1990年代以來，區域貿易協定的數目呈現倍數成長，發展到今日，全世界已約有230個FTA。然而臺灣卻因政治因素被屏除在區域經濟整合之外，將為臺灣經濟帶來諸多挑戰，我國若欲走出困境、強化在國際間的競爭力，勢必要有所作為。因此馬英九總統在競選總統時就以「與世界連結，參與全球區域經濟整合」為經貿政策主軸，而充分利用中國大陸現有的資源與市場，與其簽署區域貿易協定更是最具關鍵性的一步。經過多次正式與非正式的溝通協調，2010年6月29日，兩岸正式在重慶簽署ECFA，並於同年9月12日正式實施。 但從ECFA議題拋出到簽署實施，各界的爭辯從未停止，究竟ECFA對臺灣是危機還是轉機？是幫助臺灣走向世界還是被鎖進中國？值得深入研究，因此本文藉由國內外相關文獻來探討簽署ECFA對我國政治、經濟社會以及國家安全層面的影響，以增加閱讀者對ECFA的了解，也能成為政府推動ECFA的參考。 / Since 1990s, the number of the region trade agreements has been doubling, and until now there has been a total of 230 FTAs around the world. However, due to political factors, Taiwan has been dismissed outside the regional economies conformity, which will bring many obstacles toward the economic development in Taiwan. If our country intends to walk away from the dilemma and raise our competiveness, some steps must be taken. Therefore, while running for the presidency, President Ma Yingjiu brought up, 〝Links with the world, participates in the whole world regional economies conformity〞 as his economics and trade policy. By fully making using at the mainland China’s existing resources and markets, it was a must for Taiwan to sign the region trade agreement with china. After several official and unofficial communication and coordinating, on June 29, 2010, the Cross-Strait ECFA was signed officially in Chongqing, and implemented in the same year on September 12. Nevertheless, since the ECFA was carried out and signed, the debates from all walks of life has never come to an end. Is ECFA a crisis or a turning point for Taiwan？ Does it the help Taiwan to move toward the world or to be locked within China？It is worthwhile to conduct a research to clear out the doubts. This article dims to take a deeper look at how ECFA is influenced on Taiwan n terms of politics, economy, and national security. So that not only can the readers have a better understanding of the ECFA but also the government refers to it while the implementation of policy.

在耐延遲網路(Delay Tolerant Network)中，因為節點具有移動性，因此找不到穩定且持續的點對點資料傳送路徑。常見的路由協定可分為機會路由、基於預測的路由以及調度路由，然而這些路由協定使用在市區環境中，有著些許不足與不適用，因此本論文提出一個適用在市區資料傳送的演算法。 本論文提出之混合階層式路由演算法，是在市區環境中建立一個以公車為基礎的資料傳送架構，包含行人與公車兩種節點。我們建立節點與節點相遇時資料交換傳送規則，例如行人與行人相遇、行人與公車相遇或是公車與公車相遇時各自有不同的資料傳送判斷與限制。 實驗結果也證明所提出之混合階層式演算法，除了可以有效地減少傳送延遲時間並提高訊息傳送成功率，並且在給定節點一定的移動速度與緩衝區大小下，我們的演算法有著最突出的效能。 / In Delay Tolerant Networks (DTNs), there is no guarantee that a stable connected path between source and destination nodes always exists because of high node mobility. The current DTN routing protocols can be summarized into three categories: opportunistic, prediction-based and scheduling protocols. However, these routing protocols have some deficiencies and are not specifically focused on the urban areas which have primarily two hierarchical nodes, namely pedestrian and bus nodes. We proposed a Hybrid Hierarchy Routing Protocol, a bus-based architecture for urban areas. We established the rules of data transmission when one node contacts other nodes. More specifically, Ped-to-Ped, Ped-to-Bus and Bus-to-Bus contacts, have different judgments and restrictions for data forwarding. The simulation results demonstrate that the Hybrid Hierarchy Routing Protocol can effectively reduce the delivery delay and improve the successful delivery rate. And in given certain speed and buffer sizes, our algorithm has the most prominent performance.

