This work that called How to orientate social relationships in the crisis period? is concerned with works of three chosen authors of European philosophical phenomenological tradition in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. They are Zygmunt Bauman (Pole), Byung-Chul Han (Korean living in Europe for longer time) and Anna Hogenová (Czech). This work has built according to uniform scheme for all three authors. It presents their life and work shortly then presents their ideas and conceptions in a longer face. It also presents response of their works by chosen authors from The Czech Republic and foreigners. Important ideas and conceptions have to serve as a possible way in a help for social work and also for description, analysis, possible development and solution of problems that arise in the crisis period or - as well as told with Bauman - in liquid times. This work has written i terms of Christian Crisis and Pastoral Work - Diaconia so it contents also reference to this subject of study. This work derives from works of three main authors and from works of next ones, too. An important part is a work with Holy Scripture.

This study analyses Michelle Paver’s youth book series Chronicles of Ancient Darkness from an intersectional power perspective. Gender and age are the main elements, and with these two power structures comes another layer of the analysis, namely, the postfeminist idea that it is impossible to categorise people as they are too diverse and ambivalent. Several characters, both youths and adults, are examined to see whether gender stereotypes are followed and if they determine what position of power the characters end up with. The study also explores whether the gender structures vary in groups where adults are present versus in groups where they are not. This adds another perspective, which is the element of age and therefore the problem of aetonormativity. The adults are the norm and they are in charge of the youths. However, when the youths meet with the adults, the two power structures, age and gender, clash in the question of whether a young man gets the upper hand over an older woman, or vice versa. In the end, the analysis concludes that even though the book series follows stereotypical gender structures in several ways, it also presents a query as to whether both gender and age categorisations are accessible and valid. Most main characters question their sufficiency and oppression on several levels, both in insecurities and in open discussion, and this result ends up harmonising with a postfeminist thought pattern. For all to be free from the hardships of not being adequate, or not receiving fair treatment from others based on gender or age, these structures must be questioned and perhaps even challenged.

《易緯》作為漢代《易》學的重要一環，其內涵相當豐富，與漢代《易》學及經學的整體關係也非常密切。前人對《易緯》材料的搜集已經趨近完備，但是對於《易緯》文獻的整理，以及對其蘊含的思想內容的分析尚不夠細緻，尤其是不能將《易緯》和鄭玄的《易緯注》結合起來，作一綜合的討論。 鄭玄的《易緯注》是對《易緯》的詮釋，其中體現了鄭玄的《易》學思想。但和《易緯》一樣，由於時間久遠，缺乏整理，它的來源十分混亂，內容又多有錯誤。本文試圖以鄭玄《易緯注》為視角，對《易緯》和《易緯注》做兩方面的工作。一是對文獻作進一步的整理，一是對二者的思想內容進行分析。 本文第一章對研究目的和研究現狀作一概述，說明此項研究的意義。第二章關注漢代的《易》學背景與鄭玄的生平、學術背景和注釋風格。今存《易緯注》有許多內容已非鄭玄之舊，通過對鄭玄學術背景和注釋風格的分析，可以判斷今本的真偽。第三至五章是對今存《易緯》八種的具體分析，分為解題、校勘與考據、詮釋與述評三個部分。其中，第三章對《乾鑿度》、《稽覽圖》作分析，第四章對《辨終備》、《通卦驗》作分析。第五章則對《乾元序制記》作分析，並對殘缺嚴重的《坤靈圖》予以簡要說明。第五章的附錄部分，指出《是類謀》注和《乾坤鑿度》注不是鄭玄所注，不能作為本文的研究對象。第六章為結論，指出《易緯》和《易緯注》具有的文獻和思想意義，以及鄭玄《易緯注》之於鄭玄經學思想的價值。 / Yiwei（《易緯》） is one of the most important elements in Yi （《易》）study of Han dynasty. It had rich meanings and close relation with other parts of Yi studies of Han dynasty as well as other studies of Confucian classics. The literature of Yiwei has been almostly collected before. While the collation of the texts and understanding the thoughts of it haven't been done carefully, especially the comprehensive research of Yiwei and Zhengxuan's（鄭玄，127-200） Yiweizhu（《易緯注》） remains untouched. Zhengxuan's Yiweizhu is the annotation of Yiwei, which reflects the thoughts of Zhengxuan's Yi study. However, due to the long history and the lack of arrangement, it had very messy origins and many mistakes in its contents. This essay attempts to sort out the literature and analyze their thoughts in the view of Zhengxuan's Yiweizhu. The first chapter of the essay includes the overview of this research topic and explain the its importance. The second chapter emphasizes the Yi study of Han dynasty, Zhengxuan's biography and his background. Many of the existing contents in Yiweizhu were not authentic, which can be discriminated by Zheng's annotating style. Chapter Three to Five contains the specific analyzation of the eight pieces of Yiwei, which covers the bibliographic research, collation, verification, annotation and critics. The research of Qianzaodu（《乾鑿度》） and Jilantu（《稽覽圖》） is showed in Chapter Three. After that the research of Bianzhongbei（《辨終備》） and Tongguayan（《通卦驗》） is conducted in Chapter Four. Chapter Five involves the close attention to Qianyuanxuzhiji（《乾元序制記》）. Moreover, a brief description of the severely-damaged Kunlingtu（《坤靈圖》） is also made in the same chapter. The appendix in Chapter Five points out that Shileimou（《是類謀》） and Qiankunzaodu（《乾坤鑿度》） were not written by Zhengxuan. The summary is taken out in Chapter Six and reveals the significance of Yiwei and Yiweizhu in the field of literature and thoughts, as well as the precious value brought by Yiweizhu in Zheng's study of Confucian classics.

