A saúde é direito fundamental, garantidor da adequada formação, desenvolvimento e preservação da vida, pressuposto da dignidade da pessoa humana, com capacidade de influir para o qualificado desfrute dos demais direitos. Tanto assim que as ações e os serviços sanitários, na complexa realidade social e no campo constitucional, são reconhecidos como de relevância pública. Essas circunstâncias obrigam o Estado (gênero) a atuar diligentemente em prol da gestão, prestação e regulação desse direito, a fim de que possa ser assegurado de modo universal, equitativo e integral a todos. Ademais, justifica ser eficazmente protegido e operacionalizado mediante políticas públicas, a bem do interesse de cada indivíduo e da coletividade. Essa conjuntura, somada à necessidade de receber enfoque democrático, obriga que a tutela da saúde seja trabalhada através de postura transdisciplinar para a prevalência de justa resposta sanitária, em proximidade com a verdade e sem que o sistema jurídico e o microssistema jurídico-sanitário percam suas identidades no contato indispensável com outros sistemas. Tais aspectos reforçam a indispensabilidade de o Ministério Público funcionar como colaborador capaz de construtivamente proteger o direito à saúde. Todavia, a atuação da instituição em prol da saúde permanece aquém das obrigações constitucionais que lhe foram destinadas e abaixo das expectativas prevalentes no ambiente social. Por isso, não escapa de críticas e necessita adotar providências, no intuito de, concretamente, assegurar-lhe eficácia jurídica e social. Este trabalho objetiva contribuir para que a saúde pública e sua tutela através do Ministério Público sejam melhor compreendidas, organizadas, planejadas, estruturadas e executadas ainda no campo extrajudicial. Utiliza da fenomenologia, de fatores histórico-axiológicos, do rigor linguístico e do perspectivismo de José Ortega Y Gasset para alcançar esses propósitos. Propõe que o direito à saúde e as políticas correspondentes sejam tutelados pelo Ministério Público a partir: i) de seu atuar conjuntivo e cooperado; ii) da prática da humanização cidadã; iii) de postura baseada na ressignificação e reinicialização de seus atos; iv) do desempenho de funções setoriais e regionais; v) do reconhecimento e valorização de seus membros, quando intervirem de modo operoso; vi) da racionalização de seu agir; vii) da implantação e alimentação de banco de dados nacional e estaduais; viii) da definição de posições amparadas em ponderação criteriosa; ix) do funcionamento norteado pela resolutividade orientadora do sistema público de saúde e x) da busca de auxílio na biomimética, quando possível. / Health is a fundamental right, guarantor of adequate formation, development and preservation of life, a prerequisite for the dignity of the human person, with the capacity to influence the qualified enjoyment of other rights. So much so that health actions and services, in the complex social reality and in the constitutional field, are recognized as of public relevance. These circumstances oblige the State (gender) to act diligently for the management, provision and regulation of this right, so that it can be ensured in a universal, equitable and integral manner to all. In addition, they justify being effectively protected and operationalized through public policies, in the interests of each individual and the community. This conjuncture, coupled with the need to receive a democratic approach, obliges health care to be worked through transdisciplinary posture to the prevalence of a just health response, in close proximity to the truth, and without the legal system and the legal-sanitary micro-system losing their identities in the indispensable contact with other systems. These aspects reinforce the indispensability of the Ministério Público (Public Prosecution Service) to function as a collaborator capable of constructively protecting it. However, the institution\'s action in favor of health remains below of the constitutional obligations and down of expectations prevalent in the social environment. Therefore, it does not escape criticism and needs to take measures, in order to concretely ensure legal and social effectiveness. This work aims to contribute to public health and its your protection through the Ministério Público are better understood, organized, planned, structured and executed still in the extrajudicial field. It uses phenomenology, historical-axiological factors, linguistic rigor and the perspectivism of José Ortega Y Gasset to achieve these purposes. Proposes that the right to health and the corresponding policies be protect by the Ministério Público from: i) its your conjunctive and cooperative activity; ii) the practice of citizen humanization; iii) of posture based on the re-signification and reinitialization of its acts; iv) the performance of sectoral and regional functions; v) recognition and appreciation of its members, when they intervene in an efficient way; vi) the rationalization of its action; vii) the implantation and feeding of national and state database; (viii) the definition of positions supported by careful balancing; ix) the activity guided by resolutiveness advisor of the public health system and x) the search for biomimetic assistance, when possible.