In order to understand the dynamics of change taking place in universities in South Africa today and their impact on teaching and learning, specifically at the University of the North, an understanding of the changing nature of relationships in education is essential. Teaching and learning must not be seen in isolation, but in the context of a universal paradigm shift manifest in all walks of life. The relationship between teacher and learner too has fundamentally changed. In today's 'opensystems' paradigm, relationships have become temporary, horizontalized, other-directed and complex in nature. It is in the light of these realities that meaningful teaching and learning must take place. In the context of today's rapidly changing environment, dominated by technocracy and characterised by alienation and misunderstanding, the need for knowledge and leadership, in and through the University of the North, is crucial. This, in turn, can only be achieved if the University becomes accessible and accountable to the community. The process of transforming anachronistic, closed and authoritarian structures on campus towards openness and accountability has been fraught with conflict and opportunism. The University of the North developed from a once universal contradiction, having been created as a political necessity, towards becoming an educational necessity. This process has witnessed attempts at reformation, open rebellion and the quest for total transformation. The search for meaningful alternatives, as mirrored by the broader struggle in society against the contradictions of apartheid policy, has impacted on all walks of life at the University. Teaching and learning became highly politicised, characterised by open conflict and alienation, resulting in destruction of the culture of learning. The present process of transformation on campus, involving all stakeholders, has led to many achievements in the search for new relationships and new meanings. It is essential that the University belong to the community. Standing on the edge of chaos, the University needs to set an example in leadership, in accessibility, relevance, and in the promotion of Africanisation as a didactic principle through dialogue, openness and the sharing of knowledge through practical action at the grass roots level. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Didactics)

Punk rock provided not only a watershed of creativity, innovation and a do-it-yourself spirit to a culture saturated in the mainstream, it physically brought like-minded people together in a community, or rather extended family, which in today’s hyper-d.i.y. culture, is progressively declining. As early as the 1940s, theorists such as Adorno and Horkheimer warned us about alienation in a society increasingly dependent on technology. By looking to punk, and other resilient and robust counter-cultures, perhaps we can find solutions to the pitfalls of the ‘culture industry’ (Adorno, Horkheimer, 1944). My thesis, consisting of a feature-length documentary film and textual analysis, is a culmination of: ethnographic research into the punk scene in my own community; theoretical research into the sociology, ethnography and subculture theory; and my own subjectivity. My personal findings are presented to offer insight into punk philosophy and to spur discourse, rather than deliver an objective account or didactic reproach. / Graduate

This is a study of the creation and evolution of state forestry within colonial Kenya in social, economic, and political terms. Spanning Kenya’s entire colonial period, it offers a chronological account of how forestry came to Kenya and grew to the extent of controlling almost two million hectares of land in the country, approximately 20 per cent of the most fertile and most populated upland (above 1,500 metres) region of central Kenya . The position of forestry within a colonial state apparatus that paradoxically sought to both ‘protect’ Africans from modernisation while exploiting them to establish Kenya as a ‘white man’s country’ is underexplored in the country’s historiography. This thesis therefore clarifies this role through an examination of the relationship between the Forest Department and its African workers, Kenya’s white settlers, and the colonial government. In essence, how each of these was engaged in a pursuit for their own idealised ‘good forest’. Kenya was the site of a strong conservationist argument for the establishment of forestry that typecast the country’s indigenous population as rapidly destroying the forests. This argument was bolstered against critics of the financial extravagance of forestry by the need to maintain and develop the forests of Kenya for the express purpose of supporting the Uganda railway. It was this argument that led the colony’s Forest Department along a path through the contradictions of colonial rule. The European settlers of Kenya are shown as being more than just a mere thorn in the side of the Forest Department, as their political power represented a very real threat to the department’s hegemony over the forests. Moreover, Kenya’s Forest Department deeply mistrusted private enterprise and constantly sought to control and limit the unsustainable exploitation of the forests. The department was seriously underfunded and understaffed until the second colonial occupation of the 1950s, a situation that resulted in a general ad hoc approach to forest policy. The department espoused the rhetoric of sustainable exploitation, but had no way of knowing whether the felling it authorised was actually sustainable, which was reflected in the underdevelopment of the sawmilling industry in Kenya. The agroforestry system, shamba, (previously unexplored in Kenya’s colonial historiography) is shown as being at the heart of forestry in Kenya and extremely significant as perhaps the most successful deployment of agroforestry by the British in colonial Africa. Shamba provided numerous opportunities to farm and receive education to landless Kikuyu in the colony, but also displayed very strong paternalistic aspects of control, with consequential African protest, as the Forest Department sought to create for itself a loyal and permanent forest workforce. Shamba was the keystone of forestry development in the 1950s, and its expansion cemented the position of forestry in Kenya as a top-down, state-centric agent of economic and social development.