這篇論文聚焦在考察戰國秦漢文本中的黃帝形象，而非其人之真實事蹟。從戰國到秦漢，黃帝具有多元的形象。作者試圖探詢的問題如下：戰國秦漢文本的黃帝形象為何？這些形象如何演變？演變發生的原因何在？期望這一研究能夠促使我們反思相關歷史的一個起點。 　　黃帝在血緣與文化方面的重要性，長時間以來都是中國民族主義史學中的重點。不過，並不是每一種黃帝形象都得到歷史學家同等的關注。純從現代人的角度進行研究，可能使研究者忽略，或扭曲另一個時代的人對黃帝形象的想像。本篇論文的目的即在全面探索黃帝在戰國秦漢政治、文化、民生、信仰中的多元角色及其受重視的程度。 　　戰國秦漢時期，人們對黃帝已經推崇備至。然而，當時人對黃帝形象的認識卻和今日有著微妙的差異。舉例來說，古人以黃帝為共祖的行為，除了表示血緣上的聯繫之外，也可能根基於當事人在所屬情境下，對歷史的解釋與認同感。作為聖王，黃帝受到學者讚揚與統治者效法；但是對於其人之成就與發明，仍然處於眾說紛紜的狀態。當時人的日常生活與信仰可能時常接觸黃帝之名，但其形象並不統一，有時甚至相互矛盾的。令人好奇的是，這些不一定都彼此吻合的形象，卻又不約而同地給予了黃帝正面的評價。 　　環繞黃帝形象的爭議並不罕見，尤其是在漢代。學者與朝廷對於整理與過濾相關史料的工作有過許多嘗試，《史記‧五帝本紀》是其中的代表之一。儘管當時學者可能有不同看法，由於能夠跨越大、小傳統之間的界線，多元形象對傳播黃帝故事或許是有利的。 / This thesis is a study of the images of Yellow Emperor in the texts from Warring States to Han, not his true deeds. The author tries to inquire following questions: what images of Yellow Emperor were depicted in texts of that period, how did those images change, and why did those changes happen. I hope that this study could eventually cause me reflex our understanding of relevant historical subjects. Since the turn of twentieth century, the positions of Yellow Emperor in the genealogy of kinship / culture have been one of the major concerns of Chinese national historians. However, not all kinds of images were concerned equivalently. Besides, those images of Yellow Emperor in ancient Chinese texts were sometimes neglected, or even distorted by modern historians according to their contemporary needs. Consequently, I try to rediscover the images of Yellow Emperor in the ancient Chinese texts as it were and try to explore their political, social, cultural, and religious implications in their own term. Though the images of Yellow Emperor had already enjoyed high profile from Warring states to Han dynasty, they were different from the modern popular knowledge and were shaped in different historical contexts. For example, the image as a common ancestor of ancient people is a fabrication / construction based upon the different needs of historical explanation and family identity. The images as a sage king, though admired by ancient scholars, imitated by ancient rulers, never reached consensus. People in that era might highly appraise his images in daily and religious life, but those images were far from consistent. Interestingly, though inconsistent they were, they gave him positive evaluations. Disputes about images of Yellow Emperor were not rare, especially in Han Period. Scholars and royal court kept on trying to rearrange and filter the historical status of Yellow Emperor. One of the representative works is the “Basic Annals of the Five Emperors (五帝本紀)” by Ssuma Chien (司馬遷). However, those versatile and vivid images could not be regulated, by royal court or by scholars, into a unified one, they were able to stride over the barrier between grand and little tradition, and help to spread those legends of Yellow Emperor.