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Luiz Michelan Campana.pdf: 900128 bytes, checksum: 0df8dbf231d5bc63f908ba833e202d46 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-05 / This dissertation analyzes the constitutional economic order as a value source of Criminal Law. The research starts by analyzing the impact on the criminal systems of the different conceptions of State, checking on the features of Criminal Law in a Democratic and Social Rule-of-Law State. Analyzing constitutional criminal principles and values, constitutional theories on the criminal-juridical good, constitutional subpoenas, Economic Criminal Law and dispositions that establish the formal economic Constitution, allows for evaluation of the foundation present in the Federal Constitution of 1988 for criminal liability regarding proceedings that harm, or put in harm s ways the economic order. The supraindividual goods established by the Constitution form the social basis of the Rule-of-Law and require their enforcement and protection so as to perform social justice, including by punitive state interventions in new scopes, among which the economic order stands out. From the ruling content and meaning of the various constitutional provisions that it brings, which are in accordance with the Republic's foundations and objectives, it is particularly noticeable the relevance and axiological density of the Brazilian democratic state s economic order. The principles, foundations and objectives of the economic order reveal constitutional values of undisputable importance, a safe direction to attest its criminal value, supporting the investigation about the lack of legal protection, legitimizing the criminalization of procedures that result in social harm, besides authorizing a discussion about criminalization clauses. Constitutional foundation for legal protection of the economic order leads necessarily to the study of adequate instruments to face economic crimes, which requires an approach of Criminal Economic Law, a criminal right that involves danger or risk, resorting to open criminal types, blank criminal regulations and analogical interpretation, all of which are tools that, when adequately applied, seek to confer effectiveness to the punitive state s intervention for the protection of the economic order / O presente trabalho analisa a ordem econômica constitucional como uma fonte valorativa do Direito Penal. A investigação inicia-se com o impacto sobre o sistema punitivo das diferentes concepções de Estado, verificando-se quais as características do Direito Penal de um Estado Democrático e Social de Direito. A análise dos princípios e valores constitucionais penais, das teorias constitucionais sobre o bem jurídico-penal, dos mandados constitucionais de criminalização, dos institutos de Direito Penal Econômico e dos dispositivos que integram a Constituição econômica formal permite aquilatar o fundamento existente na Constituição Federal de 1988 para a intervenção penal com relação às condutas que lesionam ou colocam em perigo a ordem econômica. Os bens supraindividuais consagrados em nossa Lei Maior integram o núcleo social do Estado de Direito e reclamam sua promoção e proteção para a realização da justiça social, inclusive por meio da intervenção punitiva estatal em novos âmbitos, dentre os quais se destaca a ordem econômica. Do conteúdo e significado dos diversos dispositivos constitucionais que a disciplinam, os quais guardam congruência com os fundamentos e objetivos da República, avultam a relevância e a densidade axiológica da ordem econômica no Estado Democrático brasileiro. Os princípios, fundamentos e objetivos da ordem econômica revelam valores constitucionais de inegável importância, norte seguro para a aferição de sua dignidade penal, alavancando a investigação sobre o juízo de carência de tutela penal, legitimando a criminalização de condutas que a afetam com danosidade social, além de autorizarem a discussão sobre a existência de cláusulas de criminalização. A fundamentação constitucional da tutela penal da ordem econômica conduz necessariamente ao estudo do instrumental adequado para o enfrentamento da criminalidade econômica, o que demanda uma necessária abordagem do Direito Penal Econômico, um direito penal de perigo ou de risco, que se vale de tipos penais abertos, normas penais em branco e da interpretação analógica, ferramentas que, adequadamente empregadas, buscam conferir efetividade à intervenção punitiva estatal para a proteção da ordem econômica