In order to understand the dynamics of change taking place in universities in South Africa today and their impact on teaching and learning, specifically at the University of the North, an understanding of the changing nature of relationships in education is essential. Teaching and learning must not be seen in isolation, but in the context of a universal paradigm shift manifest in all walks of life. The relationship between teacher and learner too has fundamentally changed. In today's 'opensystems' paradigm, relationships have become temporary, horizontalized, other-directed and complex in nature. It is in the light of these realities that meaningful teaching and learning must take place. In the context of today's rapidly changing environment, dominated by technocracy and characterised by alienation and misunderstanding, the need for knowledge and leadership, in and through the University of the North, is crucial. This, in turn, can only be achieved if the University becomes accessible and accountable to the community. The process of transforming anachronistic, closed and authoritarian structures on campus towards openness and accountability has been fraught with conflict and opportunism. The University of the North developed from a once universal contradiction, having been created as a political necessity, towards becoming an educational necessity. This process has witnessed attempts at reformation, open rebellion and the quest for total transformation. The search for meaningful alternatives, as mirrored by the broader struggle in society against the contradictions of apartheid policy, has impacted on all walks of life at the University. Teaching and learning became highly politicised, characterised by open conflict and alienation, resulting in destruction of the culture of learning. The present process of transformation on campus, involving all stakeholders, has led to many achievements in the search for new relationships and new meanings. It is essential that the University belong to the community. Standing on the edge of chaos, the University needs to set an example in leadership, in accessibility, relevance, and in the promotion of Africanisation as a didactic principle through dialogue, openness and the sharing of knowledge through practical action at the grass roots level. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Didactics)

L’objet de la recherche consiste à mettre en évidence que la prise en compte des violences émeutières requiert une évolution de l’environnement juridique et des méthodes de maintien de la paix publique hérités de notre histoire. Notre dispositif de gestion de l’ordre public est particulièrement adapté au modèle français de manifestation. C’est considérable et exemplaire à beaucoup d’égards mais cela ne peut clore le débat sur les formes de la réaction sociale nécessaires pour répondre aux différentes formes du répertoire de la protestation en particulier à la dynamique complexe des désordres émeutiers.Alors que la manifestation, son encadrement par les forces de sécurité intérieure et son environnement juridique ressortissent à la culture de l’organisation et de l’ordre, les violences émeutières relèvent, quant à elles, de comportements colériques naturels. Elles constituent un objet et un enjeu différents que traduisent notamment la récurrence des crises en milieu urbain et la difficulté d’y faire face de façon satisfaisante.Sur le plan opérationnel comme sur le plan juridique, l’éventail de la réponse aux désordres est particulièrement large, mais il traduit également un double embarras :• Les violences émeutières sont le plus souvent des violences d’expression. Qu’ils en soient conscients ou non, face à ces comportements, le juge et le politique se sont montrés fréquemment indulgents dans un contexte juridique où la liberté d’expression est un droit fondamental et la manifestation une conquête sans équivalent dans notre pays. Les réponses sociale et judiciaire se caractérisent donc par une mansuétude parfois légitime, parfois inadaptée mais souvent mal comprise.• Les modes d’action policiers et les outils du Droit façonnés par l’environnement juridique et la culture de la manifestation, peuvent se révéler inadaptés pour répondre aux émeutes urbaines et conduire à des évolutions aussi variées qu’inappropriées comme la banalisation du recours à des régimes juridiques d’exception et la sédimentation d’une culture d’affrontement entre police et population.Le concept retentissement / identification et l’analyse des colères rebelles et insoumises ouvrent la voie à une adaptation du droit et de la réponse sociale conciliant le respect des droits fondamentaux et le maintien de la paix publique dans l’espace urbain. Tel est l’enjeu de la dialectique « Libertés - Droit - désordres ». / The object of the research is to highlight that rioting violence cannot be dealt with without an evolution of the legal framework and public-order policing inherited from our History. Our way to manage public-order policing is particularly suitable to our French traditional demonstration pattern. It is significant and exemplary in many respects but that alone cannot close the debate about the forms of social reaction that would be necessary