辭賦在兩漢四百多年間，由於作者身分逐漸轉換，傳播方式的改易，還有文人對五七言句的接受，及政治環境的崩解等因素，導致其語言形式產生明顯變化，有漸趨駢偶、篇幅縮減等傾向。為了說明其語言風格與時俱「變」的軌跡，本文以169篇現存完整的漢賦為觀察對象，具體地描述並比較兩漢賦的種種異同，也嘗試將原本以作者等單「點」研究為主的語言風格學，延伸為一斷代賦史的「線」性觀察，更全面地回應賦學和文學史的研究成果。 本文第一章交代研究動機、方法及範圍，第二章則針對漢賦排比成篇的特徵，討論其句式風格及與五七言詩的關係；第三章進一步分析排比句中的「假平行」現象，並指出其與近體詩「假平行」不同的對仗習慣。第四章從較為宏觀的「篇章架構」著手，一方面呈現西漢著重時空順序的特徵，另方面也說明東漢建安小賦以首句概括全篇的安排。在第五章，筆者敘述漢賦「鋪彩摛文」的設計，包括使用長主語、長賓語以炫耀博學，竭力排比長謂語的種種動態，乃至多採「奔行」等手法；第六章則援引俄國形式主義學者所謂的「陌生化」概念，說明漢賦穿插「零句」和倒置語序，以引起聽眾或讀者新鮮感的安排。最後，第七章結論略述各章梗概，說明本文價值、研究限制和可繼續發展的相關議題。此外，〈附錄一〉〈附錄二〉是第二章的補充資料，分別為各篇句式分析表，以及二三、四三節奏賦句列表。 / Researchers of Han Rhapsody often suggest that, as a dominant literary genre of the Han Dynasty, rhapsody had changed its linguistic style gradually owing to the differences from the changes of authors’ social identities, the growing popularity and development of five and seven syllables(五七言詩), and the decline and fall of the Han empire. However, research that describes the specific and concrete features of this genre during the four hundred years of Han Dynasty is scant. To illustrate how the varying line length, loose parallelism, and extensive themes in Han Rhapsody was built up, interacted with the five and seven syllables(the representative genre of the six dynasty(魏晉六朝)), and influenced other rhythm works for the following millennium, I described, grouped, and integrated all the distinguishing details in Han Rhapsodies with the method which Leo Spitzer had mentioned in his work, Linguistics and Literary History: Essays in Stylistics. By analyzing the syntactic mode(句式), the pseudo parallel(假平行),the discourse- oriented topics, and the strategies the authors took to extend the length of the rhapsody and to unfamiliarize the readers with the incomplete or inverted sentence, this study showed how the complicated expressions, exhaustive details, and magnificent structures had been simplified and shortened, and both the authors and readers paid more attention to the emotions expressed rather than to the exaggerated language adapted step by step. To conclude, this study may be of importance in providing researchers with a better understanding of how the changes within a genre had taken place, as well as enriching the realm of the traditional Chinese literary criticism, which usually explains the literature phenomenon by subjective impression.

