This study departs from a cleavage-theory by Kriesi et al. in which the globalization and the European integration divides Europeans in winners and losers through a political, a cultural and an economic mechanism (2012). It examines the connection between the polarization following the integration and the support for political systems using Norris’ framework from Democratic deficit (2012) which differs on five levels of support. The main findings show that the polarization has an impact on four out of five levels through the cultural mechanism and that it thus not only may generate support for right-wing populism as shown by Kriesi with more, but for right-wing extremism as well. Even though the effect is limited the results also suggests that the decreasing trust in political institutions in Europe is not to be reduced to normal a fluctuation.

Sverigedemokraterna har på kort tid lyckats etablera sig i Sveriges riksdag och är därför i högsta grad delaktig i den samtida politikens utformning. Precis som Sverigedemokraterna har likasinnade partier fått ökat stöd i större delen av Europa och har numera större möjligheter att kunna påverka EU:s utformning. Mot bakgrund av den ökade framgången för nationalistiska och främlingsfientliga partier syftar denna studie till att undersöka Sverigedemokraternas framställning av EU mellan Europaparlamentsvalet 2014 och Europaparlamentsvalet 2019.   Studien har utförts genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av texter som Sverigedemokraterna och dess företrädare har publicerat. Genom studien kan det konstateras att Sverigedemokraternas framställning av EU utgörs av i stort sett samma kritik genom det aktuella tidsspannet, men att det har skett en förändring i form av att partiet inte längre kräver en folkomröstning för Sveriges medlemskap i EU utan numera anser att det finns en möjlighet att reformera EU inifrån tillsammans med likasinnade partier i Europa.Studien knyter an till en teoretisk referensram som tar avstamp i Margaret Canovans samt Paulina Ochoa Espejo teoretiska redogörelser om populism. Genom dessa presenteras populism som oundvikligt i en demokrati vilket gör det viktigt att förstå hur dessa rörelser uppstår.

There have been various results in research focused on why people are attracted to religion and religious movements. This is also the case with the reasons why people are attracted to far–right nationalist movements. The focus of this thesis is to analyze British National Party’s political documents after nationalistic quasi-religious elements. If nationalism was to be seen as a form of religion or as a substitute for religion the result could be a better understanding of why people are attracted to nationalist movements in general, and also to far-right movements. By stating that nationalism is a quasi-religion which can function as a substitute for religion, this thesis attempts to show how the attraction of religion and nationalism has on people can be similar. Therefore, one of the conclusions of this thesis is that theories based upon religion, such as religious sect theories, can also be applied to nationalist and nationalist far-right movements. The main conclusion of this thesis is that British National Party’s political documents do contain quasi-religious elements.