to answer the various forms of the repertoire of protest especially the complex dynamics of rioting disorders.Even though the demonstration, its framing by the police and its legal framework are both an order issue and a cultural issue, rioting acts of violence are a natural irascible behaviour of the human nature. Riots are an object and an issue which translate into in recurring urban crises and the difficulty to satisfactorily deal with them.From an operational point of view and from a judicial one, there is a wide range of answers to the disorders but this results in a double embarrassment:• Riots are very often a means of expression. Consciously or not, the judge and the policy-maker have frequently been indulgent with these behaviours in a legal context in which freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and demonstrating a conquest without equivalent in our country. Social and judicial answers are characterized by indulgence, sometimes legitimate, sometimes inadequate and often ill-understood.• Policing and the tools of the law that were shaped by the legal framework and the culture of demonstration can prove to be inadequate to cope with urban riots and they can result in various as well as inappropriate answers like the trivialization of emergency legal schemes and the sedimentation of a culture of clash between people and the police.The repercussion and identification concept and the analysis of the rebel and unsubdued bouts of anger pave the way to an adaptation of the law and the social response aiming at balancing both the expression of the basic rights and the preservation of public peace in urban areas. This is what is at stake with the dialectics « Liberties – Law – Disorder ».

L’actualité de l’affaire de la Caroline en droit international public.<p>La doctrine de la légitime défense préventive en procès.<p><p><p>La principale préoccupation au centre de cette recherche a consisté à trancher la controverse qui divise les spécialistes au sujet de la légalité de la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive, spécialement du point de vue du système juridique international institué au lendemain de la deuxième Guerre mondiale. La doctrine en cause préconise clairement qu’un gouvernement d’un Etat, qui éprouverait des craintes ou des soupçons d’une menace d’attaque contre son intégrité territoriale, et dans une certaine mesure, ses intérêts éparpillés à travers le monde, serait autorisé à frapper militairement l’Etat dont le territoire est susceptible de constituer le point de départ de telles menaces :soit, parce qu’un tel Etat détient les armes de destruction massive, notamment l’arme nucléaire et les armes chimiques ;ou soit parce qu’il hébergerait des bandes hostiles, en l’occurrence, les groupes terroristes, à l’origine de ses craintes. Les partisans de cette thèse soutiennent qu’il s’agit là d’une norme de nature coutumière élaborée à l’issue du règlement de l’affaire de la Caroline survenue en 1837, entre la Grande Bretagne et les Etats-Unis d’Amérique. <p><p>En effet, un petit navire battant pavillon américain, dénommé la Caroline, avait l’habitude d’effectuer des navettes entre les territoires de Buffalo, aux Etats-Unis, et Navy Island, au Canada. Et dans cet ordre d’idées, il entama comme à l’accoutumée, la traversée du fleuve Niagara en embarquant à son bord des passagers, vers le Canada, en date du 29 décembre 1837. Mais il fut, dans ce contexte, accusé de transporter des rebelles qui étaient sur le point d’envahir le territoire canadien. C’est ainsi qu’à l’issue de ses voyages opérés durant la journée du 29 décembre 1837, alors qu’il se trouvait déjà accosté dans un port situé dans les eaux intérieures américaines, une intervention armée, décidée par le gouvernement anglais, avait eu lieu sur le territoire des Etats-Unis durant cette nuit là. Elle s’est soldée par la destruction de nombreux biens américains, dont le navire en question, qui fut au final coulé dans le fleuve Niagara. <p><p>Cet incident va du coup provoquer une grande controverse diplomatique entre les deux Etats précités. La Grande-Bretagne prétendit notamment que ce navire était engagé dans des opérations pirates, et que par ailleurs, sa destruction par ses forces armées relevait de l’exercice du droit d’autoconservation et de légitime défense. Mais au termes de nombreux rebondissements, le Secrétaire d’Etat américain, du nom de Daniel Webster, adressa en date du 24 avril 1841, une note diplomatique à l’Ambassadeur britannique basé à Washington, M. Henry Fox, dans laquelle il contestait l’ensemble de motifs avancés par la Grande-Bretagne, mais en insistant spécialement sur le fait que la destruction de la Caroline, aurait été acceptée comme relevant de la légitime défense, si et seulement si, les forces britanniques ayant agi militairement au cours de cette nuit là étaient en présence « d’une situation de nécessité absolue de légitime défense, pressante, écrasante, ne permettant pas le choix des moyens, et ne laissant pas de temps pour délibérer ». Un consensus de principe se serait donc, semble-t-il, formé autour de ce dictum, mais non de son application aux faits d’espèce. <p><p>C’est en prenant en compte les considérations historiques qui précèdent que beaucoup d’auteurs, essentiellement anglo-saxons, se permettent d’affirmer que l’affaire de la Caroline est un précédent fondateur de la légitime défense en droit international public. Et dans cette même optique, considérant par ailleurs que la singularité de cette note consiste dans le fait de subordonner la validité de telles actions armées anticipatives, à l’existence d’une menace imminente d’attaque du territoire canadien par des insurgés, la célèbre formule de Webster précitée aurait également consacré de ce fait même, la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive en droit international coutumier.