本文共分為六章十三節，全篇計十三萬餘言。第一章緒論，敘述本文研究 動機及撰寫旨趣。第二章關內漢人流移東北的由來與背景，文分三節；探 討清初東北招墾措施與封禁政策間的關係，遣戍制度的修訂與內地罪犯發 遣東北的情況，以及康熙中葉以後，因內地人口與土地分配比例的嚴重失 調，而促成華北人口往東北遷徙的過程。第三章自發性的人口流動，分為 三節；討論乾嘉時期東北地區厲行封禁的具體措施，華北流民犯禁出關的 途徑，與東北人口的增長情形。第四章強制性的人遷徙，文分四節；先就 發遣條例的更訂，來探究乾嘉時期遣戍政策之演變概況，並將遣往東北的 內地罪犯，依其性質區分為一般性案犯、洋盜案犯和秘密社會案犯等項， 加以說明。第五章移民在東北境內活動及其影響，分為三節；首先討論流 民與商賈在東北地區的土地經營，特產的採捕、走私，貿易活動的進行， 以及流人在配所的生活狀況與管理；且析述移民對東北經濟生活與文化生 活所產生的影響與衝擊。第六章結論，綜述本文研究心得，並概說乾嘉時 期關內漢人流移東北的意義及其作用。

本論文以政治系統理論作為分析架構。章節內容如下： 緒論；第一章：訓政理念的探討。含中山先生的訓政設計、胡漢民先生對訓政的闡釋，對於訓政爭議的言論；第二章：內憂外患的環境。含內戰與共禍、抗戰與國際情勢；第三章：訓政體系的社會經濟坴礎。含黃金十年的財攻建設、黃金十年的經濟發展、社會建設運動的開展；第四章：訓政體系的文化基礎。含政治文化的內涵、傳統中國的政治文化、國家意識的培養； 第五章：政治庄會化皂內涵與功能。含建立政治共識的基模、三民主義國民教育的確立、配合訓政建設的國民教育目標；第六章：政治參與的逐步實現。含中山先生的地方自治理論、訓政時期地方自治實施概況、非國民黨政治勢力的發展；第七章：民意的匯集與表達。含國民會議的召開、國民參政會的功能；第八章：政治傳播的綱路。含政治傳播機構的遞嬗、政治傳播方略的改進、政治傳播程序的分析；第九章：黨政姞構與黨政關係。含國民黨皂組織結構、國民政府的組織結構、黨攻關係皂運作；第十章：訓政精英的甄拔與培訓。含訓政政治就是典型的精英政治、中央領導階層的訓政精英、訓政精英的甄補管道；第十一章規則的制定－－約法、法律暨規章。含訓政時期約法的制定與內容、主法的精神與程序、各類法規的頒訂；第十二章規則的執行－－行攻。含國防政策、高等教育政策、財經政策；第十三章規則的裁判－－司法、監察。含司法審判－－法院、監察機關的功能；結論－－訓政成效的評估。