美國柯林頓總統於1995、1996年所提出《擴大與交往的國家安全戰略》報告指出：「美國國家安全戰略基礎在於擴大市場、民主社群，同時嚇阻與圍堵對我們國家、盟邦與我們利益的廣泛威脅。」。為了這一廣泛目的，美國須維持一個強大的防衛力量與運用有效的外交政策，以提升合作性的安全措施；致力打開外國市場與激勵全球成長；助長海外的民主並促進區域的合作安全等。 　　小布希總統2002年《美國國家安全戰略》報告也將「透過自由市場和自由貿易開啟全球經濟發展的新時期」列為國家安全戰略的一環。2006年的「美國國家安全戰略」重申自由且公平的貿易政策是第一支柱的一部份，透過自由市場和自由貿易來啟動一個全球經濟成長的新時代是其整體戰略之一；另一方面為了終結暴政和促進有效率的民主，工具之一就是締結自由貿易協定，鼓勵各國加強法治、打擊腐敗、落實民主責任。 　　美國的東亞政策可說重回「新現實主義」與「新自由主義」的雙軌路線。東亞經貿的發展與區域經濟的整合，更是讓美國看到延長霸權經濟命脈的新金礦。未來區域內的主導地位，將會取決於中國與美國相互競爭，這個競爭也許會是良性的，各取所需、各有所獲，但是過程中將會顯示這兩個大國經濟發展將在區域內的產生權力消長。 　　美國認為，中國在地緣戰略上是具有實力引起國際權力分配產生重大轉變，因此美國政策必須調和改變去掌控中國，以便維持及促進美國重大利益。但是隨著國際局勢變化，美國對中國的態度趨於務實，摒除與中國聯盟對抗蘇聯的思維，轉為全面性交往，但是強化其與日本等國的軍事同盟關係。 　　推展民主制度雖然不一定是美國的優先要務，但只要機會，美國總是鼓勵各國走向民主，因為美國人普遍認為，民主政體有能力抵擋極權擴張、便於美國行使權利、減少軍事衝突的風險。此論點乃基於民主國家比非民主國家更不願意發動戰爭之想法。在某些菁英人士心目中，保障及推展民主乃是美國重要的道德目標。 　　美國為確保國家利益及國家安全戰略總體指導，後冷戰時期美國在東亞區域經濟、軍事、政治安全等領域維護將更為重視，並力求主導區域安全相關議題制定、運作機制和秩序規範。 / US president Clinton points out a topic “Enlargement and Engagement” in the National Security Strategy Report, it says “United States National Security Strategy is based on enlargement the market and diplomatic social groups, simultaneously deter and stop any threat that will disadvantage out nation and allied nations.” For this general purpose, United States has to sustain a strong defense power and utilize diplomatic to improve the cooperation of security measures, endeavor in open foreign market, incentive global economic growth, diplomatic nations growth, and area security cooperation, etc. 　　President George Bush also point out “use free market and free trading to open the new growth of global economic era” from the National Security Strategy Report in 2002. It restated free and fair trading policy plays a big portion in 2006. Through free market and free trading to initiate a new era of global economic growth is part of the plan. The tool of terminating tyranny and effective the diplomatic is making a trade policy to encourage other nations stop crime and corruption. Play the role of democracy country. 　　United States Eastern Asia policy is back to theory of “neo-realism” and “neo-liberalism” two axis. The development of Eastern Asia Trade and Integration of Area Economic are the new vault for United States to prolong his sovereign rule in economic. The future leading nation of the area depends on China and United States competition. It maybe positive, each gains his own benefits, but the process will show the grow or diminish of these two nations economic growth within the area. 　　United States think that China’s regional strategy is very powerful which makes the change of international power distribution, so that U.S. has to adjust the policy to facilitate the U.S. key interests. But, along the change of international situation, the U.S. attitude with China turns out to be more practical. It changes the idea of allied with China against Soviet to fully engage with China in all perspectives. In addition, it strengths the military allied relationship with Japan and eastern Asia countries. 　　To popularize the democracy is not the first priority of United States. If there is a chance, U.S. will always encourage all countries toward democracy. American think that democratic system can stop the extremity system expand, which ease U.S. use his privilege and reduce military conflict risk. This is based on democratic nation is more unwilling to start a war than any other nations. In certain elites’ mind, that the goal of U.S. ethics is to ensure and improve democratic. 　　After cold war era based on U.S. interest, United States is more emphasize on the Eastern Asia’s economic, military, and political security, and endeavor on leading the area security.