<p><p>Notre hypothèse de travail est simple. En effet, nous partons du point de vue selon lequel, le raisonnement des partisans de la doctrine de la légitime défense préventive, fondée spécialement sur le précédent de la Caroline, soulève de vrais problèmes d’équilibre et de cohérence du système international élaboré après la deuxième Guerre mondiale, dans la mesure où, il aboutit dans ses applications, à cautionner, au sujet de l’interdiction de la force, l’existence d’un ordre juridique ambivalent. Autrement dit, si l’on transpose les enseignements tirés de l’affaire de la Caroline, dans le droit international positif, on aurait immanquablement, d’un côté, un régime conventionnel restrictif de la Charte, qui limite la possibilité de riposter militairement à la seule condition où un Etat a déjà effectivement subi une attaque armée. Tandis que de l’autre côté, on aurait parallèlement un régime coutumier plus permissif, qui laisserait à l’Etat un pouvoir discrétionnaire d’appréciation des circonstances de temps et de lieux, dans lesquelles il peut se permettre de frapper militairement un autre Etat, en invoquant la légitime défense.<p><p>Le travail de déconstruction auquel nous avons procédé pendant nos recherches, nous a amené à constater, au bout de cette thèse, que tous les arguments qui sont généralement invoqués par les partisans du précédent de la Caroline présentent des limites et des excès, dans leur prétention à fonder juridiquement, une règle de légitime défense préventive en droit international public, et du coup, ils doivent être relativisés dans leur teneur respective. Pour cette raison, nous soutenons en ce qui nous concerne l’hypothèse selon laquelle, le droit international public en vigueur, ne permet pas encore en son état actuel, l’extension du champ opératoire du concept de légitime défense, tel que stipulé à l’article 51 de la Charte, de manière à justifier l’emploi de la force dans les rapports entre les Etats, en cas d’une simple menace, peu importe son intensité et sa nature, tant qu’il n’y a pas encore eu véritablement une attaque armée de la part de l’Etat envers qui on agit militairement. En conséquence, la tentative doctrinale qui consiste à justifier l’existence d’une règle coutumière, autorisant la légitime défense préventive, en se fondant sur l’autorité de l’affaire de la Caroline, procède en quelque sorte d’un malentendu doublé d’un anachronisme évident. <p><p><p><p>Bruxelles, le mardi 6 mai 2008<p>Ivon Mingashang / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study explores the foundations of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine in order to better understand the main historical influences on that policy and doctrine and how those influences have informed the current US approach to counterinsurgency. The results of this study indicate the US experience in counterinsurgency during the Greek Civil War and the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines had a significant influence on the development of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following World War II through the Kennedy presidency. In addition, despite a major diversion from the lessons of Greece and the Philippines during the Vietnam War, the lessons were re-institutionalized in US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following the war and continue to have significant influence today, though in a highly sanitized and, therefore, misleading form. As a result, a major disconnect has developed between the “rhetoric and reality” of US counterinsurgency policy. This disconnect has resulted from the fact that many references that provide a more complete and accurate picture of the actual policies and actions taken to successfully defeat the insurgencies have remained out of the reach of non-government researchers and the general public. Accordingly, many subsequent studies of counterinsurgency overlook, or only provide a cursory treatment of, aspects that may have had a critical impact on the success of past US counterinsurgency operations. One such aspect is the role of US direct intervention in the internal affairs of a supported country. Another is the role of covert action operations in support of counterinsurgency operations. As a result, the counterinsurgency policies and doctrines that have been developed over the years are largely based on false assumptions, a flawed understanding of the facts, and a misunderstanding of the contexts concerning the cases because of misleading, or at least seriously incomplete, portrayals of the counterinsurgency operations.

Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.

Vít MIŠAGA, Christian IV, Mansfeld and the Invasion of Silesia and Moravia. Several Aspects of the Danish Phase of the Thirty Years' War, PhD dissertation, Charles University in Prague 2014 Summary In Czech and European historiography of the early modern period, the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) is one of the most discussed topics. Among Czech historians, there has always been an understandable emphasis on the revolt of the Bohemian estates, also known as the Bohemian phase of the war (1618- 1621). The Danish phase (1625-1629) is considerably less popular. The winners had already been or - to be more precise - seemed to be almost determined, and the further developments of the war did nothing to change the fate of the Czech lands. Analysis of the second half of the 1620s is therefore dominated by other topics - the recatholisation process, exile waves or the character of Albrecht von Wallenstein. Foreign historiographers also seem to downplay Denmark's influence. It is as if King Christian's unsuccessful attempt to fight the Emperor was only biding everyone's time until the "Lion of the North", Gustav II Adolf of Sweden, makes his great entrance. Or at least that is the perspective of an "all-knowing" historian who already knows the result. This thesis is trying to bring a different perspective. It is based...

Depuis plus de deux décennies, un nombre d’Etats africains dits du champ de la Conférence Internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs sont enlisés dans des conflits armés à la fois intra-étatiques et internationalisés. Du génocide rwandais aux guerres civiles au Congo-Brazzaville, en Angola, en Ouganda, au Burundi, ou encore aux violences politiques armées incessantes en Centrafrique, en passant par la Grande Guerre Africaine en RDC, nombreux et importants sont les mécanismes de résolution de conflits qui ont été expérimentés, de nature aussi bien bilatérale, communautaire, régionale, qu’onusienne. Malheureusement, les concepts de sortie de crise et de reconstruction post-conflit demeurent de vains mots, eu égard aux résurgences et aux prolongements des conflits dans cette Région. Ainsi, en mobilisant l’approche néo-élitiste s’inscrivant dans un dépassement de la réalité empirique, après avoir passé en revue toutes les grandes théories philosophico-politico-sociologiques des élites, défendues par les auteurs classiques comme Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca etc., d’un côté, et en recourant à la théorie de Johan Galtung de paix négative versus paix positive, d’autre part, cette étude se propose de mettre en évidence le rôle des élites dirigeantes dans la dynamique de pacification de la Région. Et après avoir défini et déterminé celles-ci, le travail démontre la difficulté de résoudre les conflits due à l’hétérogénéité sociologique caractérisant la Région. Puis, il souligne les mécanismes de l’entretien d’une paix négative par les élites dirigeantes, en interaction avec les autres protagonistes. / For more than two decades, a number of African States within the scope of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region have sunk into both armed intrastate and domestic conflicts. From the Rwandan genocide to civil wars in Congo-Brazzaville, Angola, Uganda, and Burundi, or the constantly armed political violence in the Central African Republic (CAR), through the Great African War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), numerous and important mechanisms for conflict resolution have been experienced, bilateral, communitarian, regional, as well as Onusian. Unfortunately, the concepts relative to the end of crisis and post-conflict reconstruction still remain empty words, given the revivals and extensions of conflicts in that Region. Thus, by mobilizing the neo-elitist approach which goes the empirical reality, after reviewing all the major elitist philosophical, political and sociological theories defended by the classical authors such as Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, etc. On one hand, and by resorting to Johan Galtung’s theory on negative peace versus positive peace, on the other, this dissertation aims at highlighting the role played by governing Elites in the peace process within the Region. After defining these elites, this monography shows the difficulties of solving conflicts due to the regional sociodemographic heterogeneity. Then, it emphasizes mechanisms for keeping negative peace by the governing Elites, in interaction with other protagonists.