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Valerio Pimenta de Morais.pdf: 534429 bytes, checksum: 3d4551c339db91ea1291c16e96fa281a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-17 / This essay analyses the influence of judicial decisions over São Paulo s tax law, taking as reference the moment of taxation by Public Administration, notedly the moment of tax assessment and its revision, which are markedly positivist, over all when taking into consideration the interpretation of the articles 142 and 149 of Brazilian Tax Code. The neopositivist premise has guided the development of the present essay, since its features have always been present at the analysis promoted, which can be reduced to an idea of complementarity, not only the activities of the government (Legislative, Executive and Judiciary), but also of a philosophical currents of Law. Note that the present analysis focus on Brazilian Federal Constitution, mainly on its principles, which join amplified by the multiplicity of interpreters, bringing semantic fill to the equation that assumes that rule of law is the result of interaction between law (work of Legislative and Executive, acting on its sanction and initiative), interpretation (a result of multiple social actors), and, finally, case law (deriving from the action of Judiciary). In this respect, this essay also examines the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann, that, considering the concept of legal system adopted, served as a support for the analysis of the position occupied by Executive, Legislative and Judiciary relatively to the same system, as well as the analysis of the principles and of the philosophical currents of law and the taxation, conceiving, as a result, the rule of law (which derives from the interaction of the elements which were mentioned above, within the neopositivist idea) and the new role played by case law as a source of law, made possible by the performance of the ideal model of a judge as a guardian-judge. In this context, in response to the questions thrown during the formulation of the introduction of this essay, we apprehend that judgments irradiate normativity, through individual and concrete rule up to general and abstract rule, either through compliance with regulatory expectations contrary to facts or even in case of objectification of judicial proceedings, being responsible for enough irritation that, over all taken into consideration, stimulate legislators create new laws. Thus, the approach between ethics and law, originally built by judicial decisions, tend to pervade the entire the legal system, also serving as a base for taxation moments as well as the moments before taxation, which begin to reproduce the aforementioned approach, representing a final translation of the principles of legal certainty and of equality / Esta dissertação tem por finalidade o estudo da influência das decisões judiciais sobre a legislação tributária paulista, tomando como referência o momento exacional de atuação da sua Administração Tributária, notadamente com o lançamento de ofício e sua revisão, que são tidos como marcadamente positivistas, sobretudo ao se levar em consideração a interpretação do Código Tributário Nacional, em seus artigos 142 e 149. A premissa neopositivista - diga-se de plano - norteou o desenvolvimento do trabalho, uma vez que suas características sempre estiveram presentes na análise que foi promovida, podendo mesmo ser reduzida a uma ideia de complementaridade, não só das atividades dos Poderes de Estado, mas, antes mesmo, das correntes filosóficas do direito. Neste passo, suas notas essenciais, tomadas em consideração, estabeleceram-se pela ambientação na Constituição da República de 1988, com pauta em forte medida principiológica, que, por sua vez, ingressa amplificada pela multiplicidade dos intérpretes, trazendo preenchimento semântico à equação concebida de que a norma jurídica é encontrada como o resultado da interação entre lei (obra dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo, ao atuar na sua sanção e iniciativa), interpretação (resultado de multíplices atores sociais), e, por fim, jurisprudência (decorrente da atuação do Poder Judiciário). Nessa medida, foi também objeto de nossa investigação a consideração da teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann, que serviu de suporte