本論文討論的重點，在於如下三點：（１）簡略地概述隸辨一書的體裁與內容，以期 作為研究漢代石刻文字及歷代石刻文字的基礎；（２）歸納整理隸辨所見漢代隸書形 形體變化，加以分析；（３）究明其字體變化的原因。本文共約十三萬字，分六章十 二節討論如下： 第一章：緒論。分為二節，敘述筆者的研究目的及方法，以及隸辨之概說。 第二章：共分為三節。論述隸辨體制的分析，即敘述隸辨之編排及釋字條例，再申述 顧南原訂正前人之 例。 第三章：共分為二節。論述隸辨所引用之典藉及碑目。 第四章：共分為三節。論述隸辨所見隸書形體之演變，歸納為繁化、簡化、更易之三 類。 第五章：共分為二節。論述究明於第四章所歸納整理出來的隸辨所見形體演變現象的 原因。 第六章：結論。

This thesis studies Han Dynasty stone carved tombs in Central and Eastern China. These multi-chambered tombs were constructed from carved stone slabs, and were very popular among the Han people. However, such horizontal stone structures were entirely new, and were a result of outside stimuli rather than an independent development within China. The stone carved tombs were a result of imitating royal rock-cut tombs, while the rock-cut tombs were stimulated by foreign examples. Moreover, many details of stone carved tombs also had Western features. These exotic elements were incorporated to satisfy specific requirements of the Han people, and reflected the desire to assimilate exotica within Chinese traditions. Some details within stone carved tombs showed high level of stone working technologies with Western influences. But in general the level of stone construction of the Han period was relatively low. The methods of construction showed how unfamiliar the Western system was to the Han artisans. Han Dynasty stone carved tombs were hybrids of different techniques, including timber, brick and stone works. From these variations, Han people could choose certain types of tombs to satisfy their specific ritual and economic needs. Not only structures, but also pictorial decorations of stone carved tombs were innovations. The range of image motifs is quite limited. Similar motifs can be found in almost every tomb. Such similarities were partly due to the artisans, who worked in workshops and used repertoires for the carving of images. But these also suggest that the tombs were decorated for certain purposes with a given functional template. Together with different patterns of burial objects and their settings, such images formed a way through which the Han people gave meaning to the afterworld. After their heyday, stone carved tombs ceased being constructed in the Central Plains as the Han Empire collapsed. However, they set a model for later tombs. The idea of building horizontal stone chamber tombs spread to Han borderlands, and gradually went further east to the Korean Peninsula. The legacy and spread of the Chinese masonry tradition was closely related to the political circumstances of late Han and post-Han period. The spread of stone chamber tombs in Northeast Asia is presented as a part of a long history of interactions between different parts of Eurasia.

黎明釗. / 複本為複印本. / 論文(歷史學部碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院, 1985. / 參考文獻: leaves 629-660. / Li Mingzhao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 大學生對晚漢政治之反響 --- p.9 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代太學 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經學傳統與東漢士風 --- p.27 / Chapter 第三節 --- 太學生對漢末政治之態度 --- p.51 / Chapter 第四節 --- 太學生思想之趨向　 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三章 --- 颍川荀氏思想之轉變 --- p.144 / Chapter 第一節 --- 荀淑 --- p.146 / Chapter 第二節 --- 荀氏八龍及其同時期人物 --- p.162 / Chapter 第三節 --- 荀爽之《易》學　 --- p.179 / Chapter 第四節 --- 荀悦之《漢記》與《申鑒》 --- p.209 / Chapter 一 --- 荀悦生平 --- p.209 / Chapter 二 --- 《漢記》與《申鑒》對重建政治及社會秩序的構想 --- p.220 / Chapter 三 --- ℗¡ 荀悦對侵蝕社會秩序的因素之討論 --- p.253 / Chapter 四 --- 《漢記》、《申鑒》總結漢末清議與下開清談 --- p.281 / Chapter 第五節 --- 荀粲與漢魏清談 --- p.356 / Chapter 第四章 --- 王粲與荊州學派之關係 --- p.512 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王粲生平與思想 --- p.512 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王粲與荊州學派 --- p.546 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結語 --- p.619 / 參考書目 --- p.629