西元2010年Google不滿中國對於網際網路之審查規範，因而宣布退出中國網際網路搜尋引擎市場之營運，Google認為中國網際網路之審查規範已影響自由貿易，並於同年（2010年）發表白皮書，強調政府管制網路資訊的行為會影響貿易，於附件中討論WTO服務貿易總協定應如何適用於政府限制網路資訊之措施。Google冀望美國能將此爭議訴諸於世界貿易組織之爭端解決機構；而美國貿易代表署也受Google之呼籲，著手研究將中國網路審查措施，向世界貿易組織提出爭端案件之可能。 為了解本爭端若訴諸WTO爭端解決，美國勝訴之可能性，以及預測中國是否可能因Google案件而被迫調整其網路管制以符合WTO規範，本文討論重心將從WTO服務貿易總協定規範之角度探討Google所指摘之中國對於網際網路搜尋引擎服務之管制。

在世界貿易組織（WTO）的架構之下，各國對於政府採購的行為逐漸多所重視，因政府機關兼具有公權力行使單位，而以不同之民事主體身分到市場上購買貨物、勞務等的採購行為，進而影響國家的財經政策，並隨著政府行政部門在國家活動中的加強作用，政府採購金額不斷的擴大，政府採購職能也由簡單的節約公共資金和提高公共資金使用效率，拓展到政府解決貧困、扶持弱勢產業甚至走出經濟的低潮等等。當國家利用政府採購功能解決前述問題，進而影響國際自由貿易，產生國際經濟往來時的自由貿易壁壘，政府採購就成了國際經濟貿易規則所欲約制的對象。 政府採購協定（GPA），是WTO架構下的複邊協定之一，我國在2009年加入後，開啟了政府採購制度的新頁，也使我國廠商得以進入其他會員國的政府採購市場。中國大陸自2001年加入WTO時，就承諾加入的原則及立場，迄今尚未入會。 中國大陸實施政府採購法之前，對於政府採購規範的相關資料甚少，然中國大陸依其政治經濟的影響力，不論是掌有各經濟體之各國外債，或者國家之間所簽署的投資合作協議，甚至各國家、各經濟體都渴望中國大陸政府出手投資或挹注資金以解決其國內經濟問題的情況之下，中國大陸透過GPA尋拓商機的需要，與各國覬覦中國大陸的政府採購市場，在競爭當中產生有趣的博奕現象。 本文從兩岸相關政府採購制度沿革、政治經濟的發展過程、加入政府採購協定的相關資料，探討政府採購執行及台商參與中國大陸政府採購所發生的問題。 / Within the framework of the World Trade Organization (WTO), countries are paying more attention to the government procurement. The government agencies, despite being public authority bodies, act as civil subjects as well while purchasing merchandise and services in the market, hence the government procurement can affect a country's financial policy. Moreover, as the executive departments dominate national activities and the procurement amounts grow constantly, the functions of government procurement extend from saving public funds and improving their efficiency to addressing poverty, supporting declining industries and even overcoming the economic downturn, etc.. As long as the government procurement are used to solve the mentioned problems, and consequently trade barriers are set on free trade in terms of international economic exchange, government procurement become an object of international trade regulations. Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) is a plurilateral agreement under the framework of the WTO. Taiwan's accession to the GPA in 2009 not only turned a new page on our government procurement system, but also entitled our suppliers to enter the government procurement market of other Member States. On the other hand, the PRC is not yet a GPA member state, despite its policy and commitment to join since the accession to the WTO in 2001. Little information is available on government procurement specifications before the implementation of government procurement law in the PRC. Nevertheless, the PRC has great political and economic influence with its investment in the foreign debts of other economies, the investment cooperation agreements it signed with other countries and the fact that many economies are expecting its investment or capital injection to help them out of the domestic economic difficulties. It is under this circumstances that China wants to expand business opportunities through the GPA while other countries are eagerly eyeing the Chinese government procurement market. Their competition forms an interesting game phenomenon. In this dissertation I compile relevant information to compare the cross-strait government procurement system evolution, their political and economic development process and their accession to the Government Procurement Agreement. I also have interviews with government procurement officials from both sides of the strait, participating suppliers and Taiwanese businessmen in order to study the issues that occur when government procurement projects are implemented and when Taiwanese businessmen get involved with the PRC government procurement.

中國服務業近年來成長迅速，服務貿易額占世界比重亦愈來愈高，且截至2012年10月為止，中國已與香港、澳門、東協、新加坡、紐西蘭、智利、巴基斯坦、秘魯及哥斯大黎加等國家和地區簽署雙邊服務貿易協定，積極對外開放服務業市場。目前臺灣正與中國進行ECFA服務貿易協定的協商談判，因此深化研究中國服務業對外開放的戰略，以及分析中國至今已簽署之所有服務貿易協定的承諾內容與開放程度，是臺灣當前重要經貿課題之一。 本文使用文獻分析法探究中國服務業對外開放的戰略與政策，同時採用Marchetti and Roy（2008）的量化分析法，計算中國目前所有服務貿易協定之開放程度，並探討中國各大部門之開放情形，得到許多重要結論。首先，本文認為中國在服務業對外開放的戰略面和政策面實為相互呼應，於2001年加入WTO之後即全面擴大服務業的對外開放，並且日益重視服務貿易的發展，特別是新興服務貿易。其次，儘管中國於雙邊簽署許多服務貿易協定，但除了對香港（和澳門）新增約10.7%的開放程度之外，其餘國家平均僅新增2.6%的開放程度，可見中國實質開放程度並不高。另外，本文亦發現中國在採礦相關、醫院和旅遊等服務部門，會視部門類型之不同，決定不同之開放對象。最後，文末整理臺灣應於ECFA服務貿易談判盡力爭取開放之部門，並提出若干談判策略建議。 / In recent years, China has made remarkable progress in developing its service industry, and its proportion of trade in services in the world has risen significantly. Until October 2012, China has already signed nine bilateral agreements on trade in services with Hong Kong, Macao, ASEAN, Singapore, New Zealand, Chile, Pakistan, Peru and Costa Rica, showing its activeness and resolution to open up the services market. Taiwan is also negotiating with China about the negotiation of trade in services. Therefore, to understand China’s opening-up strategy and analyze both the content of commitments and the degree of openness in all agreements on trade in services China have signed, have become one of the major economic issues for Taiwan’s government. This thesis used literature analysis method to explore China’s opening-up strategies and policies in its service industry, and applied the quantitative method based on Marchetti and Roy(2008) to calculate the degree of openness in all agreements on trade in services China have signed. Meanwhile, the current situation of China’s service sectors was examined separately. There are three principal findings. First of all, China’s opening-up strategy in service industry is very consistent to its policies. Since China joined the WTO in 2001, it has not only significantly opened up its services market, but also made more efforts into the development of trade in services, especially the emerging sectors. Second, although China has signed many bilateral agreements on trade in services, the real degree of openness is not high. Except Hong Kong (and Macau), which gets approximately 10.7 percentages more in the degree of openness stipulated in the WTO agreement, the rest of countries only get 2.6 percentages more degree of the openness in average. Third, for particular purposes, China would give different treatment to different countries in service industries like services incidental to mining, hospital services, and touristic services. Finally, this thesis lists some service sectors, which Taiwan should strive for China’s opening-up on the negotiation of Trade in Services, and provides some suggestions for negotiation strategy.

作為世界經濟的全球化和區域化趨勢的一部分，哥倫比亞和台灣開始的優惠貿易協定的談判與各自的周邊大國 - 美國和中國。 / As part of the globalization of world economy and the growing regionalization trend, Colombia and Taiwan started the negotiation of Preferential Trade Agreements with their respective neighboring powers -the United States and China-, in a process in which individual and regional interests are at stake. This work argues that the will of creating a PTA is motivated by strategic interaction and strong political consideration under the logic of “politicized trade”from the US and China's side; while for Taiwan and Colombia it is the need of improving their economic ties with the rest of the world as well as their positions in the international order.