A qualitative study of the implementation of Skolverkets educational documents in the pragmatic teaching of the Swedish upper secondary school. Based on material from the theoretical curriculum and education documents from Skolverket and practical feedback from teachers through semistructured interviews, this bachelor thesis wants to see how the teaching of Swedish rightwing extremist groups, racism and intolerance manifests itself in the different history courses on offer. Through a backgroundpresentation of the right-wing extremism group´s past in the decades of 1990´s, 2000´s and the 2010´s in Sweden, the practice of history is discussed as a theory in which this implementation could be applicated in teaching in the undergraduate courses History 1a1, 1a2, 1b and immersion courses 2a, 2b and History 3. Everything based on the statement of the theoretical education documents, and the label of the teaching, as inclusive and based on the values with focus on democratic values and human rights. The result that the teaching of racism and intolerance exists clearly matches the changes that were implemented in the curriculum for upper secondary school in 2011, but that the teachers does not discuss right-wing extremist groups, which also means that an interest of these may grow into the student’s mindset and that could be a problem for the democratic society. Through this, the extremist’s groups may in some cases have a method of entrenchment among pupils, and a new generation of members is persuaded by a misuse of the history practice.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how the argumentation for the freedom of speech versus the right to safety was presented when these rights came in conflict with each other when a neo-Nazi organization was allowed to co-arrange Almedalen 2017. The material consists of press statements, debate articles and news articles where the arguments of four key agents connected to Almedalsveckan 2017 were collected. In order to fulfill the purpose of the study, the argumentation is analyzed by answering three research questions: How did each agent present their argument? How did the argumentation rely on current law? How did the agents rely on the others’ rights claim? The argumentation is analyzed qualitatively through a normative theory in order to investigate how the claims were made for each right. The agents that claim freedom of speech are Region Gotland and the police. The agents that claim the right to safety are RFSL and Funktionsrätt Sverige together with the JAG Association. The argumentation is categorized thematically for each agent and every category is analyzed separately. The results show that both sides used emotionally charged arguments or affective language and both sides may be considered as lacking in concretization regarding the meaning of their main arguments. Both sides clearly relied on current law by either mentioning laws explicitly or implicitly. All of the agents made some statement about the other key agent’s position or responsibility. Both sides can be considered as having valid right claims by referring to intrinsic values and current law. In the end, Region Gotland and the police have the right to determine who is allowed to co-arrange Almedalen and can therefor decide which claimed rights that is prioritized in the value hierarchy. Furthermore, the study shows that each conflict of rights needs to be valued individually as the circumstances, consequences and claims are crucial for the determination of the hierarchy. For future research, I recommend investigating how the public opinion considers allowing or limiting neo-Nazi’s freedom of opinions, as well as investigating how the Swedish praxis regarding the application and restriction of freedom of opinions for neo-Nazi organizations and parties is carried.

Denna uppsats utför en jämförande analys mellan två snarlika memes, vaporwave och fashwave, för att se närmare på hur deras gemensamma drag används för att kommunicera både högerextrema och icke-högerextrema budskap. Alltså: Vad är det för skillnader mellan memesen, och vad är det i vaporwave estetiska framtoner som gör den retoriskt attraktiv för en högerextrem variant i form av fashwave? Vad tillför dessa till framförandet av det högerextrema budskapet? Med en teoretisk grund i doxologi och konceptet "det imaginära" och med Roland Barthes semiologiska begreppsapparat som metodiskt redskap visar uppsatsen på att de centrala dragen hos båda memesen har likheter och skillnader. Att fashwave tar sig an vaporwaves suggestiva och mångtyda natur och spetsar till den till ett tydligt, riktat högerextremt budskap. Den doxologiska mångfalden som återfinns i memen vaporwave försvinner, och fashwave knyts således an till en högerextrem doxa. Det som tillföres i framförandet av det högerextrema budskapet är en farkost för att kunna sprida sig utåt, att högerextremister kan presenteras utåt som en modern rörelse med en uppfattad konträr placering emot de man uppfattar som "det andra". Och det är mot detta andra, som självbilden skapas.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker tre valda huvudspår i Julius Evolas (1898–1974) andliga och filosofiska tankevärld som går att återfinna hos svensk extremhöger idag. De valda huvudspåren handlar om strävan efter en återgång till en andlig världsbild istället för materialism, en naturlig social hierarki istället för en konstgjord baserad på materiella tillgångar – och kvinnor och män i den heliga hierarkiska ordningen. Dessa idéer identifieras inom ramen för undersökningen också i tre av Evolas egna skrifter - Revolt against the modern world, Ride the tiger och Men amongst the ruins. Undersökningen utgår från kritisk diskursanalytisk teori och genomförs i form av en fallstudie på följande samtida svenska högerextrema tankesmedjor och alt-right-medier på internet: ”Motpol.nu”, ”Maskulint.se” och ”Svegot.se”. Där analyseras publicerat material under perioden 2018-01-01 till 2020-04-30, för att ge en bild av de fenomen, särdrag och företeelser som där framträder i en nationell diskurs i olika politiska budskap och som går att härleda till Evolas andliga föreställningsvärld.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Can Danish experience explain why Sverigedemokraterna had a higher support among voters in Skåne, than among other Swedish voters?</p><p>Essay in Political Science, C-level</p><p>Author: Jenny Wood</p><p>Tutor: Gregg Bucken-Knapp</p><p>Autumn 2006/ Spring 2007</p><p>The key question of this essay concerns the outcome of Sweden’s latest election. When all the votes where counted, the county of Skåne showed an exceptionally high support for the right wing nationalist party Sverigedemokraterna. Why then, did Sverigedemokraterna have a higher support among voters in Skåne (as part of the larger and transnational Öresund region), than among other Swedish voters? My hypothesis is the following: the regional interaction within Öresund has not only had positive effects concerning the values that the people of Skåne hold. In other words, Danish experience has changed the way in which the people of Skåne view immigrants and radical right wing parties.</p><p>Before I go on any further I will explain what is meant by the Öresund region. This region encompasses both parts of Sweden and Denmark (most notably Skåne and Själland), and the interaction between the two countries have increased considerably since a physical bridge between the two border regions was opened in July 2000.</p><p>Now, let us go on to the purpose of this essay, which is to answer the key question, and also to determine if the regional cooperation in the Öresund region has led to changes in the way the people of Skåne view right wing nationalist parties. Therefore, I explored the effects of the interaction between the Swedish region Skåne and the Danish region Själland, in order to discern if the Danes negative views towards immigrants and their strong feelings of nationalism, have effected Swedes and their values. In other words, was it possible that the Danish hostility towards immigrants and their unproblematic view of right wing nationalist parties, had been transmitted to the people of Skåne? Last but not least, it has also been the purpose of this essay to prove that traditional variables, concerning the question of why people vote for right wing nationalist parties, do no longer explain this phenomenon. By traditional variables I mean unemployment and a high density of immigrants of the population in a specific area.</p><p>In order to research the above mentioned issues, I have gone through letters to the editor, sent to the newspaper Sydsvenskan, and analysed the material using qualitative text analysis. I have also studied literature within the field of cross-border studies.</p><p>After ten weeks of research, I came to the conclusion that the traditional variables do not explain why Sverigedemokraterna received such a high proportion of the votes in Skåne. However, this essay also sheds light on the possibility of Danish experience as a plausible variable when it comes to explaining the outcome of the last election, but based on my limited study I can neither confirm nor dismiss the hypothesis. However, my study does provide some evidence that supports the hypothesis. In order to draw any conclusions however, it would have to be broadened in itself and replicated in other sections of Sweden or nationally.</p><p>The results of my study might leave the key question unanswered, but in itself can be viewed as an important step towards obtaining a clearer overview of what has driven the increased vote share for Sverigedemokraterna.</p>