para a apreciação, segundo a concepção de sistema jurídico adotada, da posição ocupada pelos Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário em relação ao mesmo sistema, a par da apreciação formulada, ainda, da principiologia e das correntes filosóficas do direito e da tributação, concebendo-se, assim, em decorrência, a norma jurídica (resultado da interação dos elementos, antes apontados, fundamentadas no neopositivismo) e no novo papel assumido pela jurisprudência como fonte do direito, viabilizado pela atuação do modelo típico-ideal de juiz, na forma do juiz-guardião. Nesse contexto, com base no quanto se sacou das análises empreendidas ao longo do presente trabalho, em resposta às indagações lançadas durante a formulação da introdução deste, apreendemos que as decisões judiciais irradiam normatividade, num caminho de norma individual e concreta até a geral e abstrata, seja por meio do cumprimento de expectativas normativas contrafáticas, seja mesmo no caso da objetivação das lides submetidas ao Poder Judiciário, sendo responsáveis pela irritação suficiente para que, sobretudo dentro da consideração empreendida, o legislador estadual ou distrital, produza o novo direito positivado. A aproximação efetuada entre a ética e o direito, dessa forma, construída, originariamente, pelas decisões judiciais do Poder Judiciário, tende a perpassar todo o sistema jurídico, servindo de base, ainda, para os momentos pré-exacionais e exacionais, que passam também a reproduzir, de sua parte, esta mencionada aproximação, representando uma tradução final dos princípios da segurança jurídica e da isonomia

La Déclaration relative aux principes et droits fondamentaux au travail, adoptée par l’Organisation Internationaledu Travail (OIT) en 1998, a érigé, en « seuil social minimal », huit Conventions internationales du travail dites« fondamentales » concernant quatre thématiques : la liberté d'association et la reconnaissance effective du droitde négociation collective, l'élimination de toute forme de travail forcé ou obligatoire, l'abolition effective dutravail des enfants et l'élimination de la discrimination en matière d'emploi et de profession. Depuis 2001, laRépublique Démocratique du Congo, membre de l’OIT, s’est évertuée à ratifier l’ensemble des « conventionsfondamentales » de l’OIT et à rendre conforme sa législation nationale. Cependant, l’intégration de ces normesfondamentales s’avère relative. Le constat peut être fait d’imperfections et d’incohérences techniques des texteslégaux et réglementaires et, surtout, de problèmes très importants d’effectivité. Certains préalables socioéconomiquescomme politico-institutionnels ne semblent pas encore réunis pour donner une véritable assise auxprincipes et droits fondamentaux de la personne au travail tels qu’envisagés par la Déclaration de 1998. De plus,le contenu même de cette dernière apparaît trop limité par rapport aux préoccupations des travailleurs congolaiset aux droits fondamentaux qui, de fait, ne leur sont pas reconnus. Paradoxalement, si l’on se situe en RD Congoparfois en deçà des attentes de la Déclaration de l’OIT de 1998, la réalité des conditions d’emploi et de travaildes travailleurs appelle à réfléchir à l’au-delà des seuls principes affirmés par la Déclaration de l’OIT de 1998. / The Declaration on fundamental principles and rights at work adopted by the International Labour Organisation(ILO) in 1998, erected by « minimum social floor », eight international labour Conventions say « fundamental»on four themes: freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining,elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor, the effective abolition of child labor and the eliminationof discrimination in respect of employment and occupation. Since 2001, the Democratic Republic of Congo, amember of ILO, has striven to ratify the set of « core conventions» of the ILO and to conform its nationallegislation. However, integration of these core standards turns on. The finding can be due to technicalimperfections and inconsistencies in laws and regulations, and especially of very important problems ofeffectiveness. Some socio-economic as political-institutional prerequisites do not yet seem together to give a realfoundation for fundamental principles and rights at work as envisaged by the 1998 Declaration. In addition, thecontent of the latter appears too limited compared to the concerns of Congolese workers and human rightswhich, in fact, they are not recognized. Paradoxically, if one is in DR Congo sometimes below expectations ofthe ILO Declaration of 1998, the reality of conditions of work and worker called to think about beyond theprinciples alone affirmed by the ILO Declaration of 1998.

La lutte contre le terrorisme, ainsi que ses conséquences sur la sphère des droits de l'Homme, n'est pas un thème nouveau en Europe. Cependant, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés sur le sol des Etats-Unis, «confirmés» par ceux de Madrid en 2004 et Londres en 2005, elle n'a jamais incarné une telle priorité. La majeure partie des mesures prises par l'Union européenne tombe sous le titre de la coopération en matière pénale, c’est-à-dire sousl’ex-troisième Pilier, parmi lesquelles la décision-cadre sur la lutte contre le terrorisme, la décision-cadre sur le mandat d'arrêt européen et les accords entre l'Union européenne et les Etats-Unis d'Amérique sur l'extradition et l'assistance juridique mutuelle. Sur base des mesures européennes, certains Etats, historiquement non concernés par ce phénomène, ont été pressés à adopter des mesures anti-terroristes alors que d’autres y ont vu une légitimation pour renforcer leur corpus juridique déjà existant. Quel est l'impact des mesures européennes et de celles prises par les Etats sur le délicat équilibre entre la sécurité et la liberté ? En d'autres termes, quel est le rôle de l'Etat de droit : une limitation à ces mesures ou, un principe visant au renforcement du combat contre le terrorisme? / The fight against terrorism, as well as its consequences in the field of Human Rights, is not a new theme for Europe. However, since the terrorist attacks of September the 11th 2001 in the United States of America, “confirmed” by the ones of Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, it has never embodied such a priority. The larger part of the measures taken by the European Union falls under the heading of cooperation in criminal matters, i.e. within the scope of the former Third Pillar, among which the framework decision on combating terrorism, the framework decision on the European arrest warrant and the agreements between the European Union and the United States of America on extradition and mutual legal assistance. On basis of the European measures, some States, not historically concerned by terrorism, have been compelled to carry out counter-terrorism measures whereas, others have seen a legitimation to reinforce their existing body of law. What is the impact of the European measures and the ones taken by States on the delicate balance between security and liberty? In other words, what is the role of the Rule of Law: a limitation to those measures or, a principle aiming to the strengthening of the fight against terrorism?

This project uses Michel Foucault’s underdeveloped notion of “tolerated illegality” as a departure point for two converging inquiries. The first analyzes, and then critiques, dominant legal logics and values. This part argues that traditional legal philosophers exhibit a “disagreement without difference,” generally concurring that legal certainty and predictability enhance agency. Subsequently, this section critiques “formal legal” logic by linking it to science envy (specifically the desire for certainty and predictability), and highlighting its agency- limiting effects (e.g. the violence of law en-force-ment). The second part examines multiple dimensions of tolerated illegality, exploring the permutations of this complex socio-legal phenomenon. Here the implications of tolerated illegality are mapped across different domains, ranging from the dispossession of Indigenous peoples of their lands, to the latent ideologies embedded in superhero shows. This section also examines the idea of liberal “tolerance,” as well as the themes of power, domination, politics, bureaucracy, and authority. Ultimately, this project demonstrates that it is illuminating to study legality and (tolerated) illegality in tandem because although analyses of “formal legality” provide helpful analytical texture, the polymorphous and entangled nature of tolerated illegality makes clear just how restricted and artificial strict analyses of legality can be. / Graduate

La justice est un attribut fondamental de l’Etat moderne. Elle assure, dans unesociété démocratique, la sauvegarde de l’édifice normatif ainsi que la protection des droitset libertés. Une justice indépendante et efficace est un symbole de l’Etat de droit. Ellerévèle la réalité de la séparation des pouvoirs et consacre le règne du droit. Maisl’efficacité de tout appareil judiciaire dépend de la nature et de l’ampleur des moyens dontil dispose. Or, dans nombre d’Etats francophones, le système judiciaire connaît denombreuses faiblesses, liées tantôt aux avatars des processus de stabilisationdémocratique, tantôt aux situations plus fragiles de sortie de crise. La question durenforcement des capacités des institutions judiciaires se trouve ainsi posée. Et c’est surcette base que l’Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF) a investi, depuisune trentaine d’années, le champ de la coopération juridique et judiciaire. Ayant inscrit lapromotion de la démocratie au coeur de son action politique, la Francophonie a pris desengagements forts et développé, en s’appuyant sur ses réseaux institutionnels, desprogrammes destinés à accompagner ses Etats membres dans le renforcement descapacités de leurs systèmes de justice. Cet engagement est perceptible dans le corpusnormatif de l’Organisation. Il marque la ferme volonté des Etats francophones d’ancrerleurs relations dans un cadre de coopération, attaché à la protection des droitsfondamentaux et à la régulation des pouvoirs majoritaires. La justice est donc désormaisérigée en priorité dans le champ des préoccupations francophones. Elle y est saisie tantaux niveaux national et international que dans sa dimension transitionnelle. / Justice is a fundamental attribute of modern States. In a democratic society, itguarantees the safeguard of the standard-setting framework as well as the protection ofrights. An independent and effective justice is a symbol of the rule of law. It illustrates theseparation of powers and establishes the primacy of law. But the efficiency of any judicialsystem depends on the nature and the extent of the resources at its disposal. Yet, inmany Francophone countries, the judicial system faces many weaknesses, sometimesrelated to the avatars of democratic stabilisation processes, sometimes to more fragilepost-crisis situations. So the question of the capacity development of the judicialinstitutions arises. For thirty years, the International Organization of La Francophonie(OIF) has entered the legal and judicial cooperation field on this basis. By including thepromotion of democracy at the heart of its political action, the OIF has indeed made strongcommitments and developed programs aimed at accompanying its member States in thecapacity development of their justice systems, thanks to its institutional networks. Thiscommitment can be seen in several statements of the Organization. It demonstrates thewill of the Francophone States to anchor their relationships in a cooperation framework,dedicated to the protection of fundamental rights and the regulation of majorities’ powers.Today, justice is consequently established as a priority in Francophone concerns. It isentered in both national and international level and in its transitional dimension

Dans un pays où le pouvoir se conquiert et ne se conserve que par la force, la fonction du président de la République est en République démocratique du Congo, celle d'un élu du peuple sans l'être réellement; de facto il exerce le pouvoir d'un monarque absolu. Depuis son accession à l'indépendance en juin 1960, la République démocratique du Congo a fait le choix de l'élection comme seul et unique moyen de dévolution du pouvoir politique, notamment de la fonction présidentielle; celle-ci n'a jamais connu d'alternance démocratique. A partir du coup d’État militaire du Lieutenant Général Mobutu, destituant en novembre 1965 Joseph Kasa­vubu, alors démocratiquement élu en juin 1960 par les deux Chambres du Parlement, le recours à la force s'est imposé dans les faits comme l'unique moyen par excellence d'accès au pouvoir. C'est dans cette optique, que s'explique la conquête du pouvoir de Laurent Désiré Kabila par les armes en mai 1997, et son remplacement par son fils, le Général major Joseph Kabila, qui à l'instar d'un prince, a hérité la présidence de la République en janvier 2001, alors que le Congo est une République théoriquement démocratique ! Devenue comme un grand village et une grande chefferie moderne, organisée autour d'un homme, ayant le monopole de l'autorité et revendiquant la grâce et la sacralité du pouvoir (chef) des chefferies traditionnelles, qu'il combine régulièrement avec les habitus patrimonialistes et monarchistes hérités du roi Léopold II, la République démocratique du Congo paraît être un Etat de droit que dans les textes. Le président congolais n'est autre qu'un monarque à la tête d'une République, il a personnalisé l’État, concentré tous les pouvoirs étatiques et exerce sa fonction sans admettre ou tolérer aucun contre-pouvoir. / In a country where power is conquered and maintained only by force, the office of President of the Republic is in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, that of an elected representative of the people without really being one; de facto he exercises the power of an absolute monarch. Since its independence in June 1960, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has chosen elections as the only means of devolving political power, particularly for the presidential office, which has never experimented democratic political change The use of force has become technically the ultimate means of accessing power since the military coup d'état in November 1965 by Lieutenant General Mobutu which finally deposed Joseph Kasa-Vubu who had been democratically elected in June 1960 by the two houses of Parliament. Laurent Désiré Kabila 's conquest relying on weapons power in May 1997 can then be explained. Then Major General Joseph Ka bila took over from his father. He inherited the presidency of the Republic of the Congo like a prince would do in January 2001, though Congo being a democratic republic! The Democratic Republic of Congo has become a great village and a great modern chiefdom, organized around a man, having the monopoly of authority and claiming the grace and sacredness of power (chief) of the traditional chiefdoms, which he regularly combines with the patrimonialist and monarchist habitus inherited from King Leopold Il, but it seems to be a State of law only in the texts. The Congolese president is none other than a monarch at the head of a Republic, he has personalized the state, concentrated ail state powers and exercised the presidential function without admitting or tolerating any counter-power.