在耐延遲網路環境下，訊息資料的傳送依賴於節點間因移動性而產生的間斷性連結，並使用「儲存並攜帶再轉送」的方式傳遞至其目的地，因此網路中各個節點的儲存空間以及與其他節點的「接觸關連性」將扮演訊息傳遞品質的重要因素。 本論文提出一以Flooding-based與Forwarding-based兩類路由協定為基礎設計結構、並加以擴充考量訊息優先權於轉發機制之三階段式路由演算法。其主要概念在於利用網路中節點的移動特性來週期性地預測節點與節點間未來的相遇人氣做為訊息散播時的分配權重、及以累計相遇時間之比率為接觸關聯性做為訊息是否進一步轉送之依據、最後並在訊息傳送順序上加入優先權排序的策略。根據與其他路由演算法的模擬實驗，顯示我們所提的演算法能有較高的訊息傳遞成功率、相對低的資源耗費、以及差異化訊息傳送服務的效能。 / Delay Tolerant Networks (DTNs) use the “Store-Carry-and-Forward” approach to deliver the messages to the destinations. It relies on the intermittent link that occurs when two nodes contact each other due to mobility. Therefore, the buffer and “contact association” of nodes are two important factors that affect the delivery performance. In this thesis, we propose a three-phase algorithm (SFMS: Spray and Forwarding scheme with Message Scheduling) that integrates the concepts of flooding-based and forwarding-based protocols, and considers message priority. The main idea of SFMS is to periodically predict the contact popularity and contact association among nodes, such that we can determine the fast message spraying and efficient forwarding strategy. Furthermore, we come up with a message scheduling mechanism to enhance the resource allocation. Simulation results show that our scheme has a better performance for delivering messages. Besides, it also achieves a differential delivery performance for different priorities of messages while maintaining a better resource allocation.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

海峽兩岸自2008年6月恢復中斷近10年的制度化協商管道之後，迄2013年6月，兩岸兩會已舉行9次高層會談並簽署19項協議，以及達成2項共識，不僅建立了兩岸「機制對機制」、「官員對官員」的協商模式，亦創造兩岸在經貿、社會交流秩序等各項互動上的保障，為兩岸關係打造和平穩定之發展環境。在此氛圍下，已逐步奠定了兩岸互利互信之基礎，亦深化了雙方在政治、經濟、社會、文化等多層面之交流，也預示著兩岸未來之合作與發展將有無限可能。 在此特別值得一提的是，兩岸於2010年6月29日第5次江陳會談簽署「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)之同時，亦簽署了「海峽兩岸智慧財產權保護合作協議」，復於2012年8月9日第8次江陳會談簽署了「海峽兩岸海關合作協議」。前揭協議之簽署為兩岸在「智慧財產權保護」以及「海關合作」兩議題建立了相互溝通之平臺。因此，研析與比較我國與中國大陸海關智慧財產權邊境保護相關措施及其異同點，對於兩岸海關未來在相關措施法制面與實務執行面之革新、發展與合作十分重要。 本文首先透過對於兩岸相關文獻之回顧、相關國際規範及其發展之認識，瞭解兩岸及國際間海關智慧財產權邊境措施之過去與現在，再分別針對我國與中國大陸海關智慧財產權邊境措施進行研究，以充分瞭解兩岸海關現行措施之法制面與實務執行情形，復透過對於兩岸之間海關關員之執法權力、海關緝獲之侵權貨物，以及智慧財產權邊境措施制度面之比較，研析雙方之異同，並提出改進意見，最後再綜合歸納以獲致研究成果。 / Since June 2008 when Taiwan and China resumed institutionalized negotiation that has been interrupted for nearly ten years till June 2013, the Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) have held nine rounds of high-level talks, signed 19 agreements, and reached two consensuses. The resumption of bilateral talks has not only led to the establishment of “mechanism vs mechanism” and “official vs official” negotiation models, but has also safeguarded the security of economic and social activities in both sides and created a peaceful and stable environment for cross-strait relation. In this context, the two sides, which have gradually gained mutual trust, have deepened bilateral exchanges in political, economic, social and welfare aspects for mutual benefits. All of these forebode every possibility of future cooperation and development between the two sides. One thing worth our attention is the signing of the “Cross-Strait Agreement on Intellectual Property Rights Protection and Cooperation” on June 29th, 2010 when SEF and the ARATS officially signed the Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement in the fifth round of Chiang-Chen talks. Furthermore, both sides signed the “Cross-Strait Customs Cooperation Agreement” on August 9th, 2012 in the eighth round of Chiang-Chen talks. The signing of the above agreements sets up a platform for both sides in implementing “IPR protection” and “Customs cooperation.” Therefore, the analysis and comparison of Cross-Strait Customs IPR protection border measures is very crucial to the innovation, improvement and cooperation of cross-strait Customs in terms of legal and practical aspects of relevant measures in the future. This study, through survey of cross-strait literature and knowledge of international standards and the development thereof, intends to comprehend the past and present of cross-strait Customs IPR border measures and international standards and then proceed to study IPR border measures of cross-strait Customs, so as to fully understand the legal and practical situation of current cross-strait Customs implementing IPR protection. Through comparing the legal authority of Customs officers, infringed commodities seized by Customs and IPR enforcement system of cross-strait Customs, this study also intends to analyze the discrepancies between the two Customs administrations and propose some personal opinions for improvement and present some conclusions as research results.