Abstract.  The purpose of this study is to investigate connections between Andrew Tate and right-wing extreme ideologies through fascist and feminist theories and how they spread in a digitalized globalization. The material is gathered from interviews and podcasts on YouTube where Andrew Tate shares his opinions. I have used theories and concepts that discuss sex, gender and heteronormativity as a social construction, as well as a theoretical framework that identifies tactics used by fascist movements to spread their ideas and increase their influence. The result of my study shows that there are distinct connections between Andrew Tate opinions and right-wing extreme ideologies. Tate uses the same tactical method as fascism to spread his message and gain followers. They also share the traditional conservative view on gender and gender roles where everything is based on masculinity and femininity in relation to one's biology. Both ideologies are based on a heteronormativity that lacks intersectional analysis and stigmatizes those who break the norm.

The new phenomena of “school attacks” has emerged in Sweden since 2015. Between 2015 and today (2022), Sweden has been a subject of four “school attacks”, whereas three of these attacks have occurred within a period of seven months. In this thesis I aim to gain an in-depth insight about how “school attacks” are represented in the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism and further, to distinguish whether “school attacks” have been securitized in the national strategy. To study this, I will apply the securitization theory by Thierry Balzacq through the methodological framework of a WPR (What’s the problem represented to be?) discourse analysis on the material consisting of the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism from 2016. The findings suggest that there appears to be an undermining of right-wing extremism and exclusion of the loneactor of extremism in the strategy’s claims regarding what is the most prominent extremism-related threat to the State of Sweden and Swedish interests. Furthermore, I was able to distinguish that “school attacks” were not securitized in the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism.