome is likely to occur, though lock-in refers to the path adherence in preparation for future conflict. This Play occurs in both Georgia and Ukraine at the time of this research, though its future employment within Moldova should not be excluded. These actions, in the form of the Russian Playbook and its Plays act as a guide for operationalising and implementing Russia’s grand strategy. This research goes beyond individual figureheads of Russia or specific institutions and instead focuses on patterns that exist throughout historical cases. These patterns show there is nothing particularly “new” in how Russia operates despite the vast number of newly coined phrases including “hybrid” leading people to believe otherwise. As such, Putin did not create the Russian Playbook, he inherited it. / <p>Master's of Political Science with a Specialisation in International and European Relations.</p> Russia Security International Relations Conflict History Path Dependence Georgia Ukraine Moldova War Historical Institutionalism USSR Post-Soviet Deception Russian Influence Weaponization Weaponisation Donba South Ossetia Crimea Transnistria Pridnestrovia Russian Grand Strategy Abkhazia Frozen Conflict Playbook Political Science Statsvetenskap Social Sciences Interdisciplinary History Historia Globalisation Studies Globaliseringsstudier
80	Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918 / Ukraine’s independence 1917 in swedish press 1917–1918 Bergman, Leo January 2017 (has links) This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale. / Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning. Ukraine Peace Ukraїna Ukraine independence 1917 1918 independence movement peace treaty invasion invasion war independence war freedom war freedom struggle Dagens Nyheter Svenska Dagbladet holodomor 1921 1923 Norrskensflamman Moskali Dalpilen Kalmar tidning Göteborgs Aftonblad Aftonbladet Kyiv Odesa Charkiv Dnipro Crimea revolution UNR Ukraine’s National Republic press swedish press press survey press study communism leninism Moksel genocide Petrograd coup d'état CHEKA nkvd Moskau GPU KGB lenin Red Army Soviet Soviet Union bolsheviks socialists Moscovia red terror communist terror SSU socialdemocrats red guardian red guard white guardian black guard Finland Sweden Finnish independence movement terrorist organization commission civil war invasion genocide proletarian bolshevik terror cadets moscovian threat russian threat muscovites Pultava Poltava Tauria Katerynoslaw Chernihiv Ottokar Czernin Weimar republic Deutsches Reich interim government national hero mensheviks maximalists minimalists provisional government Rada supremacy central powers Germany Deutschland German Empire Kaiser Wilhelm Treaty of Brest-Litovsk Belarus communist propaganda Mohilev peace negotiation Caucasus Cuban Don Ukrajina UkrajinaFreden Ukraїna Ukraina självständighet 1917 1918 självständighetsrörelse Tidningsuppsats presstudie pressundersökning tidningsstudie dagspress rikspress Dagens Nyheter Svenska Dagbladet Norrskensflamman Moskali Dalpilen Holodomor 1921 1923 Kalmar tidning Göteborgs Aftonblad Aftonbladet Kommunism Sovjet bolsjeviker Petrograd Krim Charkiv Odesa Dnipro Kyjiv Revolution Leninism statskupp TJEKA nkvd GPU KGB lenin invasionskrig invasion fredsavtal socialister kommunister röda armén röd terror kommunistisk terror SSU socialdemokrater rödgardister vitgardister svarta gardet Finland Sverige finska självständighetsrörelsen terrororganisation kommission inbördeskrig folkmord självständighetskrig proletär bolsjevikiska terrorismen kadetterna ryssar rysshotet Moskovitien Poltava Pultava Taurien Katerynoslaw Tjernihiv Czernin nationalhjälte mensjeviker maximalisterna minimalisterna interimregering provisorisk regering rada suprematien centralmakterna Tyskland Weimar republic Deutsches Reich Tyska riket Kaiser Wilhelm Treaty of Brest-Litovsk Belarus kommunistpropaganda Mohilev fredsförhandling Kaukasus Kuban Don History Historia

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