We are inundated by a constant feed of media that responds and adapts in real time to the impulses of our psyches and the dimensions of our devices. Beneath the surface, this stream of information is directed by hidden, automated controls and steered by political agendas. The transmission of information has evolved into a spiral of entropy, and the boundaries between author, content, platform, and receiver have blurred. This reductive space of responsive media is a catalyst for immense political and cultural change, causing us to question our notions of authority, truth, and reality.

L'étude a porté sur deux outils élaborés par l’Union européenne à l'appui de ses politiques d'allocation d'aide extérieure au bénéfice principalement d'Etats en développement et participant à sa stratégie de promotion du respect de droits de l’homme dans les Etats tiers. Il s'agit du mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique d’une part, et de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance d’autre part. L'une des principales critiques que la doctrine adresse à l’Union au sujet de sa politique de conditionalité est son incapacité à répondre à l’une des attentes fondamentales qui la sous-tend, à savoir : la naissance d’une politique d’aide extérieure détachée des considérations géopolitiques et visant à protéger et promouvoir efficacement les droits de l’homme. Dans la mesure où la doctrine en attribue en général la responsabilité à l’absence de clarté et de prévisibilité du mécanisme de la conditionnalité démocratique, cette critique eut dû conduire à l’élaboration d’un régime davantage juridicisé. Or, l'émergence de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance révèle que l’Union n’a pas opté pour une telle solution. C’est alors que, divisant mon étude en deux parties, la première affectée à l’étude du mécanisme conditionnel et la seconde affectée à l’étude de la doctrine de gouvernance, je me suis interrogée sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’Union avait pu choisir de recourir d’abord à un appel au droit, et ensuite à une repolitisation partielle de son mécanisme. Prenant appui sur une étude des documents officiels des institutions européennes, de la pratique de l'Union et des théories des relations internationales, l'étude tend à révéler les atouts et les limites théoriques de chacune de ces stratégies déstinées à suciter des réformes particulières dans les Etats partenaires de l’Union.Il apparaîtra que l’appel au droit opéré dans le cadre du mécanisme de conditionnalité répondait à des besoins et à une logique spécifiques lors de son institution, mais que la forme juridicisée du mécanisme conditionnel tel qu’institué se heurtait à diverses limites. La doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance, dans le même temps qu’elle acte ces limites et tend à les dépasser, amène à de nouveaux questionnements. The study related to both EU tools, affecting its external aid policies and contributing to its human rights strategy : conditionality and governance. One of the main critic that the doctrine addresses to EU conditionality, is its incapacity to lead to an external aid free of geopolitical considerations and acting to protect and promote effectively the human rights. The doctrine explains this weakness by pointing out the mechanism of conditionality’s lack of clearness and previsibility. Despite this critic is pleading for a more legalized mechanism, the governance strategy reveals that the Union did not choose such a solution.Then, dividing the study into two parts, the first assigned to conditional mechanism and the second assigned to governance, I’m asking the reason why a less legalized mecanism succeeded to conditionality. Based on cooperation agreements, strategic orientations, EU practice and the international relations theories, the study tends to reveal the assets and limits of the two strategies. It appears that the legalization process of conditionality can be explained by specific needs but it encountered various limits. At the same times, while strategy based on Governance adresses some of them, this new tool